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18.MJ .S Early Italian Painting to i4oo ROBERT OERTEL The glory of Italian Renaissance art has overshadowed the work of lier Italian masters. number tury, a great ear- In the past cenof panel paint- and frescoes of extraordinary importance have come to light, and ings these masterpieces reveal a hitherto unknown In outstanding richness. art of Early Italian Painting, art his- torian Robert Ocrtcl, director of the picture gallery of the State Museum Berlin-Dahlcm, gives a complete account of Italian painting from the in Dark Ages the threshold of the to Renaissance. Beginning with the earliest examples in the fifth to centuries, he advances to the seventh monu- mental works of the eleventh century such as Sant'Angclo in Formis and the development of panel painting in the following two cen- — — turies. The major part of the book on Cimabue, Duccio, Simonc Martini, the Lorcnzettis, and, concentrates above This is Giotto. all, the painting book on first to include early Italian fourteenth the century, thereby emphasizing the full Giotto as a culmination of what went before him as well as an influence on later painthistorical significance of ers. A thorough discussion of paint- ing in Assisi and Rome at the turn of the thirteenth century introduces the core of the book — the study Giotto's entire career. of Questions of attribution are considered, and there study of technique and the relation between design and execution. Giotto's contemporaries, the great Sienese masters, are presenis a fascinating ted individually and in relation to the Florentine master. Finally, the author describes the development of the up to the time schools of the Trecento of the penetration of "International Gothic" into Italy. Continued on back flap
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Early Italian Painting to 1400

Early Italian Painting to 1400 ROBERT OERTEL Frederick A. Praeger, Publishers New York • Washington
Books that matter Published in the United States of America in 1968 by Frederick A. Praeger, 111 © Fourth Avenue, Inc., Publishers New York, N. Y. 10003 1966 in Stuttgart, Germany, by W. Kohlhammer GmbH, Stuttgart Berlin Koln Mainz All rights reserved Library of Congress Catalog Card Number: 68-13133 Printed in West Germany by W. Kohlhammer GmbH, Stuttgart BfiACiMin 1 C4f
Contents Foreword. page Introduction 9 i The 2 The eleventh and 3 Early Tuscan panel-painting 4 Florence and Siena in the Duecento 5 Assisi 6 Giotto 7 Giotto and his pupils early and : Middle Ages twelfth centuries Rome the early years Plates 1-J2 7 20 4i 50 64 83 113
1 8 Duccio 195 9 Simone Martini 202 and Ambrogio Lorenzetti 10 Pietro 1 Orcagna and 12 The Triumph his circle of Death 218 240 247 Plates 73-128 249 13 The end 309 14 Trecento painting outside Tuscany 317 Notes on the text 335 Index 372 of the Trecento in Florence
Foreword Works of art need a receptive eye of our own no direct today is as all in its historical context. by reference will elude us. Thus if our to that the reality of the past The come to This life. past. is true There is art of the past. Familiarity Art history attempts to arrive at historical truth: past except we must they are to with what is being done necessary for an understanding of ancient art - and it can only be approach to the understood dox if time and even more so of works of the distant is own we same para- cannot comprehend the experience, and yet at variance we hope subject to the is if we are not aware with our present experience, the truth works of an to understand the try to grasp the significance of their strange early master and unfamiliar elements. rediscovery of early Italian painting was preceded by a long prepara- tory phase that extended back as far as the end of the eighteenth century, and indeed some useful work teenth century. For a in this field good part of our had already been done in the seven- knowledge of medieval works of art we are indebted to the antiquarian interests of the Baroque era. Furthermore, many old paintings and mosaics, now lost, were preserved in Baroque engravings and drawings. These copies have day research. It become indispensable to present- was only towards the end of the eighteenth century, however, that this antiquarian interest proach. This was when was converted into an authentic historical ap- Italian scholars first started to engage in systematic research into the records, including those of the Middle Ages, for the pur- The poses of art history. at that time, wanted It 'antiques', was left first collections of Italian Primitives but the predominant interest was not works of to the were founded still antiquarian: collectors to a more thorough under- art. Romantics to open the way standing of the works of the early Italian masters. In about 1800, French, English, and German est in this period. ings art art lovers, as well as the Italians, became known through books and other were dispersed began to take an inter- Large collections were formed, and wall- and panel-paintpublications. in the process of secularization and found Many works their way of in to
Foreword museums and Those private collections. aware of pre-Raphaelite painting, At as it interested in the arts at last was then became characteristically called. the surge of admiration for the Renaissance in the latter part of the first nineteenth century obscured this interest in the art of the earlier Primitive which was regarded merely period, That sance'. of Assisi. is It is we telen, that as the 'preliminary stage of the Renais- how Henry Thode described it in only in our own century, thanks 1885 in his book on St Francis particularly to Friedrich Rin- have again realized the greatness of Giotto mind influence of his powerful centre of the present work. is still theme Its as an artist, and the growing. Giotto therefore stands in broad terms at the the prelude to Giotto, is the extent of his historical significance (which has only recently been recog- and nized), A eries. wide his stylistic influence. book monograph of substantial part of the Rintelen's approach to Giotto, the first of is concerned with these very recent discov- 19 12 on Giotto kind that its is in is still a lasting record of an accord with our present- day interpretation. But precisely because Rintelen fastened so accurately on he missed the the topical values of Giotto's art, ficance, the full course of his development, and the wide range of ence. Both account aspects of Giotto, the historical we if form are to Italian painting artist's and the a true picture of him true historical signi- artistic, his influ- must be taken into today. before Giotto, especially the rich and characteristic panel- painting of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, has to a large extent been rediscovered only in recent decades, and the process has not yet end. New works of that period, been concealed beneath similarly many been discovered. It is The some coming to light. And of unique importance, have only recently part of our task to tant of these discoveries, to an which have hitherto escaped notice or have later paintings, are constantly wall-paintings, come draw attention to the and to indicate the most recent more impor- scientific conclusions. notes are devoted mainly to this purpose. Since the first further increased, and the come more book in 1953 the range of discoveries has discussion of what is known has extended and be- appearance of this penetrating. Relevant in the text as far as possible, In the illustrations, a to be reproduced. but number We have new findings have been taken into account many had to be assigned to the notes. of well-known masterpieces inevitably had attempted, however, to include as many illustra- tions as possible of newly-discovered material or recently restored works. author is indebted to scholars and friends for contributions, which are acknowledged their valuable suggestions in the relevant notes to the text. The and
Introduction In our search for the beginnings of Italian painting, a around 1300 the obvious turning-point. Like is Dante language and poetry, Giotto, in painting, stood of new study of the main lines development provides an apparently simple answer. The period of historical in the history of Italian at the threshold of centuries development. With the appearance of these two Florentines, assumed her awakening through distinctive national role in at the Western civilization. beginning of the fourteenth century did political activity, nor was it Italy The intellectual not come about primarily due to economic and social was the achievement of two artistic geniuses. The development states - the first independent Italian accomplishment in the field of advances. of city It political organization in itself - could do no more than prepare the ground, and was only an expression of particular each other. From tragic quarrel the resulting restraints with Ins native city; interests, often in bitter rivalry Dante found release with only through a Giotto disregarded those restraints from the very beginning. A new era in the Trecento is the history of art had begun. Seen an 'early' period, Giotto its from the High Renaissance, beginning, and everything before him prehistory. The new movement, which started around 1300, spread beyond national boundaries even in Giotto's own time. Dante's influence remained confined to the regions where the Italian language was known, but the language of painting created by Giotto was understood north of the Alps too, where it left early traces. 1 Italian artists, Sienese origin active in Avignon, was no lack of native above became the tury was also a period of change and spiritual simple his Burgundian miniature style, the painters of Roman and inspiration of Europe. There where the fourteenth cenrevival. However, without the creative talent in the north, impulse initiated by Giotto and art of the all contemporaries neither the refined courtly painters, nor Master Bertram's powerful nor the exuberant flowering of Bohemian painting at the time
Introduction of Charles IV and son Wenceslas, would have been possible. Even the his van Eyck brothers owed Italian painting initiated role. The And elements of their style to the revival of turning-point around 1300 whole of Western the essential under Giotto. again it was art as it is as European a important in the development of in the history of Italian art. only a century Italy, had already assumed Italy is later, that was the first European country to cross from the Middle Ages into the modern age. This process, the start of the Renaissance, took place with almost unbelievable swiftness and vigour. Historians have attempted to set back the decisive moment, and to detect the roots of the Renaissance in the fourteenth and even teenth century; they have also tried to do the reverse by tinuing survival of medieval trends well into the Renaissance. north of the Alps at the countries suffices to put all in the thir- con- stressing the But a glance and these qualifications reservations in their right perspective. The transition was more clearly and decisively marked any other country. half of the fifteenth century than in chiefly in art, as had been the post-medieval concept of expression in the visual case in the earlier transition and above all in painting. perspective, initiated in Florence about 1420, of space based ysis It manifested was a on mathematical laws which itself around 1300. The based on natural science found life arts, in Italy in the first its first The technique vivid of central product of the same anal- later made possible the ad- vance of natural science and the discoveries of Copernicus, Kepler and Galileo. and Never before or since has there been such close contact between science. Artists finally succeeded in ridding themselves of the social intellectual trammels of the Middle Ages. The Italian art thus came to an end. But origins so unequivocally? Perhaps our is it first phase in the history of really possible to first brief art and determine the survey has oversimplified the problem. The belief that the intellectual beginning of and artistic awakening of 1300 marked the Italian history in the full sense of the was a conviction current significant tradition: it epoch with the great achievements itself. Parallel history developed. numerous in art a consciousness of A sense of history already runs through Dante's great poem. Although the poet himself his word rests on a long and among the people of the still historical figures clung to the ancient traditions and although were only symbols and examples for his com- plex theological argument, the Divine Comedy had an influence on the historical awareness of succeeding generations that can hardly be overestimated. Dante's commentators contributed as 10 much the official chroniclers of the Trecento. to the Italians' sense of history as
Towards own At find Italians beginning to write their number that time Filippo Villani introduced a work on famous phies of painters into his decessor, we the end of the century art history. Cimabue, were hailed extinct' art of painting. 2 the as and Florentines. Giotto men who had Introduction of biograhis pre- revived the 'almost These two, and Giotto's more important pupils, were discussed with brevity and accuracy. At about the same time Cennino Cennini wrote II libro deWArte, a manual for painters describing the techniques of the workshops of the late Giotto school. 3 from Greek ment in a into Latin, it textbook written in the ing the Byzantine is and made He spirit of the style, stands for writes, 'Giotto translated art modern,' a surprisingly perceptive the past which Giotto had superseded. also significant that this second-generation pupil of the great sidered the 'modern' style - in ment - which he no doubt included to be Latin rather than Italian. In this sentence own his of about 1450, took the of the tion new same classical, Middle Ages were only a achieve- Cennino formulated he too looked on Giotto the conqueror of the maniera greca. art, between three periods - ever, the line: It master con- the basic thesis of Florentine art historians. Lorenzo Ghiberti, in his tarii state- Middle Ages. 'Greek', mean- He draws medieval and modern. Commen- as the founder a sharp distinc- To him, how- period of decay, a historical vacuum. This division into periods was the humanists' conception of history transposed into the history of art. 4 Realizing as we do today that Giotto was rooted in the Middle Ages as firmly as his contemporary Dante, Giorgio Vasari, the sixteenth-century biographer of rinascita in this Giotto's time, context for the first and not the period modern age. artists, it remarkable his own used the age. word we today regard modern as the Renaissance. age. He used the idea Middle Ages, the rudeness and barbarism of the Gothic era, to intensify its contrast re-born find time; but he meant the rebirth of art in that Vasari saw Giotto as the true initiator of the of the 'darkness' of the we modernity of Giotto's rather than that Ghiberti emphasizes the Thus with the brilliance both of antiquity and of the Ghiberti's basic approach remained valid for Vasari. Nevertheless, Vasari realized that the Middle Ages had been a constructive and creative period, although Furthermore, with ern' period, beginning decessor. His work, this his greater did not moderate his condemnation of them. knowledge, he was able to analyze the 'mod- about 1300, with more discrimination than first published in 1550, followed by a second, his pre- much en- larged edition in 1568, determined ideas about Italian art until well into the nineteenth century. 5 This lasting influence of Vasari his impressive and elaborate theory of the evolution of application to the change that took place was due partly art, especially in to its between the thirteenth and four- 11
Introduction teenth centuries, and partly to his postulation of the basic division into periods. For many years to come, the sharp dividing line distort the image of drawn by Vasari was to earlier periods. all This view established so early by Renaissance art historians was in essentials at the its time of Jakob Burckhardt. a grossly over-simplified rate and view of distinct period of immense We now realize We see history. still cultural productivity, and spective medieval But the change made way was our approach to us see apparently familiar facts in a stands at the beginning. His new the first 'their' re- no longer decisive step on the to the Renaissance, the foundation for everything that followed, also the climax, the He in the distant past. consummation of many Gothic culture was now that it was at also it its artistic tradition; its culmination in Europe in about 1300, and an essential itself. It art history, in realize classical art, its style. creative self- neglected: medieval was neither Gothic, nor Byzantine, nor simply Romanesque in the sense in which the word is applied to the Alps. But can it be called 'Italian' in the same way that an expression of the we element in the formation of Giotto's admiration for rediscovered painting in Italy it for essential elements of his style. Furthermore, There was a third element which Renaissance assurance and but diverse trends originating did not just supersede the Byzantine indeed he was indebted to was art history has also perspective. Giotto work was indeed it in the course European nations have been rediscovering in that the Middle Ages as a sepa- of the last fifty years art. accepted Italian spirit; and if so, how far back does the art north of Giotto's art Italian was medieval painting reach? We know of hundreds of panel-paintings, mainly from Latium and Umbria, twelfth century. The that still The also in the and earlier times suggest that since the early Christian era the tradition disappeared in and ruption at all. past, until we But and even increasing discoveries of panel-paintings of panel-painting - like the art of icons in the East centuries, from Tuscany, but in the thirteenth origins of tins craftsmanlike, but highly developed prolific, art are lost in obscurity. from were done Italy. 6 Wall-paintings were produced in Italy throughout the especially in 7 To - had never completely Rome where there seems to have been no interwe have to look even further into the trace these roots arrive at the origins of Christian art, the these cannot possibly be called Italian. So we must catacomb paintings. search for a new point of departure. From the time it ceased to be the centre of the Roman empire, Italy merged into a new supra-national community. During the early and later parts of the 12 Middle Ages the unity of Europe was a palpable reality. Church and empire
knew no national frontiers. The universality of religion and the common mode of daily life remained undisturbed even when the differences between the two dominant powers intensified, and when particular interests pursued their own ends. The great universal principles of the system were not seriously challenged until the end of the thirteenth century. Thomas Aquinas, the greatest philosopher of the Cologne just as he did Middle Ages, lived and taught in his native Italy. The upper intellectual and in Paris class Introduction was not the only group that felt itself related to the whole of Europe. The religious by St Francis of Assisi, a genuinely popular movement, spread few years of the saint's death (1226) to all Western countries. At revival led within a was that time Italian national awareness at still an embryonic stage. 8 St Francis himself, in addition to Italian, spoke Provencal, the prepared the way in Italy for the 'vulgar' tongue. As Romance offshoot that a written language Italian barely existed before the beginning of the thirteenth century; at least there are no works. traces of literary only one we was have), Italy an awareness of itself. language If among last Whenever is taken as the criterion Western nations the (it is awaken to were taken 'national' standpoints the to in the course of medieval controversies, they were merely tactical expedients, to be discarded when no longer required. Since the decline of antiquity Italy had indeed been only a 'geographical expression'. emperors mention the 'Kingdom of territory of of Spoleto and Benevento Rome own. Sandwiched Petri, was itself in the Middle Ages did not like to and the Normans ruled unite the peninsula the papacy; a new theless Frederick from power not And so, II, with his A The Byzantines, the SaraThe Hohenstaufens' attempt to ambition to turn the country into a single Italian unity. from Even Dante still hoped for its state, real- well after the attempt had failed, the Hohenstaufen dream we can talk about similar question applies and France. Today we spirit of unity. that until the were not conscious of sharing again whether be foreign rule - that of Anjou - replaced the old one. Never- must be admitted, however, Italians to citizens in Italians. in the south. contributed to the emergence of an Italian It its the south collapsed in the face of opposition had implanted the idea of ization. be called between the the papal state, with political a territorial underrated in comparison to the emperor and the pope, and cens, German the duchies : in looser association. north and the south was the Patrimonium its the records of Lombardy Lombardy and Tuscany, with formed the interests entirely of When they refer to the regions that once Italy', a end of the thirteenth century the common 'Italian' culture, culture and and it may be asked art before that time. with equal justification to the cultures of Germany hesitate to answer in the affirmative with the same 13
Introduction alacrity as elements we did a common short while ago. Perhaps we more to all these nations should consider the medieval relevant to our assessment of history than the peculiar national characteristics that separated them. Perhaps, we too, until A are reading something into those times much clear-cut solution will never be possible, but question in mind. ening nation, expression. It is were members must not from mainly craftsmen. Their The itself, can find the however, that forget, that in later times. from of the clergy; of creative activity. were dictated by and the margin fact, artistic left be useful to bear mode work of for the the beginning its exponents were from our conception was unknown; artistic creation Choice of subject and formal presen- an extent which we can no longer conceive, was individual expression artist's of self- Middle Ages had differed greatly idea of individuality rules to first possibilities art in the At this which an awak- the twelfth century onwards they to a large extent only reproductive. tation will it true that pictorial art offers a field in unaware of still We a function different was which did not materialize later. expression was entirely governed over the centuries, which transcended the by negligible. In theological formulas evolved of any individual and also life all national and regional peculiarities. The Artists was intellectual content of art common to the whole Western world. could wander from country to country and find the same familiar when no local talent was available, they The painter Johannes, an Italian, was sum- assignments everywhere. Frequently, were summoned from far afield. moned by Otto III to decorate the cathedral at Aachen, and builders were brought to Germany from Lombardy and even from Greece. Johannes, himself raised for his services to the rank of bishop court of the bishop of Liege. century, the Lombard show of local traditions. The freedom frontiers. Portable whose world. upon medieval works movement of art, way at the of the artists known to us by of art as products was as unlimited with each other extended beyond illuminated manuscripts and prototypes to the most Particularly in the early part of the a picture of constant interchange 14 , of the eleventh was summoned by Abbot Gauzlin close contact works of for wall-paintings found their emperor 9 died the Loire. 10 These examples, the danger of looking as that of their patrons, all on the after, in the first half painter Nivardus of Fleury to his monastery chance, Not long by between distant regions of the Middle Ages, all parts of Western art history presents Christendom.
The who Pilgrims visited the capital of early Christendom Middle Ages in the the great basilicas decorated with extensive picture cycles. Middle Ages found The early Christian mosaics in Santa Maria Maggiore showing scenes from the Old Testament are still extant. San Paolo fuori rows of Rows le pictures, of glittering pictures cover the long walls of the nave. 1 mura must have been an even more one above the other - both sides of the nave. from the the was Two the right, and from the lives of the Apostles on According to tradition there was a similar arrangement of pictures left. life impressive sight. not mosaics - extended along each wall there were about forty separate scenes, Old Testament on in the old St Peter's. the On frescoes, On the walls of the nave, in double rows, scenes of Christ faced scenes from the Old Testament. a fresco cycle of the life of St Peter. 2 from In the vestibule there The impact this profusion must have made on the innocent eyes of medieval pilgrims of pictures hardly con- is ceivable today. and patrons from Painters representation, authenticated naturally also affected by over Europe found in all by church authority and the style of these works, and especially ings of the early Christian era, in painting survived. The convey This is Roman, it a sense of space now had were by the paint- spirit of classical the highly-developed through techniques of The awareness to be reacquired, light and shade, of classical art and was thus never completely its skills, lost. the reason for the exceptional position of Italian, and especially art in the swept across Middle Ages. Even the Byzantine influence Italy lost its imitators in that continually Rome. The early Christian narrative cycles, pictures from the Old and New Testaments, had force in in particular the series of many which something of the movement, remnants of foreshortening and perspective. although the 'correct' spectator had constantly before his eyes well-designed figures in animated, expressive ability to Rome tradition; but they Rome to the transition of 1300. 3 itself, in Latium, and even further afield, right up Even the elaborate decoration of the nave of San Francesco at Assisi reveals the iconographic influence of the Roman frescoes, 15
The early Middle Ages which despite some later overpainting go back to the fifth century. 4 Giotto Roman himself was deeply indebted to these Roman thorough study of Only a fraction of the wall-paintings former wealth of to enable us to see the outline of monumental painting. made models, and evidently from pagan times. Rome has survived, more than but millennium of a a enough it is ecclesiastical The complex of Santa Maria Antiqua, which stood at Forum Romanum, was rediscovered under the foot of the Palatine near the more recent buildings after a long period of oblivion. from are wall-paintings on top in Italy of others, reveal the multitude of intellectual during that turbulent trends as between the realism of the Christian art, However, intent it era. 5 was in Rome classical style on representing we at that time. and the new Above the trends artistic can see that the new classical tradition Madonna, on the The great breach language of pictorial defined. from Santa Maria Antiqua, a frag- transcendental style had already . completely. some painted and was not yet spiritual values, gained ground in the sixth century 6 But there Antiqua to show that the alone there Art has never been so international and in the oldest surviving painting mentary Madonna, this site the sixth, seventh, and eighth centuries, which full of conflicting At is also evidence in Santa had not exhausted its Maria influence famous Palimpsest Wall, there head of an angel from an Annunciation, which is is a part of a layer of paintings done about the second quarter of the seventh century. 7 This fragment, painted comes in a gentle, atmospheric style, sixth-century manner. If should never have taken we had not as a surprise after the severity of the known the sequence of the layers this illusionistic style for The paintings of Santa Maria foris portas in Castelscprio, the frescoes discovered in Italy in recent decades, also we the later of the two. show most important traces of the classical tradition that survived in the seventh century. 8 This small church north of Milan and not far from Tradate ment. The frescoes, in half and the childhood of is all life-size, that remains of an early medieval settle- showing scenes from the life of Mary Jesus, are painted in a lively sketchy technique (pi. l). These figures convey a gentle animation and a sense of movement and mental them sharply from the figures in the 'transcendental' style, which are usually presented in a severely frontal view and without any reference to space or time. The bold manner is reminiscent of the most daring alertness, which distinguish improvisations of late classical illusionistic painting and especially the landscape 16 and architectural motifs, is much of the detail, derived from classical art. But we do not know if they were in fact direct survivals of classicism, nor where the painters came from who created works in this late classical tradition on Lombard soil. Perhaps they were Hellenistic Syrians or Alexandrians,
driven from their native lands by the tide of Islam, or Byzantines fled on from the iconoclasts. Or who had perhaps they were simply local masters trained or Eastern models. Since the discovery of the frescoes late classical all The early Middle Ages these have been considered, and dates have been suggested varying from possibilities the beginning of the seventh to the second quarter of the tenth century. which come remarkablv rightly been pointed out that characteristics It has close to the Byzantine manner, such as the treatment of draperies with sharp metallic edges and white highlights, appear side by side with late elements. But seprio frescoes arc fresher - and there possible seventh or the classical illusionistic comparison with works of the tenth century the Castel- in first and more original in style. It would therefore external supporting evidence - to place is them seem in the half of the eighth century, despite the inadequate proof and the absence of comparable works of that period. 9 The sharp of the difference of opinion about the Castelscprio frescoes complex development of in the an example and the co-existence other great post-war discovery, the frescoes church of the Carolingian monastery of St Johann zu Miinster (MiiGraubiinden, a stair) in problems for research. much A ago, and since 1947 the whitewash magne, is in a situated first larger find than Castelscprio, also poses several to light a few decades whole decoration has been found underneath intact state. 10 passes used the stvle of painting quarter of the ninth century, it we know gian art north of the Alps as the The monastery, founded by Charle- on one of the mountain Though work came small part of this remarkably into upper Italy. the early medieval painting The of a great variety of styles. is has it. is by the Franks as routes undoubtedly Carolingian of little in common There are some with Carolin- associations with the St Gall and north Italian manuscript illuminations, but they are confined to the figure types and 11 to particular formal elements. other place in the north, or in power and monumentality details is rows of pictures, scenes: the top of We know of no a popular narrative style of equal existed at that time. The illusionistic effect of the framework. The walls on each side of the room have one above the other, each divided into eight separate row, which continues across the entrance wall, David and Absalom; the On where diminished by the clarity of the composition and the architectural severity of the painted five Italy, life of Christ is shown tells in the four the story lower rows. the east side there are three apses covered with narrative and symbolic representations, and the west wall has a huge Last Judgment, the earliest known to us. It is this natural to think of Italy as the typical combination of late most classical likely place for the creation of and Byzantine components. The 17
The early Middle Ages work technique and style are crude and careless, but the displays such com- could only have been executed by a group of crafts- plete assurance that it men accustomed to monumental assignments. Everything lished tradition, which hardly points to an estab- existed at that time in the north. Indeed it would seem only natural to assign the work for this remote Alpine monastery, on the route towards the south, to Italian painters, presumably from Milan. 12 This then may be the answer to the problem presented by the monument of Carolingian painting in the Alps and if no other purpose has been served ; we reminded are at least that the borders between the separate Middle Ages were in the early centuries of the fluid and work Careful restoration has recently disclosed yet another painting, though very fragmentary in a of San Salvatore in Brescia, decorative scheme possible, is rough reconstruction of the are harsher the Miistair paintings, but the difference them of monumental a little later than richly articulated although only isolated fragments of the figura- They tive scenes are preserved. regions the decoration of the nave which was probably done only A the paintings at Miistair. 13 state. It is artistic easily crossed. in the Carolingian period. 14 is and more vigorous not so great The drawings and paint, the so-called sinopie, are of special interest in style than as to rule out dating preserved underneath the will be referred to again. 15 Until the startling discoveries of recent decades, the only larger ninth- century fresco cycle far from Monte known to us was racy: the figure of the abbot Epiphanius, the places San Vincenzo that of al Volturno, not Cassino. 16 These paintings can be dated with relative accu- them between 826 and 843 (pi. 2). painted with exceptional freedom. There nor any intention to follow a traditional is donor The apparently no stereotype design, formula. been derived from several sources, and yet in the Crucifixion scene, lively expressive figures are it is The original style appears to have and progressive rather than eclectic. There are associations with the north, but these are of such a general character that it is hardly possible to classify the paintings Carolingian. 17 All that can be said with certainty is as plainly that the northern influences were transmitted by way of Monte Cassino, within whose domain the abbey of San Vincenzo Monte we We for lies. Cassino, the parent monastery of the Benedictine Order, was - as shall see later - the centre of brisk can perhaps assume that we have some documentary examples of monumental dicate 18 this whether of a school at at that Monte art, evidence to apart time the artistic activity in was already from the eleventh century. so in the Carolingian period, this effect; but there are no other the San Vincenzo paintings, to in- artistic projects of the abbots were products Cassino. Art-historical attemps to establish correlations
period remain dubious owing to the scarcity of surviving works. in this early Yet new discoveries in southern Italy have greatly increased our over-all The early Middle Ages knowledge of early medieval painting. Since 1942 wall-paintings were discovered in a small oratory in the Basilica dei SS. Martiri in Cimitile, near Nola. 18 Though listic in an incomplete and iconographic from narrative scenes formal language they are of considerable sty- state of preservation, interest. In the addition to the apse decoration, there are of Christ, his Passion and Resurrection. life powerful but popular, almost coarse, and on is the works can be dated around 900. This date is stylistic The grounds corroborated by architectural evidence and can be supported by historical argument. 19 The fragments of figure compositions, discovered in 1947 in Santa Sofia Benevento, are probably even older than the Cimitile frescoes, and their in linear style Vincenzo from Volturno, but Rome, - possibly after the earthquake in 847, necessary to restore the church. 20 it a reminiscent of San is probable that the Benevento discoveries date it is the middle of the ninth century which made In more animated. This dynamic manner is al number of ninth-century mosaics and paintings indicate that there too a specific medieval style, dominated largely in the process of formation. A typical Ascension, painted about 850, in the example is Lower Church by linear elements, was the wall-painting of the of San Clemente. 21 The attendant apostles, concisely and confidently drawn, are gathered in dramat- groups ically expressive that the two symmetrical. scenes (pi. The development from Santa Maria around 880 jb). Closer observation reveals the surprising fact lively, well-articulated (pi. groups of apostles are almost completely of this style is seen again in a series of narrative Egiziaca (temple of Fortuna Virilis), probably done 3a). 2,2 These compositions are as expressive as northern of the late Carolingian period, but have a greater clarity ial structure. The Italian talent apparent here, but there Rome, as is still works and superior pictor- becoming for monumental composition no sign of a specifically local tradition. In is elsewhere in Europe, the tenth century brought a decline in creative force. Its revival towards the end of the century, which eventually also led to considerable achievements here, seems to have originated in other centres. 19
The 2 The earliest eleventh and twelfth centuries and most important example of the revival of monumental paint- ing in Italy found is in the north, not far from of the apse of the former parish church of San Cantu. 1 The date of the Como. It is Vincenzo the decoration in Galliano near work can be determined with some reference to the consecration of the church in 1007; it is accuracy by therefore a Lombard counterpart of the paintings at Oberzell on the island of Reichenau which were done possibly a decade or two Ariberto da Intimiano, was of Milan of San Vincenzo, by Emperor Henry II whose work has survived in Galwere brought by Ariberto from Milan. 2 As happens so often with med- in 1018, liano The donor earlier. made archbishop and we ieval art, in all probability the painters can here deduce something about the style of a flourishing and from an isolated work, fortuitously preserved in an out-ofOnly in such a context can the paintings in this rural church, of little importance at the time of its founding, be explained. The low, broad apse is transformed by the paintings into an imposing monumental structure. The figures on the vaults, although preserved only in fragments, are among influential school the-way the place. most impressive heritages of the Middle Ages. In addition there tive scenes of tion. No amazing liveliness doubt the painters at and unusually work here rich arc narra- and original ornamenta- commanded all the knowledge available at the time. The main figure, Christ in Benediction, looms in enormous supernatural size. The prophets, Jeremiah and Ezekiel, bow to the ground and prepare the way for him with their fervent gestures (pi. 4). Next to them, holding scrolls with the inscriptions Peticio and Postulatio, stand the two archangels who intercede on behalf of mankind. At their sides choirs of saints offer their martyrdom. 3 The colours glow with a cold fire. crowns of Jeremiah wears a bluish-grey robe with green shadows and white highlights, and a strident brick-red cloak. 20 The flesh is done in ochre with green and red shadows. Sparkling white lights
flicker over the surfaces disrupting their a lively plastic influences, frescoes own cohesion but awakening instead This, as well as the facial types, clearly reveals Byzantine life. may but the painters also have resorted directly to late classical and mosaics. However, the decorative highlights, often applied The eleventh and twelfth centuries in sharp linear strokes, are also reminiscent of the paintings at Oberzell. which of the St Vincent legend Reichenau closer affinity to the is and the plainly 'Ottoman', the lower zone of the apse fill style. The representation of the architecture free treatment of the surfaces the Byzantine manner. This technique recalls the Henry miniatures, the Book of Pericopes of The equally unlike is contemporary Reichenau and the Bamberg Apocalypse. II, gradations in size according to spiritual importance of the central figures in the main painting works. The enormous mandorla surrounding in the apse another feature in is influence, but the motif of the standing Christ tine art was familiar only with half-length the Pantocrator, generally is The scenes show an even and in countries Christ is is common particularly northern Roman. 4 Byzan- and enthroned representations of north of the Alps the Salvator seated in the chair of the apocalyptic judge. 5 shown with these also a sign of the only closer connection between Galliano and Mundi also is However, this painting. The Roman decoration of the apse of San Bastianello on the Palatine, done at about the same time, iooo, also has an upright figure of Christ, but artistically it is provincial and not comparable with the grandiose creation at Galliano. 6 The c. schematic arrangement of the figures in several horizontal rows ferior to the free grouping and careful relationships the Galliano work. classical is The in- ornamental motifs taken directly from Roman con- anterior border of the arch of the apse, painted in an illu- manner with glass goblets, fish, crabs, turtles and other marine creatures, unique in medieval frieze in their use of models, the painters of Galliano are superior to their temporaries. sionistic Even much is in scale that distinguish Features such as the elaborate decorative art. and other ornamentation have meander striking parallels in the Oberzell paintings. The association between Galliano and the artistic centre of south-west Germany does not seem to have been of an accidental or sporadic nature. It is certain that the style of the Galliano work is not to be attributed to a local painter or any single important artist. major work of Lombard painting at the junction of all the main in the stylistic We are confronted here with a Ottoman peroid, a work that stands trends of the time. There even seems to be a connection with Carolingian painting, for example with the paintings in Stjohann at Miistair: the bold technique and ease of the monumental are clearly the product of a kindred ings at Oberzell are somewhat temperament. abstract and more By style comparison, the paint- in the classical spirit. There the 21
The eleventh and twelfth centuries element pictorial everything It would be was the art. It kept in balance by line and ornament, whereas in Galliano is dominated by the original is pictorial force. natural to suppose that Milan many capital of the country, stood, at least in part, and ably still was closely associated its was the centre of of its 7 True, none of them is Lombard metropolitan church, Sant'Ambrogio, with the donor of San Vincenzo examples of eleventh-century monumental painting are itself. this great early churches presum- in Galliano. still comparable with the San Vincenzo directly but records of the art of those early times have come down Some extant in Milan apse, to us so haphaz- ardly that this does not necessarily invalidate our supposition. Nevertheless, wherever the actual centre may have painting justify the esteem shown painters, Johannes and Nivardus. 8 There hardly any other area of art history is preservation as medieval of expression Lombard two contemporary been, the surviving remnants of in the reports about the monumental as painting. dependent on the accidents of The urge to create new modes often led to the destruction of older works; and conse- itself quently there are fewest surviving remnants in just those places where artistic life was most prolific and tradition most ancient. In wall-paintings fresh were constantly being superimposed on layers the early works now known to us earlier ones. Indeed, were discovered, labour, beneath later layers of paint or whitewash. after much most of painstaking We can hope to find wall- paintings in an untouched state of preservation only in places outside the main stream of development, or where the creative forces were exhausted at an early stage. It is rare, however, to come across complete and undamaged medieval monuments in their original colour. As a rule they are found only in small, remote rural churches, and only very exceptionally in larger buil- These miracles of preservation give us a picture of the period when the dings. walls of all the churches and chapels of the land mental paintings. In was the all the leading art centres, pictorial decoration of churches rule rather than the exception. were lacking were covered with monu- It that pictorial representation was only where means and resources was confined to the choir, but even then some decorative scheme was always sought for the other parts of the Whenever possible the nave was covered with figurative representain the manner of the great Roman basilicas. Tins practice came to an edifice. tions end only with the appearance of the Gothic style, which replaced painted walls with areas of coloured glass. The 22 finest example of an early medieval ecclesiastical building, fully corated with paintings and almost completely intact, is found de- in Italy. It is
Capua9 the basilica of Sant'Angelo in Formis near Monte Cassino monastery, whose of the , situated in the vicinity abbot, Desiderius (1058-86), tioned as donor in an inscription above the portal. 10 Desiderius' menname is is life at Monte Cassino in the second half of the eleventh century, vividly recorded by the chroniclers. 11 associated with the thriving artistic craftsmen in skilled fields, all especially mosaicists from Amalfi and Lombardy. builders A distinct and The eleventh and twelfth centuries He engaged from Byzantium and lively narrative style of manuscript illumination also developed, valuable examples of which have been preserved. 12 The mosaics of the Byzantine masters have impressive achievements of later, can still ment extend monumental painting under perished, but the in three rows, one above the other, along the high walls of the (pis I, 5). In the apse awesome and sublime, between symbols is the seated of the evangelists; beneath stand the three archangels, St Benedict, and the donor in an abbot's offering a The its along the is almost completely covered with a Last Judg- traditional place in the aisles West. 14 The narrative painting continues with scenes from the Old Testament. The basilica decorative scheme and choice of scenes are Western, but their and stylistic iconographic elements are predominantly Byzantine. 15 Nevertheless, doubtful whether this of the narrative, the is work the of Byzantine or local compact grouping of the division of the surfaces, appear to be Italian, the Romanesque. Everything Christ, blind him gown model of the church. 13 entrance wall opposite ment, in little New Testa- be seen in Sant'Angelo in Formis. Scenes from the nave from the west entrance to the main apse Christ, all Desiderius, or a and is with a before him it is The vigour figures, the simple rectangular and strongly inclined towards designed for dramatic his large halo inscribed man who bows humbly artists. its and cross, effect. dominates all The figure of the scenes. The appears again in the same picture, his healed eyes at the well (pi. 6b). The adulteress him hesitantly, while the Pharisees whisper suspiciously and venombehind her back (pi. 6a). The Lord shows his condemnation of her with sight restored, washing approaches ously accusers by terrified woman who turns his stern expression her face. Although to and the mild gesture he makes towards the him in contrition and this art is still yet with a glint of hope in primitive in conception and technique, has profound humanity and great narrative power. The stocky it figures painted with coarse brush-strokes in a traditional colour scheme are surprisingly expressive. eyes, this The faces are all variations of a single type and boldly-marked red cheeks. simple formula produces ! The And yet - narrow forehead, how much palette, too, is life large and animation quite limited : bright blue, yellow and a darker shade of ochre, rich reddish-brown, earthy green, much 23
The eleventh and twelfth centuries chalk-white lavishly applied, and a mixture of the primary colours with white - that all. is These meagre resources are handled with masterly manship but without Even the subtlety. sharpest contrasts are reduced crafts- by the harsh blue of the sky in every scene. Firm reddish-brown outlines enclose the areas that have been hastily coloured in. are told in a popular though the and stylistic origins from is, this style is stories Al- rustic strength. new of the painting are unmistakably Byzantine, emerging. however, one figure in Sant'Angelo popular, provincial character type. There portal in the west vestibule (pi. y). This figure Formis which diverges in nothing primitive in the is tympanum half-length figure of the archangel Michael in the and and bold, the lively way, and the forms have a kind of distinctive elements are clearly There The main of the severe and elegant, remote is delicate; the closely-applied brush-strokes are full of verve. The celestial radiance of this angel and his touch of Hellenistic grace give an impression of The unequalled nobility. face is designed in large clear planes with fascinating asymmetry. The seemingly accidental difference between the two face which appears here is producing the in its and delicate, sensitive clearest cloak purple ground. is painted with blue and red strokes The same technique and greater subtlety in the modelling of the flesh, of the vestibule are The key vestibule scenes done life in a similar but is The not original, but a was removed the restoration. 17 The upper angels, in the between the paintings lies later restoration, in the con- in the history of the its five pointed-arch probably of the late twelfth the upper lunette fresco above the main were done some time after indicate that the paintings austere used with even somewhat weaker manner. existing vestibule, with made when is discernible again in is of the hermits in the four vaults and those inside the church probably century. Observations portal the to the striking stylistic differences struction of the building. arcades, from it by two the medallion picture of Maria orans, supported The art mature form. The handling of the colours The lively. effect of a part of the arch. 16 sides of the and deliberate device of monumental Byzantine a characteristic is and polished style of the two portal lunettes does not preclude a date around 1200 or early in the thirteenth century, but impossible to say whether the paintings are the work it is of a Byzantine artist or of an Italian trained on Eastern models. 18 In the interior of the basilica, the disparity in style and time becomes very obvious. There, too, in the main apse, are the figures of the three archangels, among them St Michael, the patron saint of Sant'Angelo (pi. I). There doubt that Byzantine models determined the type and posture of the 24 is no figures, the sumptuousness of the draperies, the splendid sweep of the wings, and
I Sant'Angelo in Formis • The main apse

indeed the basic pictorial and plastic forms. all extremely simplified. The linear expression is But here the technique is frozen into a set formula of almost mask-like concentration; the colours are reduced to a small number of strongly contrasting tones. The Byzantine seems to dominate the work, has in time first itself. It is new a style, fact influence, which The eleventh and twelfth centuries at first glance been only partly assimilated. For the the powerful 'vulgar' style of Italian painting, asserts 19 customary in eleventh-century Italian art to talk about a Benedictine style, Monte Cassino school, and which 20 is supposed to have greatly influenced painting in Rome. Tins may be true of manuscript illumination, which reached its peak in Monte Cassino at the time of Desiderius, for manuscripts of Monte Cassino did indeed serve as models for the wall-painters of Rome; but they are actually an eclectic mixture of local and Byzantine elements. 21 The monumental art of Monte Cassino, the roots of which are to be found in the as seen in had no The Sant'Angelo in Formis and in a small group of related monuments, real effect on Rome. 22 the Lower Church art in wall-paintings in of San Clemente in Rome, prob- ably done around noo, mostly have a Western medieval, rather than a Byzantine, character. 23 With their elegant, animated figures and their delicate harmony of colour, they form a transition between the free style of Ottoman art and the stricter order of the Romanesque. Their affinity with northern art is unmistakable, yet the sense of form is clearly and typically Italian, even Roman. It is apparent in the lucid unfolding of the narrative, the confident balancing of the composition, and finally in certain plastic elements winch are introduced without disrupting the compact groups, without flat parallel in Romanesque northern art pattern. The recurring at that time, are especially noteworthy. An example is the vivid scene showing the mother embracing her rescued son in the burial chapel of St Clement at the bottom of the Black Sea The water around the chapel is swarming with marine creatures. (pi. 8). From the from the Chersonese city-gate, and the sea recedes as it does every year on the feast of the saint. The child is well and healthy after a whole year in the flooded sanctuary. The mother bends passionately over him; in the next scene she presses him thankfully to her bosom. With naive confidence, the artist suspends the laws of nature in order to conform to the letter of the pious legend but the realistic elements - the chapel surrounded by water, and the crowd streaming from the city's gate - are not left, a procession approaches ; neglected. However, the convincing unity of the picture is not due to the 27
The eleventh and twelfth visible relationships of the scenes, but lies rather in the even and colour and the smooth, though severe, flow of The centuries style of San Clemente with its rhythm of form line. slender figures, bright colours, and cool elegant linear manner, had a lasting effect in Rome and Latium. The deco- Rome, not from Civita Castellana, is probably the closest to it in time. 24 An inscription on the apse painting, presumably done in the first quarter of the twelfth century, names the Roman painters Johannes, Stephanus and Nicolaus, as the authors of the work. A boldly drawn figure of Christ draped in a cloak of ration of the choir and transept in Sant'Elia near Nepi, north of far yellow ochre - the substitute for gold - towers in the vault of the apse against background. Attending Christ are Peter and Paul, a blue a a flock of lambs on gold ground, angels, and female martyrs in splendid robes. At the sides of on the east walls of the transept, the twenty-four elders of the Apomarch in solemn order, arranged in two horizontal rows (pi. p). Scenes the apse, calypse from the Apocalypse and walls of the transept. It is the legend of the founding of the church cover the the best preserved and artistically most important monumental cycle of the Middle Ages to survive in the vicinity of Rome. The paintings in the choir of San Pietro in Tuscania must have been done at about the same time. 20 Even in their fragmentary state they have a powerful impact due mainly to the truly gigantic Christ clad in white, about to sunder the expanse of the main apse. The figure apex of the apse and bends with hover all around excitement. It is The powerful (pi. II), its and the rises curvature. Angels in vigorous apostles who below gaze upwards movement in frenzied an Ascension of striking elemental force and ahead of style uses bright highlights and vivid colours seems almost to the its as the sole time. means of dominating the huge expanse, and can be regarded stylistic parallel to Sant'Angelo in Formis. There seems, however, to be no derivative connection between the two works, and the ponents of Sant'Angelo are completely absent here. more reminiscent in San Vincenzo The as a slightly belated distinct Some of the style of the early eleventh century Byzantine com- of the details are which we observed at Galliano. from the life of St Peter, preserved on the right wall of the presbytery in the same church, are quite different (pi. 10a). They are in the San Clemente style, but advanced to a slightly more elegant and formalistic stage. six scenes Evidently painted shortly after the apse decoration, they demonstrate the variety of artistic trends that co-existed in There is no space here twelfth-century wall-painting. 26 28 Rome to describe the less important The next large cycle at the time. monuments of Rome's is from the end known of this period. After long neglect the decoration of San Giovanni a Porta
done under Pope Cclcstine Latina, probably (1191-8) or slightly III fortunately the apse decoration has been But lost. later, has The eleventh 10b). 27 Un- and twelfth the nave and tribune, now centuries been successfully restored to a relatively complete condition (pi. Romanesque decoTestament scenes on the walls of restored to their original state, give a general idea of the the nave, a Last Judgment The tribune. A is on the entrance 1200, have in the it is by close to and San Giovanni a notable The same Porta Latina in theme and a common freedom from Byzantine its abundance of figures. It was probably done about 1200, or even to be a Ferentillo. 28 Painted in mannered late in fact persisted in is 29 Roman basis in older At first development of the San Clemente Rome about cycles tra- influence. commonly later. Both style. features appear in the fine apse decoration of with Tivoli, in the restoration but recognizable in outline, abbey church of San Pietro near a vivid, popular, narrative style, a dition, and apocalyptic scenes wall, apse probably contained a full-length figure of Christ. similar cycle, partly disfigured found New Old and rative scheme, consisting of into the thirteenth century. San Silvestro in dated too early, and glance this style seems stylistic trends, But which the richer palette and accumulation of calligraphic features of the Tivoli apse point unequivocally to a relatively late date. The close connection with panel-painting can be plainly seen in the pre- cious triptych preserved in the cathedral at Tivoli. 30 The wings Christ Enthroned in golden robes. The centre panel shows 12) contain the Virgin and (pi. St John the Evangelist, painted in a graceful classical style. the wing panels are representations of the cension of St John(?). This triptych what seems to have been a large triptychs with the of Rome century). earlier to survive out of same representations have been preserved Of in the vicinity other triptychs, only centre panels, with Christ Enthroned, have Most (pi. 13), from of these panels date and was done much which may account in part for the general archaic impres- makes. The fine eclecticism of thirteenth-century sense of the organic regard to northern art, this Romanesque period and none has been found its is style stands out, but already the unmistakably present. 32 early appearance of panel-painting in Italy surprising. Portable pictures of the Alps in the of the thirteenth derived in type and style from earlier sion may seem first half it is now lost, the unlikely that the Tivoli triptych it is models With work group of similar works. Four such complete than 1200. Without doubt it bottom of (one of them, however, dating from the beginning of the fourteenth survived. 31 century the Death of the Virgin and the As- the principal is At : on wooden panels are very rare north there are about in France. In Italy, two dozen in Germany however, there are hundreds of 29
The eleventh and twelfth centuries such pictures from the thirteenth and even the twelfth century. Only in number Catalonia have a comparable in the form of paintings be attributed to the accidents of preservation. many on wood panels survived, and antepcndia. 33 This uneven distribution cannot just of retables of the commissions were at more It is likely that in Italy an early stage entrusted to panel painters, whereas north of the Alps they continued to be reserved for goldsmiths and Some sculptors. features of the painted altarpieces indicate that they originally considered as substitutes for goldsmiths' pictures, following the model of Byzantine were icons, were work. 34 Other devotional also painted on wood in Italy. Recent research has shown that Ages. Two this tradition Madonnas in The large panel seventh-century origin: the near the Forum. 35 Nuova Angels in Santa Maria in Trastevere of subsequent overpainting century. 36 All three are late classical period. a in pope as Rome it is Rome are probably of the Pantheon and in Santa Maria of the Enthroned only slightly later. Madonna and Two Since the removal work has been recognized as a of the eighth painted in the encaustic technique inherited from the The of them, last donor kneeling at her showing the Madonna enthroned and feet, in Western fashion, was certainly done and not imported from Byzantium. Even Christ on the Cross, the became goes back to the early Middle of the icons venerated in the churches of traditional subject for sculpture in the north, theme for panel-painting a favourite panels cut to the shape of the cross, numbers, are among the and have no precedents the altar, or more most in in Italy. The which have survived painted crucifix in surprisingly large characteristic creations of Italian Byzantine 38 art. They were medieval art 37 placed behind or above frequently on the screen, or the bar that was used instead from the choir. 39 Their function thus corresthe sculptured Triumphal Cross familiar in Romanesque of a screen to separate the laity ponded to that of art of the north. The earliest the Crucifix The surviving example of this type by Master is a work rich iconographic formula of the early crucifixes, figure with subsidiary scenes and figures, Stylistically From it is of Tuscan painting, Guillielmus, dated 1138, in the cathedral of Sarzana. 40 is combining the main here fully and clearly developed. pure Romanesque without any sign of Byzantine influence. the maturity of the style and technique it is plain that this is no exper- imental beginning, but an isolated remnant, preserved by chance, of a wellestablished tradition. Another dated Crucifix of the twelfth century has sur- vived in Umbria, the 30 of Spoleto (pi. 28).*1 work It is of Master Albertus (dated 11 87) in the cathedral obviously also one of a long line of such works,
since lost. Its marked Byzantine style is reminiscent of the paintings in the vestibule of Sant'Angelo in Formis. 42 Roman with either the There is no recognizable connection or Tuscan schools - evidence of the strong and varied The eleventh and twelfth centuries of different Italian districts at that time. artistic life Whereas in Umbria art remained tentative and provincial, developed constantly under the patronage of the economic power was concentrated. The cities, in where Tuscany political it and of the Sarzana Crucifix stylistic features point to the school of Lucca, the earliest authenticated works of which belong to the second half of the twelfth century. Before turning to developments in Tuscany, we must of the Romanesque style. The monumental churches and imposing fortified cities testify to the greatness of that era, its decoration is glance at painting in Lombardy was northern Italy since the end of the eleventh century. unfortunately almost entirely although the pictorial The only lost. a centre palaces of large-scale wall- Lombardy are, however, of the transitional stage beOttonian and early Romanesque styles, and not of the High Rom- paintings preserved in tween the anesque. We have long been familiar with the almost intact alyptic representations in the pictorial cycle of remote church of San Pietro al Monte, apocin the rocky wilderness near Civate, not far from Lecco on Lake Como. 43 In addition, recent discoveries have disclosed a San Calocero, a church in Civate tive sequence Monte is interrupted itself. by the 44 series of fragmentary paintings in Whereas in San Calocero the narra- later addition of a vault, in San Pietro San Pietro is a single-aisle with the entrance church built on a slope rising towards the west, at the east end. The vestibule has three vaulted aisles richly decorated with paintings, and on the wall facing the nave there is a single representation of the Angels Fighting the Apocalyptic Dragon (pis 14a, II). and abstract colours - green, brick-red, yellow ochre, the surface in a rhythmic flow. All the faces are of the The type same type, generally of the features and the All the shapes are the the blue, shown as pebbles. colour. in three-quarter profile. drawing of hands and drapery smooth and round Cool and white - cover Even the haloes glow with variegated ably Byzantine, but the Western medieval sense of the al the architecture, stucco decoration and painting are almost intact. form is is unmistak- equally marked. Although the struggle with demon is presented dramatically, these angels, all holding their lances in same way and making the same gestures, are representatives of one and same spirit. The constant repetition of a standard formula here reveals an artistic power whose source we are only beginning to understand. The secret 31
The eleventh and twelfth centuries may in the fact that lie anonymous such works are not the accomplishment of some individual artist but express the cumulative effort of a long tra- These powerful forms have acquired a timeless and impersonal dition. vali- dity (pis 15a, 15b). The Monte and the well-preserved stucco decoabout uoo. 45 The San Galliano paintings of the paintings of San Pietro were probably done ration in al beginning of the eleventh century are freer and bolder by comparison, but more The Romanesque formula archaic in style. and the seem artistic potentialities still is only just taking shape, uncertain. In Civate on the other hand, commitment more firmly established than in Galliano. The free manipulation of the figures, so marked in San Galliano, has disappeared. Only rarely does a figure stand out by its size, like the figure of Christ, now unalthough there too the style to the Romanesque at is early formative stage, the its is fortunately destroyed, in the scene of the Angels Fighting the Apocalyptic Dragon. Everywhere else there is a striking uniformity of scale as well as of type These are Romanesque, and not Ottoman gesture. that pervades the apse paintings of and The visionary mood given way to a formal traits. San Galliano has solemnity. By are comparison, the newly discovered frescoes of San Calocero in Civate still earlier fairly free and animated, although they were probably done not than the San Pietro al Monte cycle, possibly dating to the much end of the eleventh century. Among the scant remains of Lombard wall-painting of the (c. 1200) sists is the only monument and importance. in Pavia 46 It con- damaged Christ at bold and technically fluent. The well- of half-length life-size figures of saints, and a badly the apex of the vault. modelled faces are of These paintings was of considerable size High Romanes- Domnarum que period, the decoration of the crypt of San Giovanni at the nesque in Pavia peak of style of The its its it is were done at a time when Lombard development and had achieved own. Sculpture, which was architecture, kept pace so prevalent that painting an unmistakably Byzantine stamp. with penetrated this still a distinct closely associated development. However, all fields architecture High Roma- this style with was not of artistic creativeness to an equal extent. Painting looked to the established culture of Byzantium, a frequent source of inspiration throughout the Middle Ages. This was al Monte Angels Fighting the Apocalyptic Dragon (detail) Ii 32 a natural propensity, Civate San Pietro


where Venice, with her ancient trade connec- particularly in northern Italy, formed the gateway tions, The Fourth Crusade brought about to the East. the conquest of Constantinople and the establishment of the Latin Empire of The eleventh and twelfth centuries the East in 1204. Venice furnished the ships that carried the Crusaders to the Bosphorus, and did not in the eastern tibule of St in St new century received a supremacy facade and ves- were also part of the Mark's that had been in progress for a whole impetus. Large numbers of painted icons and minated Greek manuscripts undoubtedly is political The time. the celebrated bronze horses reliefs; The mosaic work ships. It this Mark's were decorated with booty from the East: columns, marble panels, and loot. Her to gather her reward. fail Mediterranean originated from also possible that Byzantine also reached the artists West illu- in Venetian emigrated to Venice and the Adriatic seaboard. The of the thirteenth century Italo-Byzantine style found its is one of the works purest expression. 47 semble, well-preserved and remarkably consistent and from decoration of the crypt in the cathedral of Aquileia dating first half vaults, in It is a (pi. the which the emerging truly medieval en- 16a). 48 All the walls and even the columns, are covered with paintings. Ochre, white, reddish-browns, brick-red, and cool, dull green are the dominant colours in its present peries, state. added show surfaces The bright blue of the ground and of in tempera, has now largely disappeared. many parts of the The semicircular the Crucifixion, the Descent from the Cross and Lamentation, and the Death of the Virgin. In the vaults are eighteen scenes St Hermagoras, the patron ration around the base is saint of Aquileia (pi. 17). done like a curtain sketched lightly with a brush - mounted Asian archer (pi. 16b). as, from the legend on which animated The freshness and naturalness of sition, is to us in emphasized by the hard white high- especially in the legendary scenes for is therefore Romanesque no reason Byzantium. Instead soil, down clumsiness in the compowhich no Byzantine models The abrupt awkward movements and some existed, are reminiscent of There im- Macedonia (dated 1164) provided the model for this Aquileia everything is slightly harder and more brittle, and the sharp angularity of the forms lights. these main scheme. frescoes in phase. 49 In stylistic figures are for example, the Crusader in pursuit of a Byzantine monumental painting of the type that has come Nerez of The very charming deco- provisations contrast strongly with the gravity of the the dra- wall we may The inscriptions are in Latin. this is the work of artists from practice. to suppose that speak of a provincial Byzantine art on Italian whose exponents were presumably local artists. 35
Early Tuscan panel-painting 3 The powerful in the left a half of the twelfth century Romanesque the skill paintings than in any other part of to the recognized crisis in But whereas direction. in the Works Romanesque Lucca and in Pisa, the a second and apparently well- was Tuscany to appear in in the forefront, but in the panel- in far greater numbers architecture obstinately adhered a sharp stylistic of a distinct Byzantine character follow- style two dence of surviving monuments, Tuscan The a native and was demonstrated also evident, Italy. lasting effect art of the Romanesque canons, painting experienced and change of ed masterpieces happened was dominated by which then began have a Lombardy, the as in sense of form. Architecture was of the painters to deep mark on Tuscan painting in the early decades of the Duecento. In Tuscany, established which was influence of Byzantine art, Venetian region, also without noticeable transition. Tins where, judging from the evi- cities pictorial tradition originated. oldest Pisan Crucifix (pi. 22), undoubtedly of the twelfth century, well-conceived and richly composed structure like the Sarzana Crucifix ready mentioned, and it too is is al- probably the product of a long process of 1 development. Ten narrative scenes surround the principal figure. Fastened to the cross with four nails, and appearing to stand rather than hang, Christ down looks at the faithful Christ, victor over sin At the in the main side of the figure. On to the Apostles, depicted Him and including the scene of the form showing Christ with Last Supper and the Washing of suffering of the the foot, and the Ascension at the top. closed eyes at the the Feet (pi. Crucifixion moment of 24a) are shown on beam of the cross. The Pentecost is at The style is bold and powerful, equally the panels at the ends of the horizontal 36 artists no doubt about the meaning ranging from the Arrest on the Mount of Olives to the Appearance in the traditional The in order to leave is the Triumphant Romanesque works. each side of the approximately life-size Christ are three narra- of the Risen Christ death. to us in northern Triumphant Christ the Pisan agony of death, tive scenes, with wide open eyes. This and death, familiar
removed from Ottoman manner and the tentative versatility of the gance of the Byzantine. All the forms are reduced to their basic in the same way Romanesque as in tional shades, is column and the and spaces are firmly defined. The choice of colour and sharp division of the principle of contrast and no Early Tuscan panel-painting architecture everything can be referred to the square, the semicircle, the cube, the jects the ele- essentials; features that unify the design. ob- governed by the There are no surfaces. whole arch. All the is The transi- artistic unity achieved by an abstract pattern of simple forms and strong bright colours. It is most accomplished a which distinguish the Like pictorial parallel to the town this architecture, proud Romanesque buildings of Pisa even today. which the purest realization of the Italian is esque concept of form, Pisan painting boldly exhibited style, its two later, in the first and primitive, but reaches content, too, it is our redeemer strict artistic discipline. In its intellectual removed from far who the older crucifixes. This our suffered for is beams are devoted sacrifice. In the Death on the Cross. really 24b) depict only the events from the Crucifixion on- wards, beginning with the Descent from the Cross. zontal Christus is not the triumphant victor sins, over death. Indeed, the theme of the main figure side scenes (pi. no longer imbued with Its style is a higher level of expression, noble pathos, and controlled by a The Roman- distinctive decades of the thirteenth century, reveals an entirely different artistic aspiration (pi. 2j). 2 patiens, own independence of foreign models. However, a second Crucifix, painted in Pisa a generation or plain its to St The John and the women, panels on the hori- the witnesses to the crowning panel, however, the Saviour does appear triumphant, accompanied by angels and cherubim. Whereas the earlier painter naively surrounds the symbolic figure of Christ the King with scenes from the Passion and the Resurrection, with the events that are in the later illustrated. in the story of the Passion, is work the symbolism The Death on is in harmony the Cross, the critical event raised to a supra-historical level. The counten- ance of the dying Christ, inclined to one side with eyes shut and features ennobled through pain and submission, expresses the well-conceived and singularly accomplished pure Byzantine. competent The uninterrupted flow style, is (pi. full significance of this 23). The style master and not of an immigrant this artist is almost presumably the work of a Tuscan from Greece. The Christus patiens type, in the course of the thirteenth century superseded the Christ in Italy and north of the Alps, vation. 3 is of line, the passionate and yet perfectly reminiscent of the head of the angel above the portal of Sant'Angelo in Formis, although which work is Triumphant ultimately also of Byzantine deri- 37
Neighbouring Lucca underwent Early Tuscan panel-painting fix preserved there is a work development. The oldest Cruci- a similar of high quality, genuinely Romanesque combination of severe forms and rich ornamentation. 4 But encroachment of Byzantine influences early the beginnings of an indigenous style. by Berlinghiero, is become, to a certain extent, to the older Crucifixes in the side, Duecento overshadowed in the Crucifix of about 1210-20, signed not only simpler in structure than the on means. its earlier types, but a different plane (pi. 2pj. 5 stylistically artistic The in Lucca too, the in It is The mature Byzantine style has Italianized. Berlinghiero's work is far superior modelling, formal integration, and economy of no longer a conglomeration but a formal and pictorial unity. The of isolated forms placed side large number by of side scenes has been suppressed and the figures of the mourners brought into an organic relationship with the central figure. Byzantine art clearly did for Late Romanesque of the north ; way forms, and pointed the towards a compact unity of time to assimilate an at that what Italian painting it the Gothic did for the helped to overcome the tendency to isolated out of the maze of ornamental representation. artistic style The from detail and motifs willingness throughout Italy the East must not be thought of in terms of 'foreign infiltration', but as an awareness of the need for a model superior it For to inspire Romanesque painting with new life, and to save formalistic stagnation. 6 from however, a while, it looked as though the traditional local style had A son of Berlinghiero, Buonaventura Berlinghieri, painted an altarpiece in 1235 which been abandoned only to be replaced by a is still in the Franciscan figure of St Francis The saint reflect is church which fills in Pescia, new kind of formalism. the centre of the panel recalls a nothing of the humane Povcrcllo familiar Europe. (pi. strange and forbidding, a sombre ascetic with set features, which tions transcend the joyous 31)? The Byzantine icon. not far from Lucca any human scale. It bridegroom of poverty, The who and the propor- in history, does not bring to mind the poet of nature, revived religious position of the hands with stigmata life in western and book corresponds Byzantine picture of Christ in Benediction, and the small to the scale of the legend- ary scenes on the sides intensifies the isolation and unworldly sublimity of the It main is figure. questionable whether the faithful of the thirteenth century saw their saint as the remote and godlike creature represented conception that is contradicted by in the Pescia panel the rocky monastery of Sacro Spcco near Subiaco. 8 This the modern sense, but it - a the oldest representation of St Francis in gives us a milder and more is not a portrait in intimate interpretation
than the Pescia panel. Even more contradictor)- to the severe Byzantine con- ception of the saint are the tender scenes surrounding the main figure in the Pescia panel Sermon liest to itself. These Early Ttdscan panel-painting among them the Somatization and the become such well-known themes, are the ear- six scenes, the Birds, later to surviving pictorial versions of the St Francis legend (pis 30a, 30b). The Romanesque, fresh naivety of the narrative scenes as well as the style are truly with only a thin veneer of Byzantine elegance and severity. The of was not an St Francis retable at Pescia type in spite of the early date. its only from an old tation work was already established. after his death, About nor the oldest of very similar design, illustration, bears the date 1228. 9 It was canonized, only two years saint A isolated piece, was and known in that year that the this type of represen- dozen other St Francis panels, half a some only slightly later than the Pescia altarpiece, are still extant. 10 They all show the saint as a towering figure, surrounded by subsidiary scenes. Outwardly type of altarpiece was not new: the basic pattern of the oldest this showed Christ or Mary as the central figure, with smaller naron each side. But these were all on wide horizontal panels. 11 The St Francis pictures are the first to be done on tall vertical panels hitherto this had been customary only in tabernacles with movable wings and in simple devotional pictures without side pieces. This emphasis on the vertical was an altar paintings rative pictures ; new element of the essential other saints. 12 and soon appeared style, in representations of The innovation was no sooner introduced than an established type repeated hundreds of times - which relationship that existed at that time it settled into illustrates the close between the creative forces and the sta- bilizing influences of tradition. In its basic pattern this variant is still reminiscent of the earlier Crucifixes was simplified. Berlinghiero already omitted the side scenes, and showed only Mary and with narrative side scenes, but the type of the Crucifix St John on the central panel beside the main itself figure of Christ. Giunta Pisano, 13 the leading master of the Pisan school in the second quarter of the Duecento, went one Assisi. It step further in his Crucifix for the burial church of St Francis at was donated St Francis as Presumably was later in 1236 by Elias of Cortona, the second successor to head of the Franciscan Order, and the founder of the church. it served as the triumphal cross in the present kept in the Upper Church, and Lower Church; has only recently been lost. it 14 There are three other Crucifixes signed by Giunta Pisano. 10 The oldest of these, in Santa Maria degli Angeli near clearly (pis 26, 27). It already shows the Assisi, was probably done at new features about the same time Francesco Crucifix, around 1236. Christ alone is pictured on as the San the central panel, 39
Early Tuscan panel-painting and the half-length figures of Mary and of the cross-piece. The body of Christ St is John are placed in the side panels strongly modelled; axis its is not- iceably curved to the side, and the head bent in a kind of counterpoise to the line of the body. The eyes are closed. In a separate panel at the top is a half- length figure of the living Christ in Benediction holding a book. This Ascension scenes that used to crown the final simplification of the Crucifixes. The harmony of the parts and the concentration precedents for the figure of Christ in this was through Giunta Pisano that cento Crucifixes. Giunta himself made no fected the proportions and expression. a master like Cimabue could add nothing Giotto succeeded in giving formed form m 40 it intellectual content. a new Even further alterations. Even as late as the he, which He it Due- only per- and Only the young a radically trans- however, did not touch the outward of the composition of the Crucifix, with relation to the central figure, Italian end of the century to this solution. technical excellence earlier expression, became the standard type of it the on the essentials were Byzantine Although there form and with this of the subject are significant achievements. is its parts harmoniously arranged persisted into the fourteenth century. 16
4 Florence and Siena in the Duecento The middle of die Duecento saw the beginning of of Tuscan painting. The a new In Lucca the tradition of the Berlinghiero of decades, and such refined workshop survived for and mature works as the former Lcnbach Collection (now in private possession pi. 32), were still phase in the history schools of Pisa and Lucca lost their pre-eminence. being produced there as late as 1260. 1 a number Madonna from the West Germany, However, more imin portant than the continuance of the Lucca style locally was the influence had on Florence and Siena. The St Zenobius crypt of Florence Cathedral, is the work the influence of the Berlinghieri school. 2 dependence on outside sources, feeling for structure and Even Coppo by name, was certainty is di Marcovaldo, the active in both the Madonna del cities. ; the Madonna sits The on It is while the rest is 34 a). first after the Florentine painter earliest work middle of known to us him with Maria Mag- attributable to derived from the Byzantine type of the the throne in a frontal position, holding the Child on her lap with both hands. The relief, (pi. emerged soon Carmine of about 1250-60 in Santa giore in Florence (pis 33, 34b J. 3 Nikopoia at this early stage of technical form, and the dramatic tension produced of the composition In Siena too, independent creative forces the century. once in the of a Florentine master clearly under specific Florentine features are apparent: the clarity of by the controlled rhythm Altarpiece (1240-50), it painted. This, Madonna and Child done are in low and the broad frame studded with may be a recollection of the origins of religious panelThere is an obvious attempt to simulate the effect of goldsmiths' work. 4 sculptured rosettes, painting. According to the records, Coppo fought for Florence Montaperti in 1260, and was taken prisoner by the Sienese. in the battle of A year later he completed the large Madonna in Santa Maria dei Servi in Siena. An inscrip- the date 1261. 5 The arrangement tion, recently uncovered, bears his name and of the Child placed on one side with the Madonna turning towards him is based on the Hodegetria type, which takes its name from a once celebrated 41
Florence and Siena in the Duecento miraculous image in Constantinople. The Madonna was, however, originally a standing figure; the seated figure never acquired any great importance in Byzantine art. 6 In the West, on the other hand, enthroned Madonnas. Coppo's Madonna Tuscan of art, but unfortunately is we Duccio school. Luckily by an authenticated inscription, on seated is still with the Child in her right arm. The deep The forms and modelling have are precise (pi. 33). MaThough not is hardly disputed blue and red draperies interwoven with and have harmony and solemn a metallic hardness; the a true Florentine sharpness, drawing and reveal the native Flor- entine sense of plastic and sculptural values. This style, then, manifests at an early stage, The who when the maniera grcca Sienese counterpart of in high lyreshaped back, and holds a gold, and the dark tint of the flesh, produce an effect of grandeur. examples essential part have another large Coppo attribution to its a throne an were overpainted to say, they donna by Coppo, in Santa Maria dei Servi at Orvieto now. 7 Mary lost Madonna and Child were 'moder- nized' at the beginning of the Trecento - that in the style of the earliest important picture has this original character: the faces of the its motif was also used for this one of the is Coppo was di at the height of its itself development. Marcovaldo was Guido da Siena, has long been regarded as the real founder of Tuscan painting in his native town. 8 Madonna of 1261 could have been Guido and donna, seems that the two It workshop drew his now artists done in inspiration influenced one another. Coppo's competition with Guido; and yet from Coppo. Guido's of an attempt to surpass the work of the Florentine artist apparent in Mary's robe and other features. 9 work and more spacious in composition. figures. All the outward 1280, and this picture, is is Ma- whose influence Next surprisingly early date 1 221. It Gothic clover-leaf arch spans the style of painting. The gard Guido da Siena as a between the two leading inscription now around on the been the cause to the painter's name, 'Guido de Senis', was is even larger than Coppo's strangely inconsistent and has until of constant controversy. tation, A It is characteristics point to a late date, possibly confirmed by the however, assert Siena's large in the Palazzo Pubblico in Siena (pi. 36), gives the impression the is this date that led earlier art historians to re- master of exceptional significance. In the rivalry schools, Florence claim to priority and and Siena, this date was used to to demolish Vasari's 'Florentine' interpre- according to which the whole history of modern art begins with Cimabue. Despite the inscription, however, present-day opinion, based on an in- comparably wider knowledge of monuments, 42 dating of the Palazzo Pubblico definitely excludes the early Madonna} Around 1220 Sienese painting was
The Madonna of Santa Maria in work of late Romanesque style dependence. at a stage of provincial still Tressa, near Siena, of about this time, a is under the influence of the Lucca school. 11 Guido's on the other hand, art, Florence and Siena in the Duecento thorough knowledge of the Byzantine conception of form and an reveals a early inclination to the Gothic. We have another large work by Guido, an though incomplete, secures inscription, altar dossal, originally now seven half-length figures, of which only five remain (pi. like that of Coppo's Servi Madonna, was over-painted about 1300, the heads dossal are well preserved They 37b). (pi. Both different. stance. But whereas Coppo's turally hard, Guido's fluid in is its lines. The good example. a since dispersed by from is style is rounded and one of among many a and detail, pictorial sub- angular and sharp, crystalline and sculp- smooth elegant, small panel of the Annunciation, It is Guido was the Byzantine model, and have same concern for physical form, perfection of the that in this temperaments were quite their artistic diverge equally artists show clearly The eighth decade of the a date in the Duecento. Whereas the head of the Palazzo Pubblico Madonna, contemporary of Coppo's - though with 37a). 12 Guido's style the melancholy of the Byzantine models, which its at transitions, Princeton from a series of twelve scenes collections. 13 in now is the life (pi. and 38), of Christ, patently affected Coppo were only to source of formal ideas to be expressed essentially in plastic terms. In these painters, the first recognizable artistic personalities, Florence a two and Siena con- fronted each other as distinctly opposite worlds. Like the sense of plastic form and spatial brittleness is man-like character of the Magdalene Master, by scenes man from her whom to is so-called after the altarpiece life, frequent dryness and middle-class, The showing the Saint surrounded reveals himself at every point as a bourgeois crafts- the hieratic severity and full-blown culture of Eastern art alien ative sense of the expression. in the service of The best work of this bourgeois art was done popular piety, in the form of homely and unpretentious devotional pictures. Panels such as those of the Master of admired for that work- as in Florence. and incomprehensible. 14 In his pictures the Byzantine reduced to an empty manner - the maniera greca in the later, pejor- must have been influence clarity, the Nowhere else was the sober, new panel-painting so marked also Florentine. their technical soundness. 15 have escaped the hands of hasty Some Bagnano are still of the pictures, especially those restorers, have survived the seven cen- turies since they were painted with hardly any deterioration. Their bright colours have the same freshness still Florentine painters. as when they left the workshops of the 43
Florence and Siena in the Duecento In the prolific activity of the second half of the Duecento who was in Florence, in the last quarter of the century, master emerged a once again to inspire the traditional Eastern forms with genuine passion and elevate umental greatness: Cimabue. 16 In in the Uffizi (pis jg, 40, 42a), his large Madonna them mon- to for Santa Trinita, he shows the mother of God now powerful as a presence outside time and space and yet brought close to us by the compelling, fervent gaze of her wide-open eyes. surrounded by a Twice circle of angels in perfect she life-size, sits on a throne symmetry. The Madonna and by the blue-gold and red-gold of their draperies, are muted tones are reserved Child, closely united the centre of the chromatic composition. Lighter but The on the two sides, like the figures The symmetry is broken only in the lower zone, where one of the Prophets is shown in a vermilion robe, as if to imply that this group has no part in the order of the divine region. The for the angels. distribution of colours of the angels, forms a mirror image. structure of the throne bright ochre-brown is quite clear in spite of the archaic perspective; the wood, slightly shaded in parts, has the weightless The gold ground behind the Prophets of a coloured design. weightless appearance of the massive throne. This clarity And and abstract medieval grandeur. also adds to the work combines one so, in this look Florentine instance, a few years before the appearance of Giotto, the heavy bourgeois spirit of the Florentine painters attained the elevated heights of true sacred to disappear at the Almost contemporaneous with Cimabue's Madonna Madonna, the Rucellai Madonna, Maria Novella named in Florence (pis 41, 43). is at least ten years another even larger after the Rucellai chapel in Santa 17 The commission was given Sienese painter Duccio in 1285, and the detailed contract was which was art, end of the Duecento. younger than Cimabue, 19 and authenticated work, speaks the language of a new still exists. 18 to the Duccio this picture, his earliest generation. Its measure- ments, four and a half meters high and three meters wide, are larger than anything known until then, and the composition and well-designed. is Its but the surface lighter many is not filled as densely as Cimabue's, and more atmospheric. The throne perpendiculars lead the eye upwards. gentle figures clad in filmy draperies, seem is The delicate angels, to float in front of the gold ground. Kneeling, they worship the Virgin and her divine Son, and lightly support the throne evidently by the touch of their fingers. Duccio, like much more deeply affected by the Cimabue. Byzantine nobility and melancholy are ance of Mary, and even 44 more all spirit of the the Sienese, was maniera greca than reflected in the counten- strongly in the faces of die angels. But this was not the only source of Duccio's style. The delicate and graceful touches
Hi III Cimabue Madonna with Angels Assisi, San Francesco, Lower Church

that he found in new form, in the Byzantine works were also present, though in a different art of the West. The faint verticality in Duccio's tion, the sense of space apparent in the oblique composi- view of the throne, and finally Florence and Siena in the Duecento form of the throne itself, show that the young Sienese master was by no means unaffected by the Gothic movement, which was becoming increasingly influential in Italy. The cathedral, which was being built in those the ornamental was received with decades, demonstrates that, especially in Siena, this influence enthusiasm. The new style eventually triumphed during Duccio's Simone Martini, one of Duccio's pupils, identified reservations than any of his Italian contemporaries, with time. city, influence is only barely perceptible. still But by comparison Cimabue's composition, although done time or perhaps slightly structure there sion is seems later, freedom Madonna is the dominant of the composition. figure, she does not Colour plays an important clear its form and expreswhich is intensified by effect a concentration about the same in the on the other hand, knew with in the detail at archaic. Despite something sombre and oppressive the severe symmetry. Duccio, his much more and the archaic overcrowded surface - an greater and has out- to this day. Madonna the new In the Rucellai life- the Gothic sense of form. In the fourteenth century, Siena became a Gothic wardly remained so own himself, with fewer on the how overwhelm combine to essentials. Although the other parts role in the design; the deep blue of the Virgin's cloak provides a tranquil centre for the free interplay of the delicate colours of the surrounding angels. The two tonal values of the halves of the picture are the same, but the colours themselves differ. In his handling of colour, Cimabue adheres to a colour of the angels' draperies The draperies of his is faithfully Madonna and Child stricter symmetry; every single reproduced on the opposite side. are interwoven with shining gold become integrated in the uniform ornamentation of the whole Cimabue has not yet emerged from the Middle Ages, whereas Duccio's picture has a palpable unity and obeys a law and licence of its own; it is thus a step towards the new order that was to prevail in Italian painting. The sole so that they picture. decoration of the Duccio Madonna's deep-blue mantle zigzag line of the hem, which is, as it is the characteristic gold were, a symbol of the new freedom, well as a personal signature recurring repeatedly in Duccio's work. The as or- namentation and gold are confined to those parts that require decoration according to the post-medieval convention - the throne, and the precious brocade covering In all its back. probability Duccio painted the Rucellai great size of the panel makes it unlikely that it Madonna in Florence, for the was transported over a long 47
Florence and Siena in the Duecento distance. In spite of this, its it is and of colours as for instance in The their light, detached delicacy. and in pale blue major work of Sienese painting, and represents a exemplary fashion, principles of design in lilac the free choice draperies of the angels are beside soft carmine and translucent sea-green - colours that are also typical of Duccio's later work. The gay colour and the careless compared with opacity of the average Florentine productions are primitive The major Florentine painters, Coppo and Cimabue, were work in monochrome, which is best suited to the expression of such refinement. inclined to were disposed decoratively, plastic values, and, as far as possible, the colours often in a pedantic and calculated order. Madonna of the angels in the Santa Trinita Madonna paintings of the Duecento in these cases the colours of of the angels on the correspondence is right The symmetrical colour arrangement that found is is from number left The marked transmitted a of aesthetic principles - which were adhered But more important than first an traces of essentially still come back act in Rome to in 1272. 20 him We brought him to Rome, but is as most to the a witness to he was in he could not have been a mere beginner with certainty is artistic who overreached the significant of these masters, an first doc- ecclesiastical administrative do not know the nature of the commission as also medieval workshop practices artistic personalities, Cimabue. He was probably born between 1240 and 1250, and the umentary reference It is workshops of the time to strictly. these was the emergence of well-defined We - the this difference be- indicated in such apparently trivial matters. technical rules, the painters' traditional rules. upper corner: always correspond. In Sienese painting clear that, apart discipline in each both the upper and lower parts of the draperies and just as consistently avoided. tween the two schools in all those Florentine have an angel company with high-ranking at that time. What clerics can be assumed that the artistic impressions he gathered in Rome were the utmost importance in the formation of his style. Unfortunately he referred to again in the records until the beginning of the that new is of not century. In 1302 he was working, together with other masters, on the apse mosaics of Pisa Cathedral. In this large the Santa Trinita is Coppo Evangelist, is Crucifix in San Probably painted around 1270, and John the not known. figure, St The date of his death is Domenico in Arezzo is the only panel-painting before Madonna that can be assigned to Cimabue with certainty. attributable to him. The work only one 21 done di it is of the type originated in the austere sculptural Marcovaldo. 22 The Santa by Giunta Pisano, and expressive manner Trinita characteristic of Madonna, however, already reveals the mature, unmistakably personal style of Cimabue. Modern research is
inclined to date 90, but there it is than the Rucellai Madonna, that later between Cimabue's Madonna panel and Recent opinion supports much earlier the 1270s. On no conclusive evidence. 23 this, is to say, around 1285- the other hand, the close link his frescoes at Assisi beyond is We in the Dnecento and maintains that the frescoes were begun come back shall to this presently. in the Florence Baptistry uncertain. Quite possibly he collaborated in the scenes of Joseph's from and Siena than was previously supposed, dating them towards the end of Cimabue's contribution to the decoration scenes dispute. Florence Genesis also show life. is still Several traces of his style, in spite of all the disfigurement due to intervening restoration. 24 The large Crucifix church 45). the 25 As the name memory on the meters. last years of the century (pis 44, was dedicated implies, the church to the Holy Cross and of the Crucifix with cherub wings that appeared to St Francis at his stigmatization. cross which Cimabue made for Santa Croce, the Franciscan probably belongs in the in Florence, screen, The over Probably Cimabue's work was which would explain life-size figure of its up set exceptional as a size, triumphal 4.48 by 3.90 Christ appears even larger than the actual dimensions might suggest because of its slenderness and the wide sideways curve of the body. The triangle formed by the arms and the ascending line of the legs intersects the rectangular shapes of the frame gether. Christ suffers, yet network of alistic, it more He is remote and weightless. The painting fine overlapping brush-strokes, radiates vehement life refined than that of the and binds them toa and though by no means natur- and creative power; the form Madonna is panel. The doubts is richer and occasionally ex- pressed in regard to Cimabue's personal authorship of the Crucifix are certainly unjustified. 26 This work exemplifies his late style. the Assisi frescoes has disappeared, but the stature of the achieved there remains, and their expressive power The high pathos of monumental forms has here attained a final intensity. 49
Assisi The significance of last Rome and 5 Cimabue's paintings chapter, can be fully understood only at Assisi, briefly when mentioned in the they are considered in their proper context. 1 In the grandiose structure that developed during the thir- teenth century over the burial place of St Francis, architecture and painting No form an organic whole. dance of paintings as the other medieval building contains such an abun- double church of San Francesco at Assisi, which in two churches built one above the other: the sombre tomblike Lower Church with its low vaults and massive walls, and above it the bright and spacious Upper Church with extensive walls and vaults providing ample space for painting. The Gothic forms which give the Upper Church its character are well suited to express the Italian balanced sense of space. The fact consists of single-aisled nave, consisting of four almost square bays, has the appearance of a compact relationship. 2 hall (pi. On 47a) in which height and width form a harmonious the sides of the windows there are large clear spaces. Below which were them the wall provides a continuous series of picture surfaces filled with twenty-eight scenes from the St Francis legend - that great work executed by Giotto and these rows of his pupils in the last years of the pictures, the transept and well-proportioned as the nave Duecento. Beyond and the polygonal choir are (pi. as compact 46)? This grandiose and lavishly decorated building, in strange contrast to the rule of poverty, the essence of Franciscan teaching, was begun as early as 1228 at the instigation of Elias of Cortona, then minister-general of the Order. completed the Lower Church and probably though on quite cuted structure. 50 a different The also and more modest planned the Upper Church, scale than the eventually exe- idea of a double church with a single aisle ground plan doubtlessly originated with Elias. He and cruciform The Upper Church, as it stands
made soon today, involved a radical alteration in the plan, presumably 1247. This change, which gave the building by the fashionable Ile-de-France and not, architecture by the cathedral of Angers. 4 The Upper Church was consecrated after Assisi and Rome Gothic character, was inspired its supposed until re- as cently, been in a rough in 1253. It seems, however, to have state of construction at the time, 5 since the papal approval for collecting alms for the completion and maintenance of San Francesco renewed in that year for a further period of twenty-five years. In was 1266 the approval was confirmed and extended for an additional three years. After that the records are silent for more than two decades. Only when Nicholas IV, Order from 1274-9, ascended the papal minister-general of the Franciscan we throne do building. bulls to find again a reference to During the providing of funds for the pope promote the construction, and presumably San Francesco. 6 It his short reign (1288-92), the Church was probably about at many as eight also the decoration, of can be assumed, however, that building had not stopped The in the interim period. posing that issued as built tins splendid portal on the south side of the soon after 1279. 7 There are also Lower grounds for sup- time Cimabue decorated the choir of the Upper Church. The entire pictorial decoration of the choir, the crossing, the south tran- and part of the north transept are by Cimabue and sept, pictures on the vault above the vation, are the focus of the represented in the Byzantine evangelist is a picture of a world. Three of the allotted to St Mark, is whole conception. They manner walled cities are large seated figures symbolizing a portion of the Christian city, are imaginary places, but the fourth, 'Ytalia', a faithful medieval rendering of regard to their actual position in the are city. Rome. Many crowded within One of its the walls without of them, only recently iden- crown of pinnacles and its stepped gables, 8 is the Capitol, the senate - indicated by the minute coats-of-arms barely visible to by of the workshop. The and philosophers. Beside each as scribes well-known buildings and monuments tified his crossing, the four evangelists, heralds of sal- its seat the naked eye. Besides the letters SPQR these escutcheons contain the emblem of the Orsini family - and not, as was previously supposed, that of the Savelli. way 9 This could not have been chosen of paying homage to the great at random, but Roman of his connection with the Orsini, but it is family. is No Cimabue's covert details are associated with these influential patrons during his stay in coats-of-arms do not appear on an known very likely that he was closely ecclesiastical they must refer to the Orsini in their capacity building but Rome. As on the the Capitol, as senators. In these decades 51
Assist and Rome members of the Orsini family repeatedly served as senators, and therefore emblems in the precise sumed Cimabue's picture. moment in history tempting, however, to associate It is when no be drawn from the appearance of their definite chronological conclusions can Nicholas III, two the office of senator for a period of it with an Orsini pope, himself as- when years (1279-80), Two the senatorial term of Charles of Anjou ended and was not renewed. members of the Orsini family served as senators together with the pope. Moreover, in other 1279 one of these, Matteo Rosso Orsini, was in addition appoint- ed cardinal protector of the Franciscan Order. Despite the absence of conclusive evidence it is extremely likely that Cimabue referred to constellation in his picture of a Rome. It is as though he dated this historical his work with symbolic allusion, and thus provided a chronological clue for the experts. 10 This dating, Upper Church was evidently the to be completed as and the first transept. These pictures, was natural it entire Cimabue's portion was carried out. whose general shows them to be older than those for the which the accepted, demarcates the period during if decoration of the to start from the choir character and style of figures in the nave, form the point of departure whole decorative scheme. The only place where the decoration of the north transept is quite different is the upper zone where work must have been under way before Cimabue was appointed. The decorative elements of the borders and friezes arc pure Gothic, and in the pictures there are noteworthy attempts at rendering perspective in the representations of Gothic architecture. Cimabue, on the other hand, tried by means of his decoration wherever possible to restyle the architectural features of the buildings is particularly marked and give them in the nave. The a classical character, which pictures in the north transept are They were painted by an whose origins remain a complete mystery. Even his technique is quite different from that of Cimabue: the a secco painting was applied on a highly finished drawing in linear style, which is all that now dedicated to the glory of Christ and the apostles. artist of great ability, survives. This technique suggests that the artist was trained the bold elegance of the linear style indicates that he in the north, but was probably an Italian, work for some time while Cimabue and his assistants were painting beside him and radically changing the decorative scheme he had begun. The lower zone of the north possibly a Sienese. Apparently he still continued his transept was, however, eventually assigned to from Cimabue painted many Crucifixion and scenes In the choir 52 of the Virgin, and Cimabue. It contains a large the lives of the apostles. scenes from the life and glorification in the south transept apocalyptic themes, choirs of angels,
and another Crucifixion. Unfortunately now only faintly visible: the this powerful pictorial sequence is Assisi and Rome iconographic content of the scenes can be deci- phered only with great difficulty and the former magnificence of the compositions of warm is Cimabue used lost. ochre colours. In a fresco secco technique many remnant. In so far sole surviving on a monochrome extensive areas the underpainting second layer as this is preserved, base is the it is dis- coloured by the chemical changes that frequently occur in wall-paintings of that time. tints, The lead-white that was added to most colours, especially the flesh As has turned black through oxidation. the appearance of photographic negatives. sent everywhere, only an occasional 11 a result the pictures now have Apart from the ochre tone pre- muted brick-red has escaped this change. Larger areas that have retained their original colour can be found only in the middle zone of the south transept among the choirs of angels, heavily impasted white, vivid green, and deep red are liance and unabated intensity of these colours contemporary panel-paintings. It is diance these colours must have had and match the no longer when where bright, The visible. bril- produced by effects possible to visualize the ra- they covered was the ribs of the building. In addition there still the walls, vaults all glitter of the gilded haloes and gold highlights of the draperies and the large gold areas of the vaults above the crossing, where the evangelists were shown enthroned. Only a vigorous generation charged with primitive sensuous emotion could express its faith and its The formal vision of the heavenly world structure of the paintings is come to in such realistic terms. exceptionally clear and essentially monumental. Voluminous, yet powerfully modelled figures with expressive heads and richly designed draperies are arranged in horizontal rows behind and above one another. The scenes of the Death of Mary, her Assumption, and her Glorification in the midst of the heavenly host, are typical examples. 12 Other compositions, for instance Mary on her Death-bed surrounded by Apostles, display an astonishing Although there spatial content. as is yet the no consistent organization of space in perspective, the figures, conceived in separate blocks, Cimabue convey together a sense of three-dimensional reveals himself as the direct precursor of Giotto, an effect of depth by means of his figures. The space. who severe emphasis on basic hor- work. The modelling of the izontal and figures and the tectonic construction of the paintings are Florentine vertical planes also recurs in Giotto's and reappear, though on Here also creates traits, a different stylistic principle, in Masaccio. The agitated, furrowed faces already noticed in the prophets of the Florentine Madonna panel appear everywhere in Assisi. The angels are grave and powerful, with low foreheads, large In spite of all this Cimabue was no formalist. 53
Assisi and Rome sharply-cut eyes, and strongly modelled jaws. 13 mind that brings to thoroughly It is a virile art the great Florentines of later days: Masaccio, Donatello, and Michelangelo. Cimabue's figures have the same terribilita, a profound and almost alarming solemnity. This elemental and, these figures, all of the picture and tugs swept by crowd a gust of passion (pi. 49J. almost twice takes where grief is by deepest, Mary's right hand a halo, points storm has The risen dense, with a gesture of unforgettable Only in his, in the group of mourners on outward show of sorrow avoided. is all and in a The turn gently towards each other. this silent real life-size Christ. Son of God. The twelve angels hover around the cross in postures of utter despair (pi. 50). left, A in the of spectators resembles a corn-field swaying in the wind. centurion, distinguished expressiveness to the dead the to deep pathos whenever the subject matter at the loin-cloth of the wildly excited The is mood common were, inarticulate disquiet, the demands enhanced emotion. The Crucifixion scene itself south transept as it intensified to a is of classical nobility they women identify themselves with other Mary Magdalene group. Only the passionate St John movement impulsively stretches her hands towards Christ, but stands motionless, as though taking a vow. At her feet St Francis, a humble monk, kneels beside the cross and bows over Redeemer. the dripping blood of the Another equally large Crucifixion covers the corresponding wall north transept. The composition is in the roughly the same, but the dramatic impact of this version, evidently done later, is much weaker than its older counter- Cimabue seems to have entrusted its execution to his workshop. 14 But the Madonna with Angels and St Francis in the transept of the Lower Church is another work by Cimabue's own hand, and probably the last he did in Assisi (pi. III). Though faded and gravely impaired by numerous part. restorations, this fragment In the obscurity of the the is still one of the most impressive low oppressive room, in the church. the forms reveal themselves as consummation of Cimabue's achievement in the field of monumental The drapery and the human forms become united and round as in painting. classical sculpture, and the movements are remarked upon; but his contact with it hardly classical justifies the works. It is free and fluid. This has often been assumption that Cimabue renewed more likely that his plastic sense, the sculptor's inclination for the austere beauty of simple forms, that been an essential characteristic of The very scale of the frescoes Cimabue, here reached done by Cimabue and that the master's activities in Assisi extended over a 54 historical Ins its full had long expression. workshop number suggests of years. On grounds, the early part in the choir and the crossing of the Upper
: Church can, as already seen, very probably be dated to the end of the 1270s. Assist and Rome The last portion, stylistically represented by the Enthroned Madonna in the Lower Church, seems to have been done shortly after 1280. There is at least one piece of evidence to confirm hypothesis: the frescoes, dated 1284, this painted by the Florentine, Corso di Buono, in the choir of San Giovanni Evangelista in Montelupo which Cimabue's fully (pi. 42 b) half-way between Florence and Pisa, for developed must have served style at Assisi as model. 15 The type and style of the figures are similar, and the predominant reddish and brown colours correspond to the basic tones of Cimabue's palette, although their range is more limited. The historical argument for the dating of Cimabue's work at Assisi thus obtains direct and independent support from this stylistic relationship. 16 While Cimabue was painting in the his Madonna sequence of the pictures starts from Lower Church, the work The narrative scenes from the Old Testa- in the nave of the Upper Church was probably also in progress. the crossing: ment, beginning with the Creation, are on the north wall, and the Christ on the south is The order tive first and The third, of were done first, and those on the entrance wall vaults were also decorated according to a Bounded by wide blue surfaces span the room is last. for uniform plan The precious ultramarine, repeated in the vaults of the choir and the transepts. All the parts of the cruciform The empty colourful borders, these large deep- like celestial canopies. originally strewn with golden stars, 17 left counting from the crossing, were reserved for non-figura- ornamentation. starry sky. life arranged in two horizontal rows. the lower zone, intended for the St Francis legend, was the time being. the series is of execution followed the sequence of the narrative, so that the scenes near the crossing Only Each wall. room were thus united under a figurative scenes with their gold ground, alternating rhyth- mically between the ornamented vaults, do not disrupt but rather contribute to the harmony of the scheme. The four Fathers of the Church in the first vault nearest the portal correspond to the four Evangelists in the vault above They too are shown as full-figure scribes, each accompanied by The centre of the ceiling is reserved for Christ attended by Mary, the crossing. a clerk. 18 John the Baptist, and St Francis interceding on behalf of humanity. Thus the traditional Intercession scene include the saint in of Byzantine iconography whose honour huge half-length representations angels. the building was is here enlarged to erected. in medallion form, each The figures are accompanied by two Contrary to Byzantine portrayals of Christ, whose Benediction is often a gesture of stern authority, the figure of Christ radiates gentleness and an 55
Assisi and Rome abiding sublimity. This from nificantly paintings are also to the Saints, similar is the is Roman Church and interpretation, differs sig- The artistic precedents for these be found in Rome. The style of this vault, the Vault of to that of Jacopo Torriti, and even more to that of his the Byzantine conception. Both masters are known from signed mosaic works preserved Rome. The scenes on the walls of the nave are also inspired by Roman tradition. The scheme itself - the placing of Old Testament scenes opposite scenes from pupil Rusuti. churches in in New the those Testament - was from a Roman Old Testament, the practice ditions established in early Christian times. 19 by many ; of the scenes, especially derive their iconography early models. Even the Another and is largely influenced is the classical spirit and classical feeling for form, still from Roman tra- style of the painting more powerful feature which becomes increasingly more pronounced as the work progresses from the crossing to the entrance wall. The nave of San Francesco must, therefore, be the work of Roman painters, or artists trained in Rome. The Creation (pi 52), in the top row of the north wall nearest to the crossing, has long been attributed to Filippo Rusuti, an attribution unexpectedly confirmed of the Creator (pi. the wall. 20 a It is 53) that came sitive style of the conventional. by the drawing when the picture in fresco secco. In preliminary sketch, the final It is impossible to technical process, or can tell whether Rusuti style. addition to the see, in whether Roman work (pi. this due to the complicated is clarification. in the made the life of Christ, is 22 manner of the But the nature of the a matter that requires further 23 project of Assisi Florentine and was of major importance painting. In order to understand the examine to briefly the Roman masters in the large joint for the evolution of the new Italian complex and quite dramatic phenomenon that occurred in the last decades of the Rome, from to identify the fragmentary Crucifixion scene. The encounter between to 52) appears dry and element, the influence of Cimabue's between Duccio and Cimabuc relationship from the completion to an assistant. 21 left Furthermore, an attempt has been young Duccio lifted comparison with the sen- In the frescoes of the nave, especially in the scenes we of the head was brush under-drawing in red and ochre for the finished paint- which was presumably done ing, to light Duecento, we must turn once again development there from about the middle of the century. Medieval 56 At art in the outset it Rome presents a rich but by no means uniform picture. could be said that since the decline of antiquity 'Roman art'
no longer existed, but only Rome. The art in Eternal City was too big and too universal to establish a local school of distinct character such and in Florence a Roman were there any cany, Middle Ages there were Siena. In the character, but there and Rome and works of Roman concept of form, nor of a Roman style. Unlike Tus- was hardly any typical or consistent features where the smaller artists Assisi as existed made centres their contribution and jointly formed a unified 'artistic landscape' with a distinctive style, Latium, the district around Rome, was a sphere of Roman influence with no creative energy of its own. Thus, the paintings in the Sylvester Chapel near SS. Quattro Coronati in Rome do dryness, not and show any Roman specific features except perhaps a certain a technical routine easily resorted to when keep pace with the influx of numerous commissions. powers cannot creative Rome had always been academicism characterized by a massive and spacious fertile soil for in so far as this can be said of any medieval work of quence of the legendary scenes in the Sylvester Chapel. Their of the middle of the Duecento, and the date of execution related to the consecration of the chapel in 1246. 24 tell two and of apostles, peror The (pi. 18). who St Sylvester, is style is is typical vividness, of the appearance of the receives the papal tiara basic Byzantine style and to the se- evidently closely With dramatic dream the story of Constantine's the paintings style; art, it applies from the em- evident everywhere, but still is transformed, as in Tuscan painting of the same period, into something popular and Romanesque. The chromatic effect is determined by the richly applied chalk white, the contrasting brownish-red outlines and the predominant dull earthy tones. blue, covered appeared The barrel vaulting of the long with a pattern of stars, like room was the spectacular sky vaulting that and eventually became later at Assisi apparently originally a feature of most Trecento churches. In the abbey of Grottaferrata in the Alban ings probably done soon 25 after 1272. hills there are remains of paint- The Romanesque formula and the bold emphasis on the outlines are no longer evident here. Moses, shrinking away from the snake, is modelled Byzantine in character, is in large naturalistic, compact forms and individual are not exaggerated or enlarged in the medieval expressive, fluid and natural. Once (pi. iga). His head, features such as the eyes manner. The gestures are again, the classic features of Byzantine art demonstrate their liberating and stabilizing power. It was only the acceptance of the neo-Hellenistic concept that provided Italy with the conditions for the growth of an independent From and yet here this it realistic pictorial style. was a barely perceptible was one of the step to the art of Pietro Cavallini, decisive turning-points in the history of Western 57
Assist and Rome the Last Judgment in Santa Cecilia in art. Cavallini's apostles in in a to row on wooden chairs, draw them together They hold their respective attributes in them are looking in different directions. The figures was a Byzantine practice, and can also be (pi. igc). and nearly different ways, Rome are seated each completely isolated, and without any gesture all regular arrangement of the of seen in the Last Judgment in the Demetrios Cathedral at Vladimir; 26 but there a certain uniformity holds an open book is preserved through the manner in which each apostle in front of him, and their postures and the arrangement of their draperies are also roughly the same. Cavallini, however, varied the postures and draperies of the figures, and although the type of head same - straight, narrow nose, eyes closely set, variety of hair style, demeanour, and age. mouth - They look there is like seated is the a rich marble each individually designed, and accidentally placed next to one an- statues, other. All they material tions small have common in from which they from are light to dark, are of the though not very is a sculptural compactness and the solid made. The draperies, modelled with rich grada- same tough, heavy intense, colours are material. The luminous, subdued by the strong, almost tangible What mattered to Cavallini was form, the individual figure, volume and weight. Space exists only to the extent that it is created by the figures. The only thing that unites these painted statues to some degree is light: the apostles seated on the left are uniformly lit from the left, and those seated on the right are lit from the right. The fire and noble spirituality of the Vladimir Apostles, which are here taken sculptural effect. its as typical of Byzantine art, have almost completely disappeared: Cavallini's power and sober solemnity. The heads of more animated than those of the older bearded apostles retain only the primitive the younger apostles appear figures. The new and individual spirit of Cavallini's painting is expressed most clearly in the figure of Christ in the Last Judgment (pi. 19b), radiating infinite compassion. of the gods. blessed is The large countenance has the exalted calm of the classical images The gestures are simple (only the right hand stretched out to the completely preserved), and have acquired a new and profound mean- Although the Byzantine model is closely followed in the facial types and attitudes - probably with the intention of faithful imitation - the coming. pletely different local Roman Western conception asserts itself plainly. Its roots lie in the tradition, in the paintings of the great basilicas of early Christian times. Hitherto the gigantic pictorial sequences in San Paolo and Old St Peter's had influenced medieval 58 They served as a kind of art chiefly through their representational content. monumental iconographic manual. Now they were
once again to become a which we fruitful artistic source, for are fortunate Assist and Rome have documentary proof. Ghiberti records that Cavallini executed an ex- to tensive commission in San Paolo fuori le mura. His task was to restore the pictorial decoration of the basilica, originally done in the fifth century, work he was careful to reproduce the iconography Though evidently damaged, most of the scenes were in his and of the existing scenes. recognizable in their new pictures (which is what Some of the early Christian broad outlines. Cavallini overpainted them with the Middle Ages understood by restoration). compositions were retained in their original form, and remained until they were destroyed, together with we still have a complete Cavallini's work, set of copies of these in the fire of 1823. However, works commissioned by Cardinal Francesco Barberini in the seventeenth century, 27 which convey the content of the scenes, and also give an idea of their style. Fragmentary inscriptions, repro- duced by the Baroque copyists, enable us to date Cavallini's nave of San Paolo between 1277 and 1290, 28 the years The the style seen in Santa Cecilia. ings in San Paolo differed from copies clearly show in activities in the which he evolved that Cavallini's paint- the fifth-century originals in the more slender proportion of his figures and the greater variety of architectural motifs, in Yet part Gothic, that he introduced. inevitably, the grand style and the figures of the early Christian compositions, full of classical recollections, exerted a profound influence on Cavallini's work. His later independent productions can only be understood in the light of the knowledge of early Christian that he acquired during his work art San Paolo. in This applies both to the Santa Cecilia frescoes and to the mosaic cycle in Santa Maria in Trastevere, where Cavallini added six scenes from the Mary life of to the existing twelfth-century apse mosaics. The scenes were probably completed mood, not been authenticated. 29 Their in 1291, but this date has especially when compared with contemporary Roman always been noticed. Virgin (pi. 20 a), It is classical mosaics, has particularly strong in the first scene, the Birth of the which has the clarity of a classical relief. The activity of the tempered by tender human warmth and sympathy. The freedom of movement and the grouping reveal a mastery of composition - the result midwives is of long years of close contact with classical Christian mental skill effect of the Presentation in the Temple (pi. art. The solemn monu- 20b) depends on the rhythmic with which the figures and the architectural forms of the background brought into harmony. Other scenes, especially the Nativity of Christ and the Death of the Virgin, still adhere closely to Byzantine iconography. Common are to the entire series, however, clear distribution of light is the sculptural conception of the figures, the and shade in the scenes, which are nearly all lit 59
Assisi and Rome from a single direction, and pieces placed side by side to economy of die means used to suggest Romanesque manner. The two architectural finally die space, far superior to the formal form the interior setting for the Birth of the Virgin, The same applies to the Three Kings pay homage to Mary, although are symbolic rather than representational. in front of which the a surprising understanding of perspective. were soon It to be assimilated work seems that directly after the the decoration of Santa Cecilia, shows of the elements that and given harmonious expression by Giotto, are already to be found in the artist, many Indeed building it a greater of Cavallini. completion of these mosaics Cavallini began i. e., at the beginning of the 1290s. 30 In addi- tion to the Last judgment, remnants of scenes from Old Testament the are preserved on the south wall of the nave, and a fragment of an Annunciation on the north scene As was customary, wall. from scenes the New Testament were placed opposite scenes from the Old Testament. Between the windows there in were also large figures of prophets standing pure Gothic form. 31 The to Cavallini, and here too had already worked In San Paolo, Cavallini Cambio, the Florentine sculptor-architect, extant, bears the date 1285. The Later, Cavallini came by side whose association side with Arnolfo tabernacle in San Paolo, was renewed di still in Santa Cecilia. with their moulded gables correspond Cavallini's painted Gothic baldachins to Arnolfo's tabernacle, beneath painted baldachins new style from north of the Alps was thus familiar we can trace the sources of his acquaintanceship. which stands in the choir and dated 1293. is into even closer contact with the Gothic, in Naples, where Gothic architecture of great monumentality developed under the rule Anjou family. The convent church of Santa Maria Donnaregina, one of their principal enterprises, was decorated with frescoes by pupils of Caof the vallini, presumably under his direction. Stylistically this large work, abounding in narrative detail, opment than surviving works in his developed by Giotto already shows fully assimilated. The much Rome. The new belongs to a its and important later stage of devel- concept of painting influence here, though it is not yet records mention Cavallini in Naples in 1308, but the 32 paintings in Donnaregina were probably produced only around 1320. To conclude our account of for the frescoes at Assisi Rome. There are this creative period, which prepared the way and the advent of Giotto, we must turn again to two works to be considered: the mosaic apse decorations IV 60 Giotto, Esau and Isaac Assisi, San Francesco
I I 1 I f I ' II

in the Lateran Basilica among and Maria Maggiore. 33 Both these works, most magnificent mosaics of the Nicholas IV, the same pope of the in Santa work in who was all Assist and Rome were commissioned by promoting the continuation time, so active in San Francesco. They were done by Jacopo Torriti, and can be dated between 1288 and 1292 by reference to Pope Nicholas' reign. Torriti's However, in from the life of Mary in the apse of Santa Maria Maggiore, we find the same classical Roman clarity and freshness already noticed in the Vault of the Saints in Assisi. As principal motif for the style is still Torriti's closer to the Byzantine tradition than Cavallini's. work, especially in the scenes Santa Maria Maggiore mosaics, Torriti took the Coronation of the I 'irgin Western type of composition developed in France. 34 Thus a Gothic element was introduced into the work, which is otherwise based on early (pi. 21 a), a The Gothic influence also becomes noticework of Filippo Rusuti, a pupil of Torriti, Christian and Byzantine tradition. able in the style of the figures in the who decorated the facade of The transept of Santa Santa Maria Maggiore with mosaics before 1308. 35 Maria Maggiore was also decorated with wall- paintings under the patronage of Nicholas IV, and impressive remnants are preserved. Large-scale spiral scroll-work and a fill the upper zone and support a busts of prophets. 36 and The frieze hard piercing, almost menacing, look. is with medallions containing over life-size figures are rock-like, as their expressions are equally still huge painted console framing The (pi. 21b). though chiselled in stone, The wide-open eyes have a detail of the faces, ears, hair, beards, defined in a severe, brittle style, and the drapery folds are sharp as crystal. These busts of prophets were done by a painter of the Cavallini school, and although they have been attributed to the young Giotto, likely that they are the Assisi and of a in the Crucifix of Santa be detected for the richer, work first young man. 37 it two hardly seems Isaac scenes at Maria Novella, where Giotto's time with some certainty, everything and more varied. But here, even identify a painter, there In the is little is style in the characteristic details to suggest that the prophets are by can livelier, which the hand of Giotto. Nevertheless there appears to be a close connection between the paintings in Santa Maria at Assisi. Maggiore and The anonymous Roman the Prophet Busts, certain parts of the painter, was perhaps one of the nave decoration whom we may call the Master of artists whom Giotto entrusted with the execution of the Vault of the Doctors and the St Francis legend. anticipates a train of on But this thought that must be developed in the following chapter the Assisi frescoes. 63
6 Giotto the early years : The great picture cycle in the nave of San Francesco at Assisi large pictorial series that were derived from models Paolo and Old St Peter's in Rome. The mere fact of makes state of preservation when it graphic scheme of tions opposite vaults, Old and which had no umns or single-aisled lower zone, which arcades. This was in a sense unique: Testament scenes in addition there parallel in the and furthermore the pictures in the New one another, but Roman of the last survival in its unique today, but even this cycle was painted the work was the is in the basilicas of its San present time at the placed the icono- it in their traditional posi- was the decoration of the basilicas with their open rafters; church provided space for a third row of was interrupted by in other churches a suitable place to illustrate the life col- of St Francis, the patron saint of the church. Extending along the walls of the nave there are twenty-eight scenes from the St Francis legend, beginning The the crossing (pis 47a, 47b, 56-39, V, VI). than the Biblical representations in the zone above, but They confront their intensity and ending at pictures are smaller in scale still almost life-size. the spectator directly and fascinate the most casual visitor with and forthright popular But even more powerful than the style. miraculous and moving events of the story are the lofty monumentality and austere grandeur of gesture directness. Bright and and composition. Everything lively colours are used wherever is vivid tones to prevent the deep blue of the background, part lost, from becoming however, restrained Franciscans who are the chromatic effect Cimabue's paintings is the dominant this zeal for almost tale it needed for the most iconographic element, brown cowls of the the scenes. Consequently must have had is artistic absent, partly because reasons. The but the simple truth. The history of Christendom, for nothing it scenes are 1 a mysterious unnatural light. by narrative purports to be a faithful historical record, and to legendary mous all now mainly sober and earthy. The solemn splendour which in the choir illuminated with abstract clarity, not 64 in inappropriate to the subject, but also for The One colour: the grey and prominent figures is note. told with simple suitable, for life less of St Francis than decorative scheme of the nave of the this is is tell not a told as part of the the subject of the enor- Upper Church. There can be no
doubt that iconographically uniform plan, although not reflected in the it artistic was conceived from the it apparent is character of the work. stylistically more advanced than and has the appearance of having been all Old Testament The St Francis legend is Giotto: the early years is the decoration in the upper zones of the nave, done by a younger generation. The kind were unavoidable in an undertaking of Several groups of size. according to a scenes nearest the crossing seem, in comparison, particularly archaic. Discrepancies of this such vast start glance that this uniformity at first artists of different schools seem to have worked here successively. 2 Intermittent interruptions in activity must also have occurred, possibly because of shortage of summoned from Rome had means, but perhaps also because the other commitments there. 3 Only artists the final scenes of the upper zone, those nearest the entrance wall, reveal a stricter discipline. The method collective of production was abandoned here and replaced by who the superior artistic ability of a single individual. This individual, a new conception of artistic responsibility, and at the time a new created style, could only have been Giotto. So far historians have not been able to agree on the nature and Giotto's intervention. was active in Assisi. The only No fact that definitive is almost beyond dispute documentary evidence exists, made worked in the Franciscan to connect this reference Church. However, these were church at Assisi. refer to the St Francis legend alone his authorship was he explicitly Attempts have been with the Giottesque paintings in the Lower all workshop productions, and part executed later than Riccobaldo's record. must therefore 5 that but one con- temporary source, the Chronicle of Riccobaldo da Ferrara, mentions that Giotto is scale of Upper Church The for the most chronicler's information only, and for a long time the associated with Giotto. Some without reservation, while others disputed historians accepted it hotly. This dispute reflected two basically different approaches to the whole prob- lem of Giotto. The one, disposed to follow tradition and the evidence of the records, accepted the St Francis cycle as an early around 1300. The other, adopting a severely wide stylistic style of the disparity between the work critical attitude, St Francis scenes Umbrian done emphasized the and the grand austere mature master, and regarded these paintings follower of Giotto, or even of a local of Giotto, as the work of a school. 6 Unfortunately this valid criticism led to a misinterpretation of historical events, in which admir- ation for Giotto's mature art prevented a proper understanding of his early development. For a long time these two irreconcilable views existed side by side. The dispute about the St Francis cycle seemed to have been reduced to the level of a professional controversy in which the arguments had been 65
Giotto: the early years exhausted. In the absence of proof, prejudice prevailed, and the few historians who from an early stage had taken a doctrinaire less and more synoptic view of the problem were ignored. 7 The Giotto exhibition in 1937 at last initiated a re-appraisal. The impetus come from the Assisi frescoes, but from a panel painting, the Crucifix in Santa Maria Novella (pis 60 61). 8 This is a major work of Giotto's, but did not , although known for a long time, had attracted it little attention until then. had always hung on the entrance wall of the church, but rather high up It and inadequately lit, so that it shared the fate of all the early works of the master: the narrow conception of his style was blind to anything that did not conform to the accepted tication, going back ideal. Even a relatively early documentary authen- was disregarded, not through ignorance as far as 13 12, or carelessness, but simply because the information did not seem to tally with the current conception of Giotto. covery, which finally put this One may, of Florentine painting and in Giotto's own analogous works, and of what appear to be of the therefore, speak of a real redis- great Crucifix in its rightful place in the history development. On the basis of replicas, a date in the last decade established. 9 Duecento has been when his youthful The massive figure hangs heavily on the cross, its chest stretched, the abdomen pressed forward, the broad hips somewhat uncertainly foreshortened. It is far removed from the slender formalized figure This is the style of Giotto at the age of about twenty-five, powers were at their height. drooping weightlessly that Crucifix figure, 10 we encountered in Cimabue's mature work, the from Santa Croce. There but it was Giotto who is pathos and deep emotion in Cimabue's first depicted with unflinching realism the humanity of Christ and the agony of the martyred body. However, harsh realism is not the main substance of features of the deeply struggle. bowed head The hands with this are relaxed impressive work. and ennobled their slender, shapely fingers, open its after the like new, The noble wings. long The tension of the skin, the contour of the muscles and the bones beneath are modelled with great delicacy and deep interest in the realities of suffering and death. The type of the crucified figure, with bent knees and feet pierced by a single nail, is Gothic, and here makes its first appearance in Italian painting. 11 Mary and St John on the side panels are not racked with pain, as in Cimabue's Crucifix, but contemplate Christ with noble composure. Giotto's leaning towards realism is kept in check by his firm emotional control and his unerring and confident sense of 66 style. come back into our purview unexpectedly, also throws an unexpected new light on the monumental cycle at Assisi. The confusion This work, which has
now of styles in the St Francis sequence a pattern of consistent begins to take on some order, and development emerges. Furthermore, Giotto's own part Giotto: the early years more clearly defined. Unless all the indications are misleading, his mind and personal style can already be discerned in the Old Testa- can be constructive ment It scenes in the upper zone of the north wall. has always been observed that the two Isaac scenes, Jacob's Deception Esau and Isaac (pis 34, 55, IV), are far superior in scenes. Their clear spatial structure, narrative have always attracted attention. For work of a 'great unknown', the a and quality to the other artistic power and warm rich colour long time they were thought to be the so-called Isaac Master. 12 Had such a master indeed existed, he, and not Giotto, would have been the founder of modern painting; here for the stitute the new first defined pictorial stage, of which strict rule of all the basic elements that con- formulated by Giotto as the box-like architecture - the shown with are time are present conception of a 'picture' interior : the clearly and exterior equal clarity - the composition subjugated to the the verticals and horizontals, the disposition of the picture surface with reference to the edges of the frame, and new finally the sculptural compact- Only by satisfying these formal requirements could the calm and moving drama, which makes the two Isaac scenes so memorable, be brought to life. The blind, groping Isaac in the second picture, which is the better preserved of the two, has no precedent in icononess of the figures, full of a vitality. graphic tradition. His sightless eyes face the frank gaze of Esau, es without yet suspecting that he has been cheated of who approach- his father's blessing. The young woman accompanying him looks on apprehensively. 13 In the first scene the approach to Isaac is more guarded Jacob, his hands and neck covered : with the hide of the slaughtered kid, stands shadow. side nearest his father in remains the plot, still as a statue. whose son Jacob from Esau is Between at the the two but Jacob stands Rebecca, the instigator of obedient only to her will. signifies that foot of the bed, with the Isaac has grasped his son's hand, The halo which blessing. The he has received the distinguishes story is told with the greatest economy of means, but the monumentality of the forms gives weight even to this spare narrative, and the total effect of a tense is and accomplished drama. Further examination of the Isaac scenes strengthens the conviction that the style, the personal touch, cannot be attributed to anyone but Giotto. The Santa Maria Novella Crucifix provides a useful comparison. in spite of its (pis 55, 61); entirely different expression, one need only visualize it is The head of Christ, closely related to Esau's upright and with eyes open. have the same generous structure, and although there may head The forms be differences in 67
Giotto: the early years detail, the nose, mouth, chin, and cheeks are modelled with the same delicacy and economy. The half-length figures of Mary and on the St John side panels of the Crucifix support the comparison. Their restrained, silent sorrow has the same emotional quality as the wordless and almost gestureless drama of the Isaac scenes. From we these observations can establish the extent of Giotto's participa- tion in the decoration of the nave at Assisi. for the first the 1290s. ability, when he time Still him from apart seems to have appeared there young, and presumably determined relatively he painted them with clearly sets He executed the two Isaac scenes at the beginning of own his crowd the hand, and anonymous of prove to his his artistic individuality painters, particularly if one compares the wall-paintings with the Crucifix, which was probably done shortly after the Isaac scenes. Giotto, therefore, returned once ence before continuing his work at Assisi. And have been in Rome. Familiarity with Cavallini's at more style, with the iconography of the early Christian paintings in San Paolo and with Christian Christian classical spent some time are art, all essential in close contact early times he travelled freely, to the Isaac scenes. Giotto with Cavallini. 14 and was almost as It to Flor- an earlier date he must and pre- must have can be assumed that from much at home in Rome as in Florence. The two Isaac scenes are in the bay next but one to the Upper Church. It would appear that the painting of the proceeded steadily It is in that direction, which was the practical entrance wall in the upper zone way of working. therefore not surprising that Giottesque ideas, later to be taken up again in the Arena Chapel, also appear in the last bays Comparison with the Santa Maria Novella and on the entrance wall. 15 Crucifix suggests that part of these scenes are also in Giotto's personal style, particularly the Lamentation of Christ, and the two Joseph scenes on the opposite wall. 16 Shortly afterwards Giotto seems to have been given a leading position at Assisi. This, as Vasari reports, might well have been at the time vanni da Muro 1296 and 1304. 17 and when Gio- held the office of minister-general of the Order, between An pictorial surface entirely is new kind of relationship between apparent in the Doctors' Vault. thrones and desks of the Church Fathers, decorated in The spatial Roman style, niche-like cabinets of their assistants, are placed in the vault in careful, still empirical, perspective. and the though foreshortening makes the centre of below the vault the only natural and proper viewpoint. The stress on the horizontals at the base of the thrones gives the vaulting above the ribs a unified dome-like shape. Neither Cimabue, in the vault above the the church floor 68 The marked depth richly articulated
, nor the Master of the crossing, new This sense of space in Saints' itself is Vault attempted anything comparable. indicative of Giotto. The central viewpoint, the planned arrangements of the profusion of detail are Giotto's, the accuracy with which the The tures, are rendered. accommodated are same is the elaborate marble and types of the figures, clearly revealing to this of the Isaac scenes, but details, development. They now now Roman is training, have an echo of the style The still and of the colours, Giotto the early years struc- everything has become harder and colder. true of the style of the draperies chalky tones and so wooden : which sharp in predominate. This hardness and austerity closely associates the Doctors' Vault with the from the theme and scale - the vault representations - there are few differences between the two that extend St Francis legend. Apart much are larger beyond the usual It would seem variations in execution occurring in that the directly after the vault, 18 and the connections was the leading plausible that Giotto any particular workshop. same group of workmen did the just demonstrated figure in this operation. however, that from then on he entrusted the execution of Although the compositions to assistants. scenes from bear the mark plain. of his genius, some painting. is head of Isaac, some of the Church though lacking its renewed Isaac scenes Fathers are reminiscent of the profound inspiration. The youth- of the scenes recalls the sons of Isaac, but the own hand. tins also applies to The group The fire, the sculptural severity of the standard pattern is broken the figures, of the pope with the Confirmation of the Ride of the Order The most of the reduced to schematic roundness and smoothness. The archaic element predominant, and Giotto's it appears, of the detail does not. His style evidently youthful energy and alertness, are missing. is make his designs largely at least But the connection with the two The bearded heads ful St Francis in forms whole, or a hardening phase at tins time, possibly as a result of Roman contact with patriarchial as a It the Giving of the Cloak to the nineteenth scene, the Stigmatization went through is still St Francis legend (pi. in only a 57J few is which members are possibly by of the Curia in a characteristic example. places, as for instance in the expressive heads of the outraged father and his companions in the scene of St Francis Renouncing his Family (pis 58, V). the its magnetism of the But these are exceptions. Despite St Francis legend as a whole, and the skill of many of compositions, the individual parts remain strangely hard and cold, and the warmth and forcefulness of the narrative are not reflected in the painting itself. The intimate mood of the legend, which from the start was at odds with the characteristic effort to achieve monumentality, has been entirely lost in the execution of the pictures. 69
Giotto: the early years would It seem thus the very limited sense that assistants. it is why This would explain solution to the problem execution, a distinction that is value of the St Francis cycle. in the the work among art lies historians. in the distinction Modern concepts of 'originality' and 'author- methods and sense. Giotto's contribution to this field than his achievement in importance fecting his it is observed In all creations. Even stylistic creation. as as a style in the familiar was no To understand epoch-making less this side of his histor- necessary to look again at the technical conditions af- work. duality of design itself. we that production have a history of their own, and are artistic an expression of a general intellectual attitude narrower it between design and essential for a just assessment of the artistic upper zone and vaults of San Francesco should put us on our guard techniques of The in has been the subject of such against applying present-day criteria to Giotto's much work only Giotto's must be discarded. The cooperative system of work ship' ical is an interpretation of his designs by inadequate dispute and inconsistent assessments The famous cycle likely that the and execution is technically as old as the art of painting the archaic periods, in Egypt, in Greece, and in medieval Europe, was customary to draw on the picture medium directly and then cover the drawing with itself, wall or panel, The drawing, which layers of paint. also served as the design, was the concern of the master. As a rule the execution of the painting - depending was the task of his assistants. on the The scale and importance of the commission - painters in the rocky monasteries Athos, trained in the Byzantine tradition, nineteenth century. 19 In this kind of still artistic followed on Mount this practice in approach the drawing is the merely an expedient, a preliminary stage in the execution of the work. From and his the technical evidence in their paintings, contemporaries were the They it can be inferred that Giotto first post-classical artists to abandon this monumental painting as an independent operation to be executed with care and accuracy. The model for this was the mosaic technique, in which it was essential to begin with a fullscale drawing of the composition on the wall surface. The drawing was done archaic practice. treated the design of with a brush on the rough in sections initial layer of mortar, with finer mortar into which coloured stones and pieces of V 70 which was then covered glass Giotto, St Francis Renouncing His Family Assisi, S.m Francesco
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: were pressed. In the ed in was completed, The term it wall, as a rule in charcoal. this. 20 the first drawing Giotto the early years in a reddish tone. which has recently come into common use, Such monumental drawings are found underneath almost come to light wherever the top layer has peeled The most striking example of this is in the Campo which was heavily damaged in the Second World War. The all Trecento frescoes, and oft or been removed. 21 Santo in When was repeated with the brush, usually sinopia (red earth), from derives same way the designs for wall-paintings were now sketch- on the full size Pisa, had to be detached; as a result, the full-scale drawings - of amazing quantity and quality - became visible (pi ioob). 22 The execution of the paint- frescoes would then ing from day on continue, as in mosaic, fresh plaster applied in sections Design and painting to day, the so-called giornata (day's work). were thus no longer merged, but formed two basically separate operations, two layers of plaster, coarse and on top of the other. 23 This technique provided the condidevelopment of the classical buon fresco of the Renaissance with distinguished further in the materials of the applied one fine, tions for the glossy surface and durable colours. its Technically, the painters of the Middle Ages had been facing an insoluble dilemma. As the system of giornata was unknown, work on the drying plaster had to be carried out with great speed. A combine two modes of operation. Only the design and the done in fresco. After the ours. There was thus produced only a choice between constant pressure, the fresco, and a It was here first ground had dried the painting was done per, casein, or tempera. This layer to were in distem- binding of the col- a superficial a durable more fresh, fast- compromise was but hasty execution under permanent method. careful but less that the innovation introduced towards the end of the thirteenth century became a valuable aid and was evidently already put to systematic use by Giotto in the St Francis legend at Assisi. surface into smaller sections enabled all The division of the picture the parts to be executed carefully, almost entirely in fresco. Giotto used the tempera technique only for specific colours, such as blue, 24 the whole much and for ornaments and the closer to that of the fresco technique of the Renaissance. like. Middle Ages than He was His technique is on to the fully developed certainly not acquainted with mechanical devices for transferring the design to the top layer, that is to say, with the traced drawing and the cartoon. The freshly applied sections of plaster always covered the drawing just Giotto, and all the other Trecento particular 'day's work', training. This is at the places where it was to be painted. artists, relied, in the execution of each on memory and on their highly developed formal why Giotto's newly created style quickly lapsed into a formula. 73
Giotto : the early years It was doubtless Giotto's intention from the start to because only in style. this way could he train At the time of the execution of the his assistants, that beginning - and create numerous his manageable formulas, St Francis legend the training of to say, the formation of the Giotto is this is the the master's intentions uniform assistants in a workshop, was just explanation of the frequent discrepancy between and the inadequacy and schematism of the execution. Naturally the painting had to be briefly sketched again with the brush on the top layer as well, and this lines. was done free-hand, usually in fine, confident Although the design on the rough mortar of the wall had, through Giotto's innovation, become of major importance, it served only to determine The monumental the general disposition and arrangement of the picture. drawing, completely subjected to the requirements of the given space, har- monized the painting and the architecture in the most natural way. It was only in the course of the fifteenth century that such full-sized designs on the wall surface were replaced by small-scale drawings in paper, which were then transferred to the wall through the design was detached sphere of the architecture, vocably from 'atelier', medium and with this The of cartoons. removed the actual painting, and process of to the abstract the original unity of wall-paintings and which gave such painting its natural monumentality, was irre- lost. Giotto's part in this development can be fairly accurately seen in the paintings in the nave of San Francesco. He was surfaces into separate sections. This had always been done when the height not the first to divide the wall on the of the area to be painted exceeded the reach of the painter standing scaffolding. divided into The huge on the We two can see that the apse of Sant'Angelo in Formis is horizontal zones, each approximately the height of a man. figure of Christ must have been drawn, surface beneath the painted layer. 25 at Assisi (pi. I) were done in exactly the The in large same way: there is broad outline at least, Old Testament scenes a distinct dividing line Abraham in the Sacrifice of Isaac. two sections. 26 In the two considerably smaller. The divisions, passing through the middle of the figure of Twice life-size, this figure had to be painted in Isaac scenes these sections are already coinciding as a rule with the contours of the figures, though cutting across them occasionally, are frequently visible. giomate, and must have been first Each picture thus designed on the wall in consists of several its entirety. The next stage in the development can be observed in the Lamentation scene. Once more the sections become smaller in size and the seams between tlicm and more precise. The painter evidently tried to conceal the seams between the separate giomate. Cavallini's work is at about the same stage in this finer 74
which may possibly have been originated by him. He was, technique, after well acquainted with the mosaic technique, which served as model for all, Giotto: the early yens the giornata system. 27 between the In the St Francis legend the seams with remarkable many visible in skill, unsurpassed in By handled Nevertheless the divisions are even to the naked eye, particularly in the Sermon places the Birds (pi. 56). later times. plaster sections are detailed examination it has lately become to possible to determine with great accuracy the number of giornate, their outlines and sequence. 28 Nothing of the underlying in any of these visible in several places. in the usual reddish 29 manner In the frescoes in the svstem evolved These were painted brown. 30 Their ing than the meticulous consists of monumental drawing can now be seen on the fine plaster have become pictures, but the brush sketches at Assisi style is in light ochre colours noticeably bolder and and not more sweep- of painting above. Arena Chapel became an in Padua, Giotto's major work, the Each picture surface established practice. twelve to fifteen giornate. In some scenes, for example the Cruci- fixion, the divisions are plainly visible. Nevertheless, here too the seams are carefully handled so that the surface appears completely uniform. 31 In later years Giotto adopted an entirely different technique. In the Peruzzi Chapel in Florence the division into giornate almost exclusively a tins was an developed pupils isolated at Assisi secco, i. abandoned, and the painting is on dry e., plaster. 32 It is not is done known whether experiment or a fundamental departure from the method and Padua. On the other and followers generally adhered hand certain that Giotto's it is to the giornata division. This postulates winch was also used by Simone Martini, whose monumental drawings, of the highest quality, have been found in Assisi and Avignon (pis 82c, 82 A). In both cases these drawings are patently the decisive the existence of a sinopia, phases in the process of design. 33 We have gone into these technical understood without them. However, details it is development, but rather the contrary a : produces new were always new techniques. Especially in the also the because Giotto's art cannot be not technique that controls kind of artistic artistic approach always Middle Ages, the greatest artists most accomplished craftsmen. With Giotto in particular, its dependence on the great the significance of the technical development and stylistic change that was taking place appear Giotto was a plain craftsman, great enterprises. He started teenth-century Tuscany. of monumental painting On who clearly. in time rose to become a director of with panel-painting, which flourished the other hand there was no in thir- substantial tradition in Florence in the last quarter of the Duecento. 34 75
Giotto: the early years For the mosaic decoration of the Baptistry, were style artists trained in the Byzantine from Venice. Cimabue seems to have first monumental art in Rome, and this is also true of called in, possibly entered the field of great Giotto. There Giotto found masters experienced in wall-painting and and he soon rose from the position of trainee and saics, The monumentality recognized leader. mo- assistant to that of a of his mature style was no longer dependent on external circumstances. His Padua frescoes are surprisingly small measurements: the figures are barely half in their overall life-size. virtue of their intellectual artistic principle, the disegno, that they model by for the great Italian fresco art of the following centuries. Disegno, drawing, the central concept of Florentine art theory, familiar is through numerous contemporary writings throughout the whole period to us of the Renaissance. tellectual core of a today in in this It way, but means work wider this design, aim, idea, that word of art; and the The sense. at the meaning. Disegno, facade highest constitutes the in- commonly used in Italian same time they remained conscious of in these by Brunelleschi or this lies its is still which Florentine theorists also understood the term two senses, the concrete Alberti, A and the is times. all was the figure However, nowhere artistic merit. narrower its ideal, by Donatello, a characterized by disegno, meaning that distinctive feature of Florentine art at in It is became the is the power of di- segno so striking as in a Giotto composition. may seem It single idle to consider drawing by his Giotto as a draughtsman seeing hand has been preserved. All we have are a that not a few copies of frescoes of the Giotto school at Assisi and of Giotto's large mosaic in the Navicella, and nearly all Rome, these Trecento drawings are recognizable at a They are what we should call reproductions. Work that is nowadays done by means of duplicating techniques was then done by hand. The most common type of drawing in the Middle Ages was the excmplum, glance as copies. 35 the sample drawing, which was used particular motif. Besides these, there miniaturists in the margins of pages in these were usually playful attempts and like serious designs. It was not : scribbles; sheets. However, only rarely do they look a new start and at first only as an exception, that also served as the basis of the contract signed Such drawings were prepared especially in cases had no iconographic precedent or 76 books or on blank a by the drawings submitted to the patron before the until the Trecento, They freer experimental sketches 36 type of drawing appeared of work. convey the idea of a picture or to were traditional where with the painter. the required subject model. As a rule, in the type of compositions that followed the traditional Christian iconography, the painter
: dispensed with the preliminary drawing. that artists started to leave us large and designs, Our if they had drawing exist: was a from as been all we know And it is the lost. in is The that they simply did not truth is not accidental. It would The Trecento in the fifteenth century. yet Giotto was a great draughtsman. Each of his pictures, and each medium was monumental drawing. the Giotto and his contemporaries the design, meaning the pictorial idea both iconographic and its artistic sense, its was and conditions of the wall and the room. still To bound to the actual size it would have seemed Giotto quite futile to anticipate in a small-scale drawing the arrangement of a He had no need position and the distribution of the masses. straction, which would merely have added methods were his Giotto the early years advance to modern drawing practice real single figure, demonstrates this. His To century Middle Ages a creation of the Renaissance. and the transitional period, came only until the fifteenth original drawings, sketches, studies of models. 37 lack of real drawings be strange was not It numbers of still ations of design to his difficulties. In this respect new medieval and archaic. The only found importance for the future, was element, of pro- his systematic separation of the and execution. Both could com- of such an ab- now oper- be carried out without haste. Design was given more weight, and the painstaking execution, already apparent in the St Francis cycle and characteristic of became possible because of it. ment. It facilitated ment of representation accessible to by composition, monumental wall Giotto into a complete system of without it all Trecento painting, much more than a technical achieveand made a new level of accuracy and refine- This was the realistic delineation, first work it opened painters. Developed rich possibilities, and signalized in the Doctors' Vault, could not have been achieved. In the light of this, the St Francis legend can now also be considered a work of the The improved procedures and the new systematic organization of the workshop enabled him to realize his artistic intentions despite the individual creation of Giotto's. By the standards of his time it was fully a master. differences of the assistants structure, and the tone of he had to engage. Giotto's composition, scenic his narrative were essentially preserved. depth of meaning and crystalline transparency of the slightly frescoes could not yet be achieved. the Giotto school of a common still style at its among The crowd bound to fail. 38 was too the Padua varied, formative stage. Nevertheless, the establishment his collaborators had progressed attempt to separate the St Francis legend into the is of assistants Only later work so far that any of 'masters' and 'hands' 77
Only Giotto: the early years the first and the last the St Cecilia Master. 39 He three scenes are so different some they can be attributed with from the rest that certainty to another recognizable painter, probably took compositions from designs by his Giotto, but modified them, elongating the proportions and introducing details. new 40 The remaining scenes exhibit to some extent the same principles of com- position that appear soon afterwards in Padua, such as the use of architectural elements to augment figure groups, as in St Francis Renouncing his Family (pi V), and the use of landscape to dramatize events, as in the Miracle of the where the great bright slope of rock carries the saint's prayer upwards manner that is unmistakably Giottesque. The landscapes in the Flight into Spring, in a Egypt and the Lamentation, in Padua, are similarly used to heighten the action. Other compositions, especially the crowd appear to go further in attempting such in Padua, but these can be regarded as scenes towards the end of the cycle, than anything Giotto produced effects bold experiments in an unknown field and were not pursued further by the mature master. The whole course of his development, now more clearly apparent than in the past, an increasing economy of means and tion. In this a conscious restraint Giotto followed the same path and the High Renaissance. Every great style was towards and standardiza- as the masters of classical Greece comes to fruition within its own self-imposed bounds. The long be taken disputed question of the date of the St Francis legend can therefore as resolved. There is no longer any reason began the designs for most of the scenes shortly vanni da is Muro to office, in 1296. 41 difficult to say: probably not How long much beyond it to doubt that Giotto after the accession of Gio- took to complete the work 1300. Giotto himself does not seem to have waited for the completion of the work. In 1300 at the latest, Pope Boniface VIII must have called him to Rome newly built Benediction Loggia in the Lateran. Only one badly damaged fragment, showing the pope with two companions 42 The style of the fragment, now blessing the populace, has been preserved. to paint the frescoes in the kept inside the Lateran basilica, is legend. Giotto evidently brought and here, too, he almost identical with that of the St Francis some of his assistants relied to a great extent on their from work, even Assisi to Rome, in the principal figures. One panel-painting, the Enthroned Florence, still Madonna belongs to Giotto's early period be dated shortly before the beginning of the 78 and is of special interest because it is a of San Giorgio alia Costa in (pis 62b, work 64).^ It can probably in the St Francis legend preliminary version of the mature
VI Giotto, The Demons are Driven from Arezzo (detail) Assisi, San Francesco

Ognissanti Madonna. Unfortunately only a fragment remains of the panel which was the Wide originally about six feet high. bottom have been sawn and the painting off, on both strips is sides and at extremely worn. However, the former spaciousness of the composition and the clear bright colours can be imagined, and the elegant throne in Arnolfo's Gothic manner can be approximately reconstructed. 44 The cloth hanging over the back of the throne is The Madonna and Madonna is the similar in pattern to materials that often appear in the Assisi frescoes. charm of the heavily mutilated picture of the Child. Massive first and yet new indication of a lies delicate, the realism, a new in the style of the treatment of the conception of conscious and refined monumentality. In particular, the solemn Christ Child with His royal dignity is indicative of Giotto's mature style, a Child in the Ognissanti Madonna. The by reference ciated The obvious preparation for the severity of the latter work can only be fully appre- to such earlier stages of development. stylistic between the two Madonna panels more than ten years. But the road that period is still unknown. He can be traced until differentiation corresponds to a time interval of Giotto travelled during 1300, when, having this left Assisi, he designed the frescoes for the Benediction Loggia of the Lateran. Between not by later than 1305, there supposition. Assisi Those first and Padua, saw the Arena is a this point and his activity in Padua, begun gap that for the time being can be five years of the new filled only century, the period between final consolidation of his style as manifested in the frescoes. The works done at this crucial time presumably also include the five- panelled retable with half-length figures under Gothic arcades, which ori45 the high altar of the Badia in Florence. ginally came from of the Madonna and Child length, above the portal of the entrance wall here the round surface is is reminiscent of the still organized The central panel Madonna, also half- at Assisi (pi. 62 a); strictly in verticals but whereas and horizontals, Badia retable steeply ascending diagonals are predominant, and contours of the figures to the crowning gable. The effect is is counter- on the gold ground. The relation- ; by the coloured inscription bands ship of the figures to the though not free from ground and tension, is relate the one of great monumentality the strong sense of space conveyed by the figures acted in the to the architectural elements of the frame, handled with confidence and a delicate sense of balance. There is a similar subtle relationship between figure and surface in the Crucifix in San Francesco at Rimini, unfortunately in a fragmentary state of preservation. 46 The close connection of this work with the Badia altar is Giotto: the early years
Giotto: the early years particularly noticeable in the Christ in Benediction crowning piece on top of the is cross. accepted, the Rimini Crucifix The Chronicle of Riccobaldo 47 must If this also to this painting, It is is no work specific in Rimini, or to Giotto can be based only on reason the question of dating on which the other hand, there any particular work by Giotto this Crucifix. Its attribution to and for On altar belong to the pre-Padua period. 48 records that Giotto was active in Rimini, 49 ing, as in Assisi, for the Franciscans. documentary reference on the newly discovered connection with the Badia stylistic grounds, of crucial importance. 50 Riminese Giotto's activity left a deep mark, is of some assistance. has long been observed that Giotto's pre-Padua style produced a school in Rimini, but the explanation of Rimini painters. Recently this Italian was sought historians, in the presence at Assisi of rightly in our opinion, have more likely conclusion that Giotto himself worked in Rimini behe went to Padua, between 1300 and 1305. 51 This would explain more reached the fore clearly the course of his Rimini school, to which own development as well as we shall return later. 52 The conveys an idea of Giotto's Rimini that no longer 82 style at the exist. time the emergence of the San Francesco Crucifix when he produced the frescoes in
7 Giotto and his pupils Any attempt to assess Giotto's art as a in the Arena Chapel of the numerous monumental in Padua whole must cycles that Giotto tion to regard the is produced should have survived with hardly any damage. 1 There now is extant. Many were produced before and we theless one a constant tempta- is We characteristic part. tend to forget that only a small fragment of Giotto's work, and indeed of that time, pure chance that this particular that has been preserved as the entire ceuvre, or at little most important and least as its with the fresco cycle start (pis 66a, 66b, VII, VIII). It all the painting of other works, both secular and Padua cycle are justified in regarding the master done at the height of his powers, ecclesiastical, happen to have survived. 2 Never- after those that as a when he could major work of the turn to advantage the varied experience of his early years. In these frescoes his fully mature, classic style tative was formulated for the model for most of his pupils. became the storehouse of extent all first time, The canon and of it remained the authori- form of the inspiration for the Giotto school, Padua and frescoes to some Trecento painting. Giotto himself went far beyond his Padua achieve- ments, but very few of his pupils were able to follow his further develop- ment. The modest, in 1303 single-aisled building that houses this and consecrated as early as 1305. It coes were also completed why by that date. 3 is major work was founded not recorded whether the fres- However, there is no practical reason more than a year or two, for the workshop team which Giotto brought with him to Padua was now fully trained in his the work should have methods, and served taken as a perfect tool in his hand. Giotto must have designed 83
Giotto and his pupils most of the scenes possible only on and also executed the essential parts himself. This was the basis of a calculated division of labour that entrusted the parts of secondary importance to assistants. Presumably - particular, specialized work size members ancillary of the workshop, as was how of a purely technical kind. This explains a preparatory all commission of could be completed so quickly. Assistants probably also executed of the figures and even complete work can hardly be The only argument for their scenes, which that of the master. a longer duration of the indicates a remarkable stylistic The cution of the whole cycle. work depends on the con- and handling between the three rows of siderable disparity of conception pictures, 4 tins many but they were so well trained that from distinguished all work and flowers, landscapes - was done architectural motifs, ornaments, plants by all development during the exe- structure of the scenes in the top row is more may have economic, and the expression of the figures more restrained. This been an intentional archaicism on the part of Giotto, a kind of abandonment of the experiments he had attempted but not yet fully solved in the St Francis legend. In the middle and lower zones the scenes are widened, and at the same time more densely filled. Perspective is become more organization of the space; the figures more vigorous and and intense. But it is especially in the Crucifixion used with greater confidence in the only in the last solid, and the colours scenes of Christ's Passion, and the Lamentation, that Giotto's harmony style monumental form and dramatic expression, of composition and intellectual content. However, firm conclusions about the duration of the work cannot be drawn from this. A master achieves its maturity, a complete of of Giotto's stature develops with each work, and his capacity for development cannot be measured in terms of time. We shall have to be content with the assumption that the Padua frescoes were painted around 1305. The chapel, clearly designed dedicated to the Virgin Mary. from the The start to include the paintings, was story therefore begins in the upper zone with the Expulsion ofJoachim and his Encounter with Anna at the Golden Gate, life of Mary. The Dispatch of the Archangel Gabriel, and continues with the who passes on triumphal arch. account of the Mary the message of the Annunciation, is depicted on the The middle and lower zones of the long walls give a detailed life and Passion of Christ. The entrance wall in the west is to devoted to the traditional Last Judgment, covering the whole base, ornamental paintings done with remarkable of the Virtues show the pictures with area. first grisailles in richly painted frames, serves to the architecture. The Along the allegorical figures and Vices between painted marble panels, the Western painting. This, and the 84 skill harmonize separate scenes, thirty-six in all, are
united according to a of rules into an organic whole. This articulation strict set by providing a pattern of divisions and combinations, like the stanzas of a poem, so that a monumental rhythm is imposed on the compositions. The whole framework is carefully and subtly devised also contributes to the narrative to serve the single purpose of giving full expression to each of the Giotto and his pupils many pictures. Giotto the creator of the modern, is disegno, the autonomous tangular form of contains two basic architectural directions, the vertical The By picture. virtue of his compositions take shape within the surrounding frame, the rec- which and represents a specific proportion, inner architecture of the picture is at the same time and the horizontal. completed and limited by its frame, thereby gaining both in freedom and in discipline. Indeed the picture dominates the real space, whereas until then it had been controlled by the archi- Older medieval wall-paintings, taken on tecture. ments of a larger unit; the structure and articulation of the Giotto changed this. their own, look like frag- they derive their character and monumentality from room and Such compositions its general decorative scheme. as the Flight into Egypt and the La- monumental in their own right, and has quality. every figure and contour this The few panel-pictures that can be attributed to Giotto himself have the same independence. This also applies, Padua mentation, in (pis 66a, VIII), are for example, to the Triumphal Crucifix from the Arena Chapel, originally beam separating the main room from extant. 5 Compared with the huge Santa Maria Novella early period, it appears more refined and almost delicate. fastened to the half the height of the Santa 5.78), it but stood. it Maria Novella Crucifix The Ognissanti and the and much The also Madonna solidity of larger, Madonna its as against forms it is new which shall refer again, newly conceived monumentality. panels of still in fact less than meters which we in Florence, to this picture surface acquired a became It is (2.23 has an intrinsic greatness not inferior to the frescoes near conveys even more strongly structure the choir, and Crucifix of Giotto's In its incomparably superior to the older, Cimabue and Duccio. internal order and independence, and suitable for three-dimensional illusionism. Giotto's pictures and whole display a consistent, and to some extent systemAlthough it is usual to ascribe the development of per- his fresco cycles as a atic, 'perspective'. spective to the painters of the following century, the Quattrocento, this correct only in the sense that they of perspective based were the on mathematical dimensional representation was not tial traits first to principles. scientific, but is employ an accurate system Giotto's method of three- it already exhibits the essen- of Renaissance perspective: three-dimensional illusion and spatial 85
Giotto and his pupils from which depth, with a single viewpoint the entire pictorial space new prehensible; and with this he introduced something entirely Middle Ages, classical wall-paintings in large numbers. In these he found perspective Rome, then to organize the entire pictorial decoration of a On and on the From ally room on the long walls of the Arena Chapel, right of the middle axis have their viewpoint left; preserved in still achieved with masterly effects in a peculiarly unsystematic fashion. 6 Giotto though viewpoint. com- in the concern for the relationship between picture and spectator. a His inspiration was virtuosity, is left half all moved all first the pictures to the slightly towards the moved to the right. the individual pictures and sculptur- of the walls the viewpoint the centre of the oblong chapel was the the basis of a single is conceived ornamental painted frames are seen in correct perspective. However, the optical illusion hundred years later in viewpoint primarily or distortion occur not perfect; that was only achieved three Giotto used the central ceiling paintings. whenever foreshortening as a regulating principle, so that with reference to it is only in illusionistic effect is Baroque a few He this point. realized a completely notably in the two Gothic choir places, lofts 7 painted on the wall of the triumphal arch. As a rule he avoided deep recession in his pictures, not through lack of economy. His artistic and the was His pictorial space and However, all is more elementary and empirical, there is was to endless space a 'pictorial relief, as in this respect his frescoes that still methods adopted by the painters of the early Renaissance scientific were beyond his range. The concept of an called, 8 perspective, but for purposes of skill in feeling for space work is still it was unknown medieval in character. distinctly another principle consistently applied in the Arena Chapel have a far-reaching influence. The direction of light in the narrative scenes, in the allegories of the base zone, and in the painted frames, corresponds with the natural source of light window teaching, in the west wall. also is found A lighting of the from the large tripartite rule to this effect, clearly derived book (Chapter 9). thus became closely in Cennini's direction of light in the picture from nature itself. his pictures related to the actual room. Indeed he had a have all new and the freshness of a naissance created an even richer, to a large extent tistic 86 form is Giotto's In wall-painting the Giotto's contemporaries professed to see in his pictures nothing is to him. has been appropriately more still more uncorrupted outlook on first less reality, than and encounter. In later times the Re- variegated concept of nature, which accepted today. In Giotto's work, however, the ar- apparent: the bold, precisely calculated division of the surface, the clarity of the pictorial stage, the solidity of the figures and their
VII Giotto Adoration of the Kings • Padua, Arena Chapel

controlled power of expression. His figures are like marble statues, and yet they have immense characters, on the vitality. In his pictures and space The and diminishes lighting is exceptional, and is as sake. Giotto is filled (pi. and he reality. is 66b). as views through the economy Nothing lucidity of Artificial introduced for is where in those places His attitude to nature style. by characterized But above shown with the solemnity of the narrative, and an economy equal to that of the sober, of the narrative, with which stone-masons views into complete buildings. indicated with necessary for the narrative it is mood delineated as clearly and precisely as fault, are the figures and the landscape. Interiors are not overlapping frame, but rather concentrated is background of the in the objects, especially the buildings, and carpenters would find no human an extension of the or bare, participate in the trees, leafy and other inanimate is only in relation to them. The light exists figures in the foreground, landscape. nature mind and is tells its own it with reverent and a strict devotion to on the stands his unerring artistic drive to fasten all else dominant forms, and exclude whatever is accidental. from the time Giotto completed the Padua fame grew -we already fmd an echo of Dante's Divine Comedy 9 - and he became the busiest and most soughtItalian painter. He had previously worked in Florence, Rome, Assisi, Three fruitful decades were to pass frescoes until his death in 1337. His it in after Rimini, and Padua, as for we have King Robert of Anjou possible that of this is said. In his later years in Naples, he executed commissions and for Azzo Visconti in Milan. 10 It is he made a journey to Avignon, though the traditional account not reliable. 11 Avignon, which even Many in exile and humanist Petrarch, Italian painters went who had grown up in to the papal court at 12 The poet Avignon and eventually with- remained a centre of artistic life. drew to the seclusion of Vaucluse not far from the city, owned a Madonna by Giotto, sent to him Jpy a friend in Florence. Petrarch also knew Giotto personally, and refers to him as 'the foremost painter of our time' - nostri aevi princeps. Of the Madonna painting he says that its beauty is hidden from the ignorant, but astonishes the connoisseurs. 13 A commentary on Dante, known 14 as the Ottimo and written in Giotto's life-time, expresses the same high regard. The unknown author mankind, Giotto is writes, 'Of the greatest.' all It is Giotto was recognized already in his in history was pronounced historical relationships and in the painters past and present known to remarkable that the true greatness of own time. This verdict on his place an age that was far from a clear insight into at the same time not addicted notion of greatness which arose only in modern times. to the abuse of the Giotto and his pupils
According to the records, Giotto produced numerous works Giotto and his pupils Padua period, but few have survived. The frescoes of the Bardi Chapels in Santa Croce, considered major works of in his post- and Peruzzi his later years, do not provide a coherent picture of his development. (They will be referred to again later.) Of period only the his panel-paintings of this Ognissanti in Florence (pis 63, 65; of the master. 15 work authentic It now was probably done frescoes. In this picture the large solid panel medium of panel-painting. directly after the by Giotto in the all the as an Padua forms and powerful proportions of the The are translated fine quality of the draperies, the and surface lucidity of the spatial structure, the sure handling of perspective in relation to each other, from be regarded most mature compositions of the Arena Chapel figures in the into the Madonna in the Uffizi) can correspond to the stage of development reached bottom zone of the Padua frescoes. The same is true of the treatment of colour, where the most delicate tones are juxtaposed to glowing reds and greens; tiful white, gold, and red are used. in the ornamentation of the finely articulated throne, beau- the original cool ultramarine the painting, because the is The counterplay of these colours with unfortunately lost in the present condition of Madonna's cloak has turned dull and greenish. Yet despite this deterioration, the overall chromatic effect remains quite remark- The colours impose a brilliant jewel-like quality on the powerful forms and make the severely constructed composition light and transparent. Compared with the more sombre splendour of Duccio's and Cimabue's large Madonna panels, Giotto's work seems amazingly bright, crystal-clear, and able. almost cool. Nowadays lier artists now it in them as real beings, form was only now became a disenchanting effect, but in fact new mode the though image or of perception. it sig- Whereas ear- raised to generation Giotto solemn eminence. Hitherto the direct expression of higher ideas to an extent not found art became instrumental in intellectual content, the vehicle for the divine. earlier, in his Sutnma Theologica of about 1270, Thomas Aquinas defined the essence of beauty as perfection and harmony state, reflection of a superior intellectual truth; any pre-Giottesque painting. The beauty of conveying the A may have represented sacred images in an unworldly supranatural portrays artistic this clarity break-through to an entirely nifies a (proportio sivc consonantia), (integritas sive perfectio )^Topovtion and lastly as clarity (claritas). 16 found in a purely theological argument on the beauty beyond human perception, beauty in art was probably In this definition, of 90 God, which furthest is from the mind of the great theologian. For him earthly beauty existed
saw it as an analogy to the intellectual lucidity with which we realize beauty, according to him, are primarily in nature, and he The of reason. faculties Giotto and his pupils perception and cognition. In the early Middle Ages people were already con- vinced that divinity reveals of gold, the gleam of divine light. They were of true beauty, pearls symmetry the itself in of geometric forms, and formed by the hand of the in the richness of the material and precious conscious, however, that these which cannot be In the glitter artist. saw stones, they a reflection of the were only realized in material form. It a reflection was the richness of the material, the creation of nature rather than the artistic form, that gave work value to a of art; for the process of creation, works of nature, which continue the divine must be incomparably superior to anything that an artist can produce. The ideas of Thomas Aquinas were rooted in still this interpretation, valent throughout the Middle Ages. His discussion of art pre- not concerned is with beauty, but with the relationship between form and matter and with the skill of the be regarded would It the artist, a certainly be Thomist highest order. for example, and still to Giotto. And new yet strictness which would be destroyed by any a figure. Proportion and harmony are Everything pictorial concept. from further beauty realized in Giotto's in the definition, lies in the tion, to consider Giotto's art as directly related to the truth to suppose actual connection, that the definition of the theologian, was known new cisely to the wrong definition of beauty, was any that there proficiency that can be acquired and therefore cannot as a gift of the it is art. striking that it Perfection, the alteration, any shifting of a line or also traits inseparable from reduced to simple basic forms, and is these specific artistic finally there is means clarity, the that Giotto imparts beauty to his luminous, refined, chromatic ing into white. Pure strong colour mixtures, lightened so that they Everything warm and art is dull, is scale, applied only in a become almost heavy and earthy fiery or is few colourless, are avoided, as is becomes aspects that relate However, form It is parts indeed work. And places; pale predominant. everything excessively having an unduly harsh impact on the 'form'. Giotto's all gradually dissolv- senses. Giotto's directed at the intellect, not the emotions. Physical beauty ized and element and compactness of the composi- of the picture are in clear proportional relationship to each other. by applies pre- first limits, orders is spiritual- and subdues those merely to the elementary and emotional spheres. In this re-orientation of art towards the intellect, the rational faculty that regulates, and evaluates lies the underlying connection between Giotto's and the theory of beauty propounded by Thomas Aquinas. Just as Thomas distinguishes art 91
Giotto and his pupils Aquinas refined the traditional medieval conception and raised level, have Giotto realized a common in new it concept of beauty in the practice of on reason and the the emphasis new to a art. They disposition to translate material and emotional elements into spiritual values. Herein lies Giotto's art. the special feature of the kind of beauty What we have rule controlling the new was not of this danger content. realistic A is its was required strict discipline to degenerate into naturalism. Giotto and took great care to avoid it. was strong as his feeling for realism. of his if contem- certainly aware His grasp of the principles impose order on the manifold aspects of what the that encountered in first governing principle, the which already drew the admiration fidelity to nature, poraries, as novel its described as 'form' The beginnings senses perceive was of these principles can be though in more elementary fashion, in Cimabue, but the obsymmetry and massive structure of Cimabue's compositions are not found in Giotto's work. Here everything is infinitely more refined. The traced earlier, vious structure is and atmospheric; light of a crystalline formation. On it develops with the ease and inevitability the other hand, Giotto the obtrusive logical consistency that of the Early Renaissance. the new element in As the his art is still Giotto was a highly conscious not yet affected by is is characteristic of Florentine painting parallel with Thomas Aquinas has indicated, within the frame of artist, who late throughout medieval concepts. his career deliberately accepted certain restrictions and observed a set of principles, modifying and developing them only and This applies to the three-dimensional which he avoided in his pictures in figures slightly. all their restrained expression, unnecessary depth, to the types of his and to he excluded anything purely individual, refrained few from many realizing of his pupils effects his choice of subject in general; He portrait-like, or too naturalistic. things that were easily within his reach. A and younger contemporaries, Taddeo Gaddi, Simone Martini, and the two Lorenzettis, overstepped the lines he had drawn, and made bold ventures into the field of realistic individual representation, but their efforts were not pursued in the fourteenth century, in the Early Renaissance. Giotto himself refrained from his principles, pressing his innovations to their final conclusions; this real basis of his influence stantial innovations, The and were taken up again only remained true to he on succeeding set generations. As well as is and the making sub- painting on a firm course for a whole century. schools that developed later derived from Giotto and not from the radical 'modern' masters of the following generation. The establishment of norms and 92 the standardization of types is fundamental to Giotto's he himself no doubt considered the training of his school one of art, his and most
important tasks; but his subsequent influence was not by any means limited to the continuation of a Giotto school in the One can say that all Italian Giotto and his pupils it took a much inferior or cruder compounded of traditional elements drawn from a and places, grew beyond the personal and itself became the form. His personal variety of periods sense of the concept, Trecento painting was based to some extent on though sometimes Giotto's achievement, narrow style, source of a wide tradition persisting through many generations. full light of history, is comThe Middle Ages and modern This exciting drama, which takes place in the prehensible to us today even in its details. times seem to meet at the point where the anonymous, supra-personal creative powers of a tradition-bound age, tive will and and new artistic goals. and the powerful creative energies of the We have already mentioned and love of form, merge with the crea- its Giotto, in fact, incorporates both the pioneering inten- tions of the individual he was with style of a single, outstanding personality, conscious of his mission only introduced to the technique of Assisi. His Roman works times. and that Giotto started as a panel-painter, down have come or as sparse fragments; 17 but in Assisi monumental painting it is in that Rome to us in mutilated condition possible to trace the development by step and follow his new method of work, which culminated in the Padua frescoes. From then on his emphasis was on the monumental. The Ognissanti Madonna, his most important panel-painting monumental of his apart from the Santa Maria Novella Crucifix, umental painting. came style step On this technical difficulties many altar and imposed panels produced with the Ognissanti Madonna Three such altar panels none of them can spirit of monnew style overon panel-painting. None of the is filled with the one occasion the greatness of the itself in the Giotto workshop in inherent greatness at a later date and bear inscriptions attributing compares stylistic unity. them either the execution or the design (that is to Giotto, but in to say, the prelim- inary drawing on the underlying white panel) be ascribed to the master himself. The large panel, originally from San Francesco in Pisa and now in Somatization of St Francis with three predella scenes, seems the most archaic. The style of the whole work is dry and the Louvre in Paris, depicting the 18 close to that of the St Francis legend at Assisi. The fine jewel-like altarpiece of the Baroncelli Chapel in Santa Croce in 19 Florence belongs to a later period and could not have been done before 1328. The many-figured composition, showing the Coronation 0} the Virgin in the midst of the heavenly host, unites the five panels of the polyptych into form pictorial space. tween the spatial However, there is a uni- a discord, obviously deliberate, be- unity and^the formal arrangement of the figures in dense 93
Giotto and his pupils multiple rows behind and above each other. There and surface which effects, The two but rather calculated and subtle. an interplay of depth is by no means creates a tense relationship, primitive, principal saints of the Franciscan Order, St Francis and St Louis of Toulouse, placed precisely in the middle of each of the two outer wing panels, are plainly raised outside the schematic arrangement. The highly skilled perspective, which position, is particularly noticeable in the foreground. The work, the techniques of spatial illusion developed an artistic surface arrangement full of the extensive scope of the Giotto workshop is name reversed. was done under Giotto's who was generation The third signed The in A mannerism of this the Baroncelli altar shows master. He which the trend of inscription official its uses and the broad could not other- his classical, monu- merely indicates that the altarpiece supervision but by a painter of the younger clearly given a free hand. work, church in Bologna, but Enthroned Madonna work to a fact, in the it in order to create in the later years, interpretation Giotto gave to his function as style by Giotto hidden tension. kind cannot be attributed to Giotto himself. In mental whole com- basic to the therefore, only seems to be archaic; in reality all wise have lent his is music-making angels kneeling is also a five-panelled altarpiece, now in the was originally in a Bologna Pinacoteca Nazionale. 20 The is attended by the two archangels, on each side of her in the old Byzantine manner, and Peter and Paul, are on the outer panels. Each of the figures is in the centre panel Gabriel and Michael, the Apostles, in a different posture. Gabriel, the angel of the towards the Madonna, and Annunciation, turns his profile his counterpart, Michael, seen full face as in is an icon. The two apostles are standing in free space, in palpable opposition to the ideal gold common ground which extends above and behind the ground, which should accentuate the heightens the effect of contradiction. in contrast to the The gold ground seems an anachronism figures. The sharply outlined vacuum, and the balance between maintained in Giotto's works, workshop product in which is here upset. surface isolated Giottesque elements are it is same significance as those of the Baroncelli altar merely a workshop At first in mind were employed with- The signature has and the Louvre panel: label. glance this interpretation of the apparently unambiguous inscrip- tion, opus magistri iocti de Florentia, 94 and depth, another typical It is out producing a convincing homogeneous composition. the The emphatic modelling of the silhouettes stand in a so skilfully figures. spatial unity of the five panels, that, although the modern may seem strange, but it must be borne conceptions of originality and authorship just beginning to emerge, the traditional methods of team-work and
VIII Giotto Lamentation Padua, Arena Chapel

workshop production were deep-rooted. In a few isolated cases, for example with Duccio for the Siena Cathedral Maesta of 1308, it was stipulated that the master should carry out the commission with his own hand in the contract - suis manibus. 21 This provision would not have been introduced by the master himself were taken requirement, The for granted, and it is if his pupils execution significant that the only appears in the clause dealing with the suis manibus, Giotto and fee. contract begins with the provision that Duccio must execute the panel 'to the best of his ability and with the help of God'; then follow the usual conditions that he must complete the other work before it is each day of Duccio's completed; work without finally the fee delay and undertake is no fixed: sixteen soldi for work on the panel suis manibus. It was obviously underwork on it every day, as technical reasons alone made stood that he could not this impossible. There was no work and part in the clear dividing line between the master's paration of the panel and ending with ornamentation, left to assistants. In the fourteenth constant dispute between artists and which were always fifteenth centuries this was all a source of and patrons. 22 In the contracts with Perugino and Signorelli for the Orvieto frescoes the curious provision that own the purely technical operations, beginning with the pre- is introduced must be done by the master's the figures 'from the waist up' own hand. 23 Thus on the threshold of the High Renaissance division of labour was common, and still find even in the in this case in a Middle Ages. It is form one would hardly expect known well that Raphael, too, to made con- siderable use of the services of his pupils in his large fresco commissions as well as in his panel-paintings. his We have a whole group of paintings bearing signature, but largely or entirely executed attitude still common Nearly prevailed in the sixteenth century, by his pupils. If this liberal must have been even more it in Giotto's time. all historians now agree that none of the three signed works have referred to reveals Giotto's personal style, 24 and furthermore, no we close among the works themselves. It seems that a worked on them, which indicates the scale of the workshop activity, and also shows that the surviving works constitute only a small fragment of the whole production. stylistic links can be detected succession of assistants Other works of the Giotto workshop, unsigned, exhibit the variety of assistants' individual styles. Among Giotto workshop on traditional or altarpieces, and remnants of at least the works stylistic two grounds are two multi-panelled others, now important of these, and also the most controversial, tych in the Vatican Museum, which is his that can be attributed to the dismembered. The most is the double-sided trip- undoubtedly the altarpiece which 97
Giotto and his pupils Stefaneschi. 25 was created by Giotto for Cardinal Jacopo participated in it, and Giotto himself seems The the general composition. works can be dated around 1320 The A number of artists have been responsible only for Ca- five-panelled polyptych in the Florence thedral (formerly in the Zenobius Chapel) these to a is pure workshop product. 26 Both at the earliest. half-length figure of St Stephen in the panel in an excellent state of preservation, Museo also a is Home in Florence, a workshop product of great decorative beauty, 27 and was part of a polyptych of which the centre panel, a Madonna, is now in the National Gallery in Washington. 28 St John the Evangelist, but it is Two other panels, and St Lawrence, are preserved in the Musee de Chaalis, doubtful whether they belong to the same polyptych and St Stephen, as as the until recently. 29 Finally there was believed seven small panels, depicting scenes from the life Madonna a series of is of Christ, that are part all of one polyptych. Three are in the Alte Pinakothek in Munich, and the rest are distributed among various collections. 30 close to the style of the buted to a gifted When it becomes we assistant, these paintings are work, except dent of external factors, versa, as the is compared with Renaissance style at the sacrifice of value. this autonomy still artists its special qualities. its size, style had very large to small or vice artists artists, who learnt to difficulty, the finished work who always proceeded from the He was primarily concerned with only occasionally tried his hand at works on these 'marginal observations' can be is that appear in the allegories of Justice to translate Giotto's scale panel-painting seen in the and two how and attractive scenes of everyday the was given large conceptions, Injustice in Padua. monumental pictorial motifs into was bound to fail. The reduction con- start, as actualities of the a small scale; yet a produce from in full size, Giotto natural in an artist its work from ceived and designed his compositions monumentally from the pictorial surface. now do composition by Giotto and cannot be altered without impairing Unlike the Renaissance though not without He definite limitations. work from effect of a Although, became indepen- small-scale design, the bozzetto, or preparatory drawing, and to this, and attri- could not be reproduced in gradually learnt to do, and as The monumental inseparably related to only be the corresponding scenes in Padua monumental to transpose the scale of his matter of course. artistic typically Giottesque have already observed, Giotto's monumental was not able as a Though frescoes, they too can and not to Giotto himself. clear that Giotto's a small-scale as Arena Chapel life But any attempt medium of smaller- in scale appears to alter the proportions and upsets the relation of the parts, while the figures lose their impressiveness and become less refined. It seems that Giotto himself
never attempted pupils, He this. left convinced from the ation, or a works to his book illumin- the transposition into small-scale start that a small panel-painting, a drawing, could not convey the same value as a work of Giotto and his pupils monu- mental painting. It is, therefore, probably not mere chance workshop panels have been preserved, none One of these is Museen, which works that, of is by own Giotto's hand. the altar dossal, the Death of the Virgin, in the Berlin Staatliche may well be the picture claimed by Ghiberti as one of Giotto's in the Ognissanti in Florence. 31 It was natural for Ghiberti in his account to the traditional attributions, modern although a number of small them distinction between the master's own work shop. His attitude to the question of authorship Giotto's. Indeed it is to adhere and not be concerned with the was and that of quite possible that the original frame Berlin picture had a similar inscription to those Ins work- basically not different (now on the three lost) altarpieces from of the men- tioned earlier. Here again the true authorship can be determined only on The first wide consideration is variations in scale large, like the much stylistic grounds. the inferior execution, particularly noticeable in the and proportions of the figures. Some are excessively bearded Apostle on Christ's right; others have heads that are too small, and shrunken limbs. This applies even to the principal figure, the Virgin, and is especially noticeable in the youthful Apostle standing to the left of St Peter. These observations enable us to say with certainty that not even the preliminary drawing was done by Giotto: the master of the Padua frescoes was incapable of such discrepancies. They are too marked to have been introduced in the course of the execution of the work and must already have been present in the preliminary drawing. it becomes clear that we We life is realized, its monumental composition by Giotto, a can identify the original version of the Death of the Virgin with some certainty. The Tosinghi Chapel, on the in Santa this are dealing with the small-scale replica, with inevitable deficiencies, of an original lost fresco. Once left of the choir chapel Croce, contained a fresco cycle by Giotto depicting scenes from the of the Virgin. All that is left today is a badly damaged Assumption scene above the entrance arch of the chapel. 32 The other scenes inside the chapel 33 can be reconstructed to some extent from works that appear to be copies. According to the sequence of the narrative, the death scene must have been in the lowest zone of one of the two walls, a position that enabled it to be frequently copied. 34 in the Giotto It is workshop activities of the not surprising to find that a replica was produced itself; this is quite in keeping with our idea of the post-Padua Giotto workshop. 99
Giotto and his pupils We direct knowledge of Giotto's own style in these decades. monumental composition of the Death of the Virgin, which can be deduced from the workshop reproduction in Berlin, seems to have corresponded stylistically to the Ognissanti Madonna. The style of the figures must The have little splendid have been close to that phasis on symmetry and in the lowest Many Madonna. later Ognissanti zone of the Arena Chapel, and the em- strict surface articulation are reminiscent of the slightly of the features follow the traditional icono- graphy of the Dormition, including the figure kneeling tympanum economic yet effective handling of the bed and problem of To new possibly an indication of is us to the final the relief his still in the foreground, of the Death of the Virgin in Strasbourg. 35 as seen in the ornamentation The in the rectangle of the tendencies in Giotto's style. This brings unresolved question concerning Giotto's development, monumental works in the post-Padua period. begin with, a pattern emerges similar to that of the panel-paintings of this period. The frescoes done and the Arena Chapel are in the period following the St Francis legend also predominantly workshop products. In the Lower Church of San Francesco at Assisi we come across a group of assistants working more or less in Giotto's style. The most independent of them is the Master of the 'Franciscan Virtues', an instructive and illustrative rather than monumental work, covering the vaults above the crossing of the Lower Church. 36 The traditional attribution of these celebrated allegories to Giotto himself is now almost universally rejected, and probably not even the designs can be attributed to him. Christ, The and the Crucifixion elegantly done. They representations of the birth and childhood of in the vault of the adjoining reveal an intimate knowledge north transept are of the forms and motifs of the Giotto workshop, and a considerable, though purely eclectic The the painters of the frescoes in the St Nicholas skill. Chapel (before 1307?) and Magdalene Chapel were even more dependent on Giotto. 37 They were trained in the style of the Padua and to some extent frescoes, style of the St Francis legend. In the St in the earlier Nicholas Chapel the principles of Giotto's early compositions are applied in a free though clumsy manner. In the Magdalene Chapel, on the other hand, several of the scenes appear to be awkward, ill-conceived renderings of the corresponding scenes in Padua, which served as models: the Raising of Lazarus, Noli me Tangere and, here conceived in a different context, the Wedding landscape in the stylistic first trend of the weakened and the 100 two new of these scenes The more reflects a extensive change in the generation, but as a result the dramatic tension essential figurative with the originals reveals at Carta. no doubt how is composition destroyed. Comparison far Giotto stood above his assistants, and
demonstrates that attempts to reproduce his compositions even in their original size had little chance of success. Such close dependence on Giotto must imply done at his direction and under commercial his Giotto and that all these frescoes responsibility, One fore regarded at the time as Giotto's works. and were there- documents from of the his pupils were re- cords covering the years 1328 to 1333, and referring to commissions he did for King Robert of Anjou in Naples, gives an indication of the organization to control such large-scale contracts. 38 set up From this document, a payment voucher of May 133 1, it transpires that Giotto, described as the protomagister, was collaborating with a number of masters, classified respectively as he and craftsmen. The painters latter were chiefly masons and carpenters who were responsible for the construction of the scaffolding and the preparation of the plaster for the wall-paintings. In the Santa Barbara Chapel, Nuovo, of Castel The documents the extent of the reveal that at the private chapel of the king, it is work to be supervised same time Giotto was and on a panel-painting interest is in the painters, who like the e., the church working in the commissioned by him; obvious that additional craftsmen were required for But our main also i. was enormous. all these commissions. craftsmen are described They received daily wages, whereas Giotto, as court painter, drew The records do not tell where these painters came from, but fragments that have survived are of some assistance. The paintings as magistri. a fixed salary. here the in the private chapel of the the halls of Castel Nuovo decoration around the served. It few windows life-size heads. Tuscany, though in of them, many series Nine Heroes of the are completely lost, but consists of ornamental proximately In a king and the in the Santa Barbara friezes, interspersed These heads were cases they may all at least in one of part of the Chapel has been pre- with medallions of ap- done by painters trained in be loosely described however, the well-known individual as Giottesque. style of Maso di Banco can be recognized. 39 This distinguished pupil of Giotto, who will be referred to again later, was therefore one of the masters working under Giotto's direction. He had accompanied Giotto from Florence to Naples, whether more or less independent collaborator is of little remembered that, according to Cennini, Taddeo Gaddi pupil for twenty-four years, which indicates that even fully as pupil importance. It was Giotto's or as a will be qualified masters continued to Maso di Banco and The pictorial areas in the for Giotto. 40 It may therefore be assumed other masters participated in the frescoes that of the work Arena Chapel plain style of the in Santa Barbara Chapel are Padua. The long high Angevin Gothic, provided much single-aisled now lost. larger than those room, built in the ideal conditions for wall-painting: 101
Giotto and his pupils narrow windows, rising to the full height of the wall, leave the surfaces disturbed and the start the fill room with bright, even light. It un- seems that from the building was designed with a view to decorative monumental paint- ing. 41 There another notable church in Naples which once contained an exten- is sive fresco cycle done under Giotto's Santa Chiara, which from the west. A enclosed is on direction. three sides few remnants of the coration after a fire during the Second original work. There are fragments of the execution is Chiara are as as in the nuns' choir of large walls, World War, give by Giotto's hand. 42 those of the chapel in Castel it is clear that Giotto's activity in to an impressive achievement; man who, it til some idea of the Hopes of finding and the walls of Santa fulfilled, Nuovo. However, the documentary evidence and the size of the walls, their paintings, and well a Crucifixion, Giottesque in style, but crude, and certainly not bare today was by paintings, revealed beneath later de- more fragments have unfortunately not been from It now stripped of Naples must have amounted could only have been accomplished by a in addition to his artistic genius, possessed an exceptional organiz- ing ability. On his return to Florence, Giotto received the appointment, noted in a formal deed dated April 1334, of supervisor of the construction of the Cathedral. 43 In this capacity he began the building of the Campanile, and jointly with the sculptor Andrea Pisano undertook the level of the tower. 44 him in his But even home-town this task, relief decoration on the ground unusual for a painter, did not keep for any length of time. When he was almost seventy, he obtained the permission of the Florentine government to go to Milan paint frescoes, probably his return The last on Azzo secular themes, for from Milan, he died in Florence on 8 to Visconti. Shortly after January 1337. 45 phase in the development of the Giotto workshop the frescoes of the chapel in the Palazzo del Bargello, also is known reflected in as the Pal- azzo del Podesta, now positions are stiff and undramatic, and the individual forms have They were done in 1337, the year of Giotto's death, and thus give an idea of the kind of work produced by the Giotto school without the master's supervision. 46 They consist of a pictorial cycle depicting the life of Mary Magdalene, a representation of Paradise on the altar wall, and an Inferno on the entrance wall. The comthe Museo Nazionale in Florence. polish. Nevertheless, Ghiberti included these frescoes his catalogue of Giotto's accepted as Giotto's 102 when works, and on account of a routine without reservation this in they were again they were rediscovered in the nineteenth century beneath the whitewash that had concealed them for centuries. It is, however,
possible that Ghiberti Dante next was misled. Filippo about Villani's chronicle, written in an altar panel in the Bargello chapel containing a portrait of 1400, refers to to a self-portrait of Giotto. This altar panel seems to have Giotto and his pupils dis- appeared shortly afterwards, because already in the middle of the Quattrocento the Dante portrait referred to as being is of the wall-paintings, 47 a misconception that generation to generation though to visitors, now even ; faithfully is by Giotto - as is pointed out the date of the frescoes demonstrates. 48 Ghiberti's attribution of the frescoes to Giotto have been the result of the Dante so-called the frescoes to appeared, have dealt works of as his, i. remained. Even the at length with Giotto's two lost fresco cycles in Santa is no more than there is about the productions of works and the unauthenticated Croce The in Florence. reason his workshop we that have been own hand or to two fresco cycles. Even if there were any, from them whether they relate to works by workshop products. We have seen that this distincto the and that Giotto's attitude nor in a different way in the matter had any objection his patrons The being given to obvious workshop products. to his three signed altar panels, the fresco fragments in Naples and the documents what was accepted in Giotto's own time, and most important source, must be understood in likely that he attempted Giotto's and contemporaries. works Ghiberti adds the a panel in Santa true that in It is qualification this light. that two 'di on Ghiberti's Commentarii, our were it is hardlv attributed to Giotto places in his catalogue of sua mono' Maria Novella, unfortunately Since own, Ghiberti pre- critical stylistic distinctions of his sumably did no more than record those works own was name referring to them, are clear evidence of this. Later tradition only passed his dis- tell particularly liberal. Neither he by is There are no contemporary documents, no deed of donation, and no tion hardly existed at that time, and dis- the unqualified inclusion of certainty about Giotto's authorship of these frescoes payment vouchers referring it would not be possible to Giotto's attribution of and when the panel than with those that are generally accepted that there cussing. so, ; among Giotto's works reveals Ghiberti's uncritical attitude. his last period, rather e., was by Giotto, the error that easily followed this false attribution may that led to the confusion over the portrait. If the altar panel him was an the Bargello Chapel We same process one to say, in handed on from the alleged Dante portrait neither a portrait, nor it is muro, that in was lost. 49 : the Arena Chapel All the other works including the frescoes in the Bargello Chapel, and a scene of the Death of the Virgin (probably the Berlin panel), 'four chapels and four he records without comment. panels' in Santa Croce, He mentions and adds no further details. 103
Giotto and his pupils One of the panels is undoubtedly the Baroncelli noted the significance of Giotto's signature there. records and surviving works of the Virgin, now and the assistance of later have already in Santa Croce, the four chapels can be identified: the Tosinghi Chapel, mentioned life we altar, With lost; its earlier, probably with frescoes from the counterpart to the right of the choir, the Bardi Chapel, containing six scenes from the St Francis legend, and a Stigmatization above the entrance arch; adjoining John the the lives of SS. from Peruzzi Chapel, with frescoes this the Baptist and the Evangelist; and finally the Giugni Chapel, with frescoes representing the martyrdom of the Apostles, also unfortunately The works lost. 50 frescoes in these chapels listed to determine by Ghiberti, were Giotto's sense as distinctions on the other all and the documentary evidence does not enable us with any greater certainty the manner and extent of participation. Indeed the only criterion draw same in the grounds. stylistic we have The lies in our his personal own external sources, the ability to documentary records, can be misleading unless they are interpreted with careful regard to the prevailing attitudes and conceptions at the time The frescoes in the Bardi and Peruzzi Chapels, were covered with whitewash When as last they were written. like those in the Bargello, and replaced by new decoration. at a later date, discovered in the middle of the works by Giotto, on the when century, they were readily accepted basis of Ghiberti's and Vasari's evidence, and were conscientiously restored in accordance with nineteenth-century ideas. Al- though the paintings had been severely damaged by the whitewash, the tombs that were mounted restoration time. was not A new vourable against them, and finally as radical and disfiguring results, therefore, left have survived without serious now exist pictures in the Bardi blemishes, the marks of wall-tombs that were IX 104 fa- restorers 51 the iconographic content essentially intact. remnants of the original painting The two bottom long on the whole produced and has shown that although the nineteenth-century The compositions, 52 process, the as historians believed for a restortaion, undertaken in i960, has overpainted large sections, they state. by the cleaning in a more or alteration, less and damaged Chapel have sharply defined mounted there at one time, Giotto, Raising of Drusiatta (detail) Florence, Santa Croce


work but otherwise the in this chapel is in surprisingly and only the parts painted in fresco almost intact, good condition, with a secco parts almost entirely Giotto and his pupils obliterated. The Peruzzi Chapel presents a more difficult of combining fresco and a secco was, for here, and instead the entire surface problem. The usual technique some unexplained was covered with reason, not used a secco painting over a light underpainting in fresco. In place of the relatively small plaster sections, Chapel are each typical of the fresco technique, the pictures in the Peruzzi divided into two on which the large sections, corresponding to the level of the scaffolding painters worked. The dividing line runs horizontally through the middle of the pictures, at the level of the figures' heads. 53 Because of the poor durability of the original top layer. A a secco technique, there great number is some left of the of the pictures can only be recognized in the outlines of the underpainting, but there are to give hardly anything still enough coloured As idea of the original appearance of the work. parts in the Bardi Chapel, the structure of the individual scenes, the formal substance of the compositions, is still clearly discernible. Although the present condition of both chapels is not so bad lished as to make rather unsatisfactory, is a stylistic judgment impossible. What it has to be estab- not only the relative stages of development that the two fresco cycles is represent, and the dates of the extent of Giotto's their composition, own but also, and more important, share in the design and execution. This question has not yet been seriously considered by historians because of the authorita- tive nature of the sources attributing the Santa answer, and the reasons for it, Croce Our frescoes to Giotto. cannot be expounded here in full detail, and furthermore does not purport to be a complete solution to the numerous related problems. 54 It is intended as an encouragement to critical discussion and unbiased examination of the original works. Our considerations so far have brought us to the Giotto's clearly development from the beginning to his view that the course of maturity can be traced more today than was possible even a short while ago. But the path ends with the frescoes in the Arena Chapel in Padua, and only the Ognissanti Madonna, and possibly the Navicella mosaic in Rome, give a of its further direction. For the rest, a period of the story is obscure, and we have few facts to slight indication more than twenty-five go on. years, We possess many work- shop products of the period, uneven and dubious works preserved haphazardly; but from this comparatively rich store even indirectly, about Giotto's his style in those decades. own it is not possible to draw conclusions, development and the This means that Giotto's share characteristics of in the two Santa 107
Giotto and his pupils Croce cycles can be determined only on the earlier must remain open for the time being except on basis of our knowledge of in so far as it can be answered this basis. Outwardly, what distinguishes the Santa Croce frescoes from those Arena Chapel much their is Whereas larger size. life-size, tures are in three rows one above the other, and The pictures in the Bardi fill life-size. However, Chapel are even larger than those there Giotto's marked trend towards a is bottom zone move more are heavier The in the Peruzzi, minimum. Padua In the size. three zones are the same, The figures in the it is is now makes which whole use of the converted into pictorial space, although, space limited in depth, rather like a This relief. and the Mocking of Christ, an architectural setting, but the same basic especially true of scenes like Christ before Caiphas, where the action characteristic can takes place in be observed in the Crucifixion scene. Thus in Padua Giotto's development was in the direction of greater ed by means of added spatial is all increasing monumentality. entire surface always with Giotto, pic- and more massive than those above, and yet they freely in the pictorial field, available surface. is monumentality does not depend on although the dimensions of the pictures in The the side walls of the chapels. extending further downwards and with frames reduced to a cycle, in the Padua are the figures in those in Santa Croce are almost only about half as his works, and therefore the crucial question of their attribution to Giotto and monumentality, which he achiev- plastic values in his an interplay of depth and surface. The surface fied, are compositions. There effects, far from being nulli- heightened by the three-dimensional values. Furthermore, every pic- ture has a subtle pattern of linear in correct and surface proportion to the whole, and each relationships, each part being line emerge able position. These characteristics also having its precise unalter- distinctly in the Ognissanti Madonna, which consistently continues the same trend. The dom figures in the Peruzzi Chapel looser connection pictures. frescoes The is The IX) move with greater pictures are larger between the frames and the free- and there is a architectural features in the severe surface uniformity characteristic of the Arena Chapel here replaced by flowing rhythms that enliven the pictorial planes, and divide them into distinct sections. compositions that consist of ple, the Birth two This can be seen most clearly in the scenes with different settings, for and Naming of St John, and the scene of the Annunciation to and the design is exam- Herod's Feast (pi. 71a). Similarly, in Zachariah there are standing freely one beside the other. 108 (pis 70, 71, than those in the Padua frescoes. The two compact pictorial space unconstrained but firmly organized. is full of structures animation,
new freedom This of composition which cation of perspective, is ings and no longer confined, walls. In wider appli- Arena Chapel, to the receding as in the his pupils and are therefore shown without foreshortening. which the action though rhythmically constructed At line. former direction. Two large structures gate and the choir of a customary manner, to the crucial point of the comits extend above the wall, a twin-towered domed strengthen oj takes place recedes in a position the wall takes a right-angled turn to the front, and then resumes city Giotto and side Croce thev are markedly oblique. In the scene of the Raising Drusiana, the city wall in front of sharp, a Padua the horizontal cornices on the front of the buildings are gen- erally parallel to the frame, In Santa due to to a large extent is also used in the frontal representations of build- church, which arc used, in Giotto's and accentuate the grouping of the figures. The Assumption of St John (pi composition. its The with one of the aisles part of the nave is rises building cut 71 b) away up to Christ and the Apostles, is even richer and more elaborate view of the to give a open, and from the upwards movement is a three-aisled basilica seen is tomb who lean first interior. In addition, down towards him. The flowing convincingly portrayed, and has only one precedent Arena Chapel. Giotto was to recapture the technique of depicting convincingly scenes in the laws of nature are suspended. into in the side, in the floor of this aisle St John in post-classical painting, the Allegory of Hope in the the from The which witnesses to the miracle are divided two wonderfully compact and yet animated groups. The drama is accenby means of the distribution of the colours, which in the present state tuated of the picture can only be reconstructed in their is a delicate pink in robes of lessness. fected with light blue sleeves, main tones. St John's cloak and Christ and the Apostles are clad pink and pale yellow ochre, colours that give an Strong tones are used for those spectators by the event. The on the figure trembling red cloak, and the upright figure beside who floor is group most visibly af- wrapped him was probably blue. Various shades of red are used in the in the left. weight- effect of are in a rich painted in a dark On the right the colours fade into the yellow-white surplices of the deacons, and this colour also is used for the architectural features framing the pink surfaces. In inate. all the other pictures light colours, darkened only occasionally, The musician lighter stripes, in Herod's Feast (pi. and with the delicacy of 70), painted in a watercolour, is predom- pale grey with placed in front of The stripes on the drapery continue hand. The proportions of this figure, one move- the pink wall of the tower. the ment of the best of the musician's preserved in the Peruzzi Chapel, are typical: a heavy7 head and broad face, 109
, Giotto and his pupils wide shoulders and hips, large and block-like, and heavy folded draperies of the figures. hands and of full Every figure essence of the picture, and movement retains action, oped on the firm foundation of The feet. overall impression its The and their outlines simple They are heavy wrapped in but always keeping to the contours separate physical identity; they are the grouping and composition are only devel- these individual figures. that nothing here is figures are generally large. is manifestly inconsistent with Arena Chapel. The looser structure of the composition, the colours, paler and yet more effectively used, the increased weight of the inthe style of the dividual figures and their heavier proportions, development of the Arena Chapel also participated in the Peruzzi Giottesque. ship Chapel we must be taken all as a later likely that assistants it is frescoes, the style appears distinctly However, before attempting and dating, may Although style. to resolve the question of author- consider the other cycle in Santa Croce. In the Bardi Chapel, surface effects predominate. compositions are constructed symmetrically (pi. 6ga). portions, the figures appear small in relation to the As far as possible the Owing whole to their pro- picture, but in fact they are even larger than those in the Peruzzi Chapel. Their heads are small and narrow, and their movements sharp and angular. Striking gestures, like those of the sultan in the Ordeal by Fire, or of St Francis in the Stigmatization produce the curiously unreal figures can be impressive by such stract effect of a surface pattern, enough, their extrinsic factors as the requirements of pictorial A geometric design. figure free in space. Furthermore, is than in Assisi or Padua. and fit most of the The pictures present a stage-like space architectural Such an extension beyond the a sense of the space mode beyond. would not have been of representation predominant Bardi Chapel. As regards the colours, only a general description their present condition. The can no longer be assessed. Stronger colours, such is possible on account of chromatic composition, the distribution of accents, The as the blue, applied a secco, is frequently missing. brick-red of the disbelieving kneels at St Francis' bier, are rare, and a is greater degree forms appear slender and insub- limits of the picture suited to the abstract, two-dimensional no much closely into the frames, whereas in the Peruzzi Chapel, roofs and towers are intersected by the frames, to give in the symmetry and ab- hardly ever seen in the round, standing with the figures and action related to the foreground to a stantial, and although the composition seems to be determined creamy white with nobleman cool, faint who shadows used extensively. Most of the scenes are dominated by the dull tones of the monks' habits, brown and olive grey. The flesh-tints are pale and clear, and
some occasionally even brownish; in in lively contrast to the light lines of the teristic green underpainting. The dark outlines and the Giotto and his pupils drawing predominate. The powerful sculptural contours, charac- of the figures in the Peruzzi Chapel, are absent here and the draperies lack the plastic fullness lightly of the heads the pink cheeks stand out and The rich modelling. draperies, like the faces, are modelled to conform to the surface pattern, except for the averted figures of the Saracens in the scene of the Ordeal by Fire; but even there the figures appear in frontal relief is of the Ordeal by Fire is and not in the round. 50 The flat linear design particularly apparent in the painting of the sultan on his throne in the scene and of the angry father in the Renunciation scene, thus sharply and characteristically distinguished corresponding scene The comparison with in the Giotto we model which in the Assisi is generally illuminating. model as the for all later The older St Francis versions of the theme workshop, and sometimes exact though inferior copies in Pistoia. 56 In the Bardi Chapel, were made, for example however, its at Assisi (pi. V). legend was naturally taken produced from in San Francesco find a deliberate attempt to break away from the model, and to create something entirely new. Comparison with the corresponding scenes illustrates the striking plastic content of the Assisi compositions, reveals the deliberate attempt in the Bardi effect of linear surface pattern. One and Chapel to produce an opposite further example will serve to illustrate this. The scene of the Apparition oj St Francis in Aries posed a difficult for a painter concerned with representing the event convincingly. problem The monks are gathered in the chapter-house of the Franciscan monaster)" in Aries to listen to a sermon by Friar Antonius of Padua. During the sermon one of the monks, Monaldus, and he alone, perceives St Francis hovering saint the and at the entrance of the and blessing the brothers with outstretched arms, although hall was a great distance monks and Monaldus' at Assisi this is away. 57 vision, Two in fact the independent events, the sermon to must therefore be depicted simultaneously, successfully achieved (pi. 59). The left side-wall of the chapter-house and the ceiling supported by arches are visible exactly as the apex. The as far room is cut away, but can readily be completed The monks sit in rows at the feet of the preacher, listening front of the in the imagination. who by himself in the left corner, his eyes fastened on the vision of the saint. The cloister outside, covered by a simple lean-to roof, is seen through the door and the windows. The position attentively, except for Monaldus, sits of the chapter-house next to the cloister, and the arrangement of the door with two flanking windows, are in accordance with the ancient custom. The 111
Giotto and his pupils same realism setting has the as the rest of the scene; the story could not be more vividly. The spatial arrangement of the corresponding scene in the Bardi Chapel (pi. 6ga) would not be easy to understand without knowing the story and without the assistance of the representation at Assisi. The setting is reversed. The view is from the cloister garden through the intervening cloister into the chapter-house. The cloister also has a lean-to roof, which is seen in crosssection where the two side wings are cut off. Most of the monks sit on benches in the cloister, and only a few are in the chapter-house, where Friar Antonius preaches. St Francis is seen in the doorway, standing firmly on the raised told floor of the chapter-house. made out on This highly the scene, Behind him, traces of a Crucifixion scene artificial, one might almost say cryptographic, presentation of which nevertheless remains the same as that in the Assisi picture, clearly reveals the stylistic peculiarity of the Santa there and symmetry of the emphatic frontality is Croce frescoes. In addition their composition, surface pattern of the monks doorway. His arms and the curve of the arch form raised dimensions, in contrast to door-posts. The in the cloister Assisi, and the figure of where the saint's is numerous successive layers, two-dimensional which only the tops of the heads shown is almost ludicrous effects. The way in monks seated inside the chapter-house 6gb). The virtuosity displayed in the use of produces of the (pi. perspective with an apparently flat surface design evokes a subtle charm, a tension similar to that of the The Bardi Chapel scene has none of the naive freshness and narrative are looking towards St Francis, Monaldus, sermon, Antonius, tive who is as there who and alone sees the vision. is is it is It is power monks impossible to distinguish brother not even clear that hardly any connection between the seen through the window. Such we are present monks and Friar indifference to the narra- typical of an eclectic, mannerist stage of stylistic development. is and composition of the Baroncelli Altar. 58 of the Assisi fresco. Contrary to the tenor of the legend, most of the concern two a circle in arms extend beyond the and produces the most unexpected overlapping pattern, at a and the St Francis in the in strange contradiction to the severe structure of the space, arranged in one behind the other, are can be the rear wall. The not with the content but with the aesthetic aspect, which has great beauty, though of a cool and abstract kind, giving the impression of a vision rather than a drama. method The powerful effect that this peculiar of representation can produce is evident in the two-dimensional title scene of Santa Croce, The Stigmatization of St Francis, above the chapel's entrance arch and 112 visible from b9 the entrance to the church (pi. 68).
hlftifr I Castelscprio, Santa Maria foris portas • The Journey to Bethlehem •
2 San Vinccnzo al Vo no Crucifixion
3 a Rome, Temple of Fortuna Virilis St John Receiving the Aposth b Rome, San Clemente Lower Church 3 Ascension (detail)
4 Galliano, San Vincenzo • The Prophet Jeremidi Sant'Aneelo in Formis • Christ Enthroned
" I "

7 6 Sant'Angelo in Formis a Christ and the Adultress b Christ Healing Sant'Angelo in Formis the Blind • The Archangel Michael
8 Rome, San Clemente, L er Church- The Miracle of St Clement
9 Nepi, Sant'Elia • The Elders of the Apocalypse
ion Tuscania, San Pietro Meeting of SS. Peter and Paul • , ->. H 10 b Rome, San Giovanni a Porta Latina Creation of Adiii.
ii Tuscania, San Pietro • Ascension (detail)

13 12 a, b Tivoli, Cathedral • Triptych (side panels) Sutri, Cathedr.il Christ Enthroned

m- lfm*Z ^^^^B Jj^ / | \ i 14 Civate, San Pietro al Monte a Angels Fighting the Apocalyptic b Christ Enthroned in Dragon New Jerusalem 15 a, b Civate, San Pietro al Monte • Angels
i6a,b Aquileia, Cathedral, Crypt • Paintings in the ambulatory and decoration on the dado
17 Aquileia, Cathedral, Crypt • St Peter Ordaining St Hiermagoras
ilS Rome, SS. Quattro Con St Sylvester Chapel Entry of St Sylvester into Rome
; HrVmSf / ^H ' vH ^^^tt> Jir"*t^! V j R jh9 1 B^I JBhS(d fl ^ •» BbV OK Ha l^sk Hiw, ^^HK 1BB& vH ~ . v ^1^1 L k ^k Grottaferrata, Abbey Church Moses with I lie Snake 19 b (detail 19 c Pietro Cavallini Apostles (detail from the Last Judgment) , a 'IHI >.* ^Lb^Blv 19.1 ^ ' 1 aS . j^M )|V- i^^H Pietro CAVALLrNi Hearf of Christ from the Rome, Last Judgment) Santa Cecilia Rome, Santa Cecilia
20 a Pietro Cavallini J-SISTTT VR 20 b Birth of the I 'irgin Rome, Santa Maria in Trastevcrc •'j Pietro Cavallini Prest ntation in the Temple Rome, Santa Maria in Trastevcrc
21 a JACOPO TORRITI Coronation of the I 'irgin Rome, Santa Maria Maggiore 21 b Roman, c. 1290, Prophet Rome, Santa Maria Maggicre
22 Crucifix, second half i> f 12th century • Pisa, Museo Nazionale
23 Crucifix, first quarter of 13th century • Pisa, Museo Nazionale
3 24 b Women at Christ's 7 detail of pi. 23) 24a fl \nliiiit of the Feet (detail of pi. 22)
2j Head of Christ (detail of pi. 23)
-I
27 26 t "irgin (detail of pi. 27) Assisi, Giunta Pisano Crucifix Santa Maria degli Angeli

28 Albertus (1187) Crucifix Spolcto, Cathedral (detail) 29 Berlinghiero Crucifix (detail) Lucca, Pinacoteca
30 a Sermon to the Birds (detail of pi. 31) 1 30b Healing of the Lame (detail of pi. 31) !1 BONAVENTURA BERLINGHIERI St Francis • Pescia, (1235) San Francesco

32 School or Lucca (c. 1260) Madonna West Germany, private collection
33 Coppo di Marcovaldo Madonna del Carmine Florence, Santa Maria Maggiore yi Wffi*
34 a Master of the Biga. o Florence, 34b Opera Detail of del pi. Duomo 3} St Zenobius Altarpiece (detail) 3.S Coppo di Marcovaliki Madonna Orvicto, Santa Maria dei Servi

36 Guido da Siena Maesta Siena, Palazzo Pubblico
j> r 37a 37 b "~ ' i — i . * ' #» ; Guido da Siena Rotable Siena, Pinacotcca St John the Evangelist (detail of pi. 37 a]
38 Guido da Siena Ann; iation Princeton, University Gallery
39 Cimabue Angel (detail of pi. 40)
40 Cimabue Santa Trinita Mado i Florence, Uffizi
4i Duccio (1285) Rucellai Madonna Florence, Santa Maria Novella
42 a Cimabue 42 b CORSO St John Raises (detail and Prophet (detail of BUONO DI pi. (1284) Two Dead Men from The Sorcerer Aristodemus the Proconsul) Montelupo, San Giovanni 40)
43 Duccio Angel (detail of pi. 41)
44 Cimable Crucifix i nee, Museo di Santa Croce
45 Cimabue St John (detail of pi. 44)
47 46 Assisi, San Francesco, L pper Church Choir and transept a Assisi, San Francesco, Upper Church 47 b • Nave St Francis Legend
' .rifif i«n mi ii .i. a iimXkLUJUJl^UM.mt^.tt. i

48 Cimabue Women Lamenting (detail of pi. 49) 49 Cimabue Crucifixion Assisi, San Francesco

SO Cimabue Angels (detail of pi. 49) 51 Cimabue Spectators at the Cross (detail of pi. 49)
52 Filippo Rusuti The Creation • Assisi, San Francesco
Wr M h jT \ TC S3 Filippo Rusuti Head of the Creator (preparation, cf. pi. 52) • Assisi, San Francesco
54 Giotto Esau and Isaac Assisi, San Francesco
55 Giotto Head of Esau (detail of pi. 54)
IBwi 56 Giotto Sermon to th Birds Assisi, San Francesco
57 Giotto Confirmation of the Rule of the Order • Assisi, San Francesco
Jy k 58 Giotto St i I ather (detail of pi. V)
59 Giotto Apparition of St Francis at Aries Assisi, San Frai
60 Giotto Crucifix 1 c< Santa Maria Novella
61 Detail of pi. 60
62 a 62 b Giotto Enthroned Madonna Florence, San Giorgio alia Costa Giotto Madonna Assisi, San Francesco
63 Giotto Ognissanti Madonna Florence, Uffizi
64 Giotto detail of pi. 62 b
6s Giotto detail of pi. 63
66 a Giotto Flight into Egypt Padua, Arena Chapel 66 b Giotto Christ before Caiphas Padua, Arena Chapel
67 Detail of pi. 66 b

69 a, b Master of the Bardi Chapel Apparition of St Francis at Aries Florence, Santa Crocc 68 Master of the Bardi Chapel Stigmatization of St Francis (detail) Florence, Santa Grace
70 Giotto Musician (detail of pi. 71a)
71b Giotto Herod's Feast 71 a Giotto Assumption of St John ; Santa Crocc , Santa Croce
7 2 Bernardo Daddi (1333) Madonna with Two Donors (centre panel of a triptych) Florence, Bigallo
All these are features that can hardly be ascribed to Giotto at his extensive development. They would be pired to and accomplished in the first a negation of half of his and life, and are deeply rooted in Giotto's earlier works, Giotto and his pupils and also of the free The elevated style he achieved later in the Peruzzi Chapel. any stage of everything he as- Peruzzi frescoes products of the post-Padua as period are a completely consistent development. But along the route between the Arena Chapel and the Peruzzi Chapel there Chapel Could they possibly be frescoes. This could only be so eclecticism Such if, end of at the later his life, and himself became the creator of a supposition cannot be entertained. do not frescoes and that fit analysis into Giotto's on work for the Bardi Giotto had turned to a refined a 'Giotto mannerism'. It is our conviction that the Bardi either before or after the Peruzzi grounds alone makes stylistic no place is than those in the Peruzzi Chapel? it clear that they Chapel cannot be attributed to him. The types and proportions of the figures are not nor are the technique and colours compatible with heavy and opaque and the are too was never heavy, and ment, it became lines too hard and Giotto's style brittle. Peruzzi Chapel shows, in spite of as the steadily lighter and his, his practice: the colours easier in later years. The disfigure- its style and even the types of figures of the Bardi frescoes could possibly be accounted for by attributing the execution to assistants, as evidently several hands participated work. But the designs and in the The either. spirit pictorial ideas as a whole and rhythm of the compositions are are not Giottesque different from and are not the product of the elemental force of a unified sense of informs Giotto's teristic ceuvre. The Bardi Chapel the start, life that frescoes are the first great, charac- manifestation of the spirit of the following generation. Giotto's pupils ers of the great were born into a situation similar to that in High Renaissance masters found which the follow- themselves. The towering shadow figure of Giotto, like Michelangelo's in the late Renaissance, cast a over ment all was the work and inhibited the creation new artistic synthesis. Until the end their of a new style or the lost its freshness archaic, or was reduced, for The master and became a time, to a of the Bardi Chapel was develop- of the Trecento, Giotto's style inevitable point of departure for his successors, work their of a with the result that and artificially formalistic, eclectic, premature, undisciplined naturalism. a formalist. He was familiar with the methods of three-dimensional representation devised by Giotto, but he used them a for quite contrary purpose. For him the illusion of depth was merely piquant feature added to his elaborate surface pattern to give an even artiheial effect. available, The more extension of the pictures to the limits of the wall space and the primary concern with surface effects are characteristic of 185
Giotto and his pupils mid-Trecento painting. Formally The composition. this meant the reversion tension between surface and depth ately for artistic effect, as for instance in the important pupil of Giotto, who, we was one of the founders of this coes, workshop, he was done the Bardi Chapel many Altar and oncelli as probably considerably window trayed in the however, date, The fres- Although trained style. to Giotto. It is in Giotto's indeed probable that later by than 13 17, the date given by historians in Bar- like the his work. The date of the frescoes as Giotto's which Louis of Toulouse, who as the is por- wall of the Bardi Chapel, was canonized. Such an early quite unacceptable. is others. Chapel other works, and was therefore regarded That was the year earliest possible. new one of Giotto's commissions, contemporaries, and by Ghiberti, is also used deliber- Orcagna and of believe, painted the Bardi Orcagna than closer to is work to two-dimensional was The reorientation stylistic which we On have attempted to describe above indicates a date around 1330. 60 the other hand, the Peruzzi Chapel, which really seems to give an example of was probably Giotto's late style, more A reflection of Giotto's great figurative Andrea Pisano's in also painted depicting the life not much earlier and dramatic innovations on the bronze doors of the Baptistry reliefs than 1330- Naples in about 1328. 61 precisely, before Giotto's departure for found is in Florence, John the Baptist. Andrea Pisano, who shortly afterwards on the Campanile after Giotto's designs, was already under of executed the reliefs his influence while working on the bronze door. 62 For these scenes he drew on the iconography of the Peruzzi Chapel frescoes, bears the stamp of the Giotto model. The their richly folded draperies are Giottesque and the style of his work strongly modelled figures with forms translated into the medium of bronze sculpture, although Andrea, following the current fashion, accen- tuated the flow of the folds, and at times lapsed into tality. But the grouping, the architectural restrained drama, the and landscape motifs are possible that the single source of this Chapel is that Chapel frescoes, done at a much all inspired and completed struction ornamenclarity of is hardly earlier date. A far more style, of likely supposition which the Peruzzi been an example. The bronze doors were begun in 1330, in 1336. Andrea became Giotto's closest associate in the and sculptural decoration of the Campanile, and he was appointed linear dominant influence was the Arena Andrea was inspired by Giotto's current may have mere economy and by Giotto. It con- after Giotto's death his successor to the office of supervisor of the cathedral works. 63 Ghiberti attributes the earliest Campanile 186 Whatever Giotto's share may reliefs have been, these to Giotto reliefs are and Andrea. 64 even closer to the
style of the Peruzzi Chapel frescoes than are the bronze doors. This support for the view that the frescoes represent Giotto's Andrea Pisano could If our analysis traced from his is added Giotto which and his pupils refer directly. development can correct, the course of Giotto's beginnings in Assisi until the of the Peruzzi Chapel last years of his life. now The be style an organic continuation of the Padua period. The is principles of design clearly recognizable in dom is late style, to Padua have acquired a new free- without abandoning the distinctive structures of Giotto's pictorial con- and rhythm the pictures surpass the Padua frescoes. Preform and economy of means, the governing principles of his earlier works, have given way to volume and size. Giotto has achieved that synthesis of monumentality and grace, the combination of autonomous individual ception. In beauty cision of figures and an unconstrained compact whole, that classical art. It that was was only in his later years that constitutes the essence of he became the creator of a style to persist for centuries, the foundation of the Italian style of the High Renaissance. If its the internal logical consistency of this development controlled genius recognized, a new becomes yardstick ing Giotto's doubtful works. These will be seen is understood, and available for assess- as a reflection of the great personality of Giotto; and the peculiarities of his individual pupils, and their new emerge more aspirations, will also Like San Francesco at Assisi, ciscan church in Florence, pupils. is a distinctly. Santa Croce, the great simple, spacious Fran- monument of the fresco art of Giotto and his Apart from the two chapels to the right of the choir, which already discussed, there are five others in the transept where the have been preserved. Three of these were painted by frescoes were actually pupils of Giotto. In addition, there is the we have original who artists main choir chapel with a cycle of the legend of the Holy Cross painted by Agnolo Gaddi, a second-generation pupil, and the sacristy with a variety of frescoes by masters more or - now less dependent on Giotto. Finally on the end wall of the refectory the Santa Croce Gaddi and his pupils. museum - there Two is an impressive work by Taddeo other chapels contained paintings by Taddeo Gaddi, 65 and in the Tosinghi and Giugni chapels there were the fresco cycles, previously mentioned, not all. The by Giotto, and was lined with altars umental paintings. Large also all of which are now lost. And that was wall enclosing the monks' choir extended well into the nave, and chapel-like extended along both walls structures, also decorated with mon- few fragments remain, of the nave, among them a major work by frescoes, of which only a 187
Giotto and his pupils Orcagna which we shall refer to later. gives an idea of the scale The mere enumeration end of the Trecento. All the works active until the of these works and exuberance of the Giotto school, which remained in the course of three generations, we were concentrated have described, done in a single, though very important church. The Dominican Church of Santa Maria Novella was just as heavily decorated, Most smaller. but there the share of Giotto and of the frescoes were done school was his much about the middle of the Trecento in by Orcagna and his circle. The decoration in these two churches, unlike that in the Upper Church at Assisi, was not the result of a unified plan, but grew mainly from donations by wealthy families. In spite of this a remarkably uniform effect was achieved in Santa Croce. One part at least was properly planned, namely the huge east wall at the The model end of the centre for this aisle with opening to the choir chapel. its was probably the triumphal arch walls of the decorated with mosaics or paintings. In Santa Croce basilicas worked out in an entirely new and original this Roman motif was way. The upper part of the wall, flanking the choir, has splendid stained-glass Gothic windows, opening to the Beneath these windows, and above the two outside. pictures of the Assumption of the Virgin There is a close connection side chapels, are the and the Stigmatization of St between the subjects of these two Francis. pictures: in on 15 August, the day of Mary's Assumption, St Francis withdrew to the solitude of Monte La Verna where the winged Crucifix from which he received the stigmata appeared to him on 14 September. 66 Hence the facade 1224, of the choir became the focus space of Santa Croce. 67 of the varied decorative The dominating importance painting had achieved The monumental painting Croce similarly produces the a large on in the arts the entire shows the new - originating with Giotto. end wall of the south transept effect of a in Santa kind of internal facade, through which Gothic arched arcade leads to the Baroncelli Chapel. The decoration of the wall surrounding the arch is designed like a frame surmounted by a great frieze of consoles painted in perspective. on the the areas pictures. was scheme and the role of the pictures The sides of the archivolts, Huge figures of prophets fill and beneath these there are smaller creator of this impressive picture wall was Taddeo Gaddi, who also responsible for the frescoes inside the chapel. In the past the frescoes were mistakenly connected up with records indicating and 1337, but in fact they could have been begun any case during Giotto's life-time. 68 Taddeo Gaddi, workshop for many artistic personality, years, who emerges here for the as between 1332 early as 1328, and in a date who worked first time as in Giotto's an independent quite deliberately overstepped the stylistic boundaries
imposed by Giotto. 69 In the scenes from the of the chapel (pi. 73), he abandoned to life of Mary, on the a large extent the classical left wall rhythm of composition and the idealized types to which Giotto always adhered, and painted instead colourful and animated crowds of people, boldly foreshor- tened architecture, and a steeply ascending, naturalistic mountain landscape. There are contemporary elements and birds nest a high gallery, topping a wall. These are all in the drapery, spectators in the carefully drawn down from look foliage of trees over- features that Giotto rigidly excluded He from his monumental pictorial world. mated Expulsion ofJoachim from the Temple, nor did he indulge in such as the never painted a scene as passionately ani- graceful interplay of foreshortening and intersection of lines as in the temple Taddeo Gaddi is at his boldest in the Presentation Temple, where the intricate construction of the building architecture of that picture. of the Virgin in a number in the of ascending levels results in a very unconventional distribution of the figures. 70 a No earlier painter had dared to separate the participants in ceremonial event by such distances, with the extreme reduction in some of the figures that this involved. We arc size of reminded of Mannerist three- dimensional representations of the sixteenth century. Taddeo Gaddi's great Sienese contemporaries engaged in ventures of similar boldness, but them diverged from as he did the recognized principles of design to the in this early phase of his independent activity. 71 Inside the chapel, the side wall frescoes are than those (pis 74, 75 a). This later pictures. ciation to The be decorated. These especially noticeable in the treatment of the draperies wall are simpler and which begin by more generous and powerful Taddeo Gaddi's to resemble those in finished until around 1335, a con- the absence of complete uniformity in the decorative on the window wall -from the AnnunKings are more mature and monumental than six narrative scenes the Adoration of the uneven clearly the first to The work was probably not clusion supported the is window in the types of figures, scheme. 72 was more closely related to Giotto in many of their individual forms on the window wall, where a new independent style is evident - which in the and none of same extent on the other wall depicting the series life of the Virgin, although even here Taddeo Gaddi did not confine himself to the Giottesque method of spatial representation. Above and all, original. however, As we it is pictures always corresponds and we in his Taddeo Gaddi's treatment with the actual sources of light find this theory of the Giotto school manual for of light thac have already noted, the direction of the light painters. 73 is new in Giotto's in the room; propounded by Cennino Cennini Taddeo Gaddi, however, used the actual lighting Giotto and his pupils
Giotto and his pupils of the Baroncelli Chapel to create a new and very special effect. He started with the assumption that the light from the only window, on the south produced an effect of darkness this in several pictures on the surrounding by the Kings light, such as angels in the Annunciation scenes, and the from the Christ Child hovering light and compensated for wall, by introducing supernatural sources of the ray of light emitted side, in the sky, who appears to the Three in place of the traditional star. In the Annunciation to the Shepherds (pi. 74), a yellowish light illuminates the darkness, and shines softly on the mountain landscape. The Three Kings are similarly bathed in divine light. These supernatural sources of light are rendered with remarkable naturalism. The natural light in all the pictures comes, of course, from the direction of window, and in the allegorical figures in the medallions on the vaults, which are lit from the window and from below, the fall of this natural light the is accentuated and has a striking illusionistic In its overall results this solution suggestive of new possibilities that della Francesca, in his effect. had such it served as model major work, the fresco cycle supernatural source of light to illuminate the Constantine's logical consistency at and was so for centuries. Piero Arezzo, used a similar window wall in the scene of Dream. Raphael took up the same problem in the Liberation of St Peter in the Stanze of the Vatican, and found a classical solution which became the It inspiration for a whole line of Baroque painters. seems that the impetus for these important developments was given by Taddeo Gaddi, and not by Giotto opened the way himself. Giotto to the representation of light and developed the essential technique, but he never explored stinct its possibilities to the warned him artistic same extent as his pupil, because his sure in- against the inevitable naturalistic consequences. Giotto's theory was universal, systematic, and concerned with the harmonious balance of all the elements, like the summa, or universal systems, of the great High Middle Ages. It was only the younger generation who seized on isolated, specific problems, and pursued them theologians of the of his pupils without regard for the relationship of the whole. In the history of medieval thought, mysticism co-existed with the study of the natural sciences with which Franciscan scholasticism, for example, was concerned. This was no accidental dichotomy but a deliberate attempt to maintain an unbridgeable gap between the temporal and spiritual world, and to accept the contradiction between the two. There is a parallel in Trecento painting where naturalistic and mystical elements co-exist, and are often found side 190 by side even in the work of the same painter. outlook, which was becoming increasingly It is common, in keeping with this to hear that when
Taddeo Gaddi developed eye trouble from observing an eclipse of the sun in a letter to a clerical friend, Fra Simone Fidati, for spiritual he appealed help. it, 74 but This would not be in accord with Giotto's personality very characteristic of it is most devoted his his pupils we know as who became pupil, Giotto and the 75 leading Florentine painter during the three decades after the master's death. The Baroncelli Chapel by is far the most important of Taddeo Gaddi's surviving works, and historically the most interesting. of experiment, of bold ventures in unexplored fields, soon after the more completion of the frescoes. In monumental, and the and Ins school, became more that the size and quantity of But course of the Trecento. growth. The intrinsic classical style rests, numbers, show that and his position as established. personally a importance as an independent form. pictorial cycles increased their more than ever in the monumentality did not keep pace with his pupils. Instead, emerged, which was not a mere this own monumentality, on which the greatness of Giotto's an autonomous derivative of monu- was not beneath Taddeo Gaddi's dignity to execute long sequence of narrative panels, which because of their small mental fresco painting. It cannot be viewed from any distance. Framed in Gothic quatrefoils, they once decorated the doors of the panels and two crowning some depicting the Croce. Twenty-six sacristy closet in Santa scenes, in the shape of quadrants, life of Christ and some have been preserv- the St Francis legend. 77 The and are skil- scenes contain a fine variety of compositions of simple design fully set in the intricate with its inscribed ing, often Gothic frames. The ornamental rhombus extends and chromatic tive play of line with gay heraldic tints, in the master's frescoes. Surface naturalistic modes of the progessive intimate style of to the pictures silhouette. The effect of the quatre- and evokes an colours are and sometimes, Christ, the pictures are illuminated and a in wall-painting but rather the reverse, in was never achieved by style of panel-painting foil is Taddeo indicative of the change in artistic attitude soon after Giotto's death, Outwardly there was no decline ed, inten- is panel paintings of in relatively large that panel-painting gained increasing size The radical tendencies as his personal style all custodian of the Giottesque heritage It is beauty. 76 which have survived he relinquished Croce refectory fresco of the Crucifixion in the sacristy harmony and composition of classical end to an works he reverted to his later traditional ways. His Last Supper in the Santa tionally represents a phase It which came as in the Transfiguration by the same yellowish light we of noticed and three-dimensional elements, and formal of representation, are mingled in a movement attrac- smooth and glow- in the Trecento. Undoubtedly, new way this Taddeo Gaddi reached such maturity only typical very personal, after the com- 191
Giotto and his pupils pletion of the Baroncelli Chapel, assumed. 78 The and fashioned into in these small panels, process was and not earlier, as historians a personal, have hitherto Chapel was put to use practical experience of the Baroncelli independent style. The typical of post-Giottesque painting. Bernardo Daddi, also a pupil of Giotto The only and one of his closest associates, monumental works by his hand are two frescoes in a chapel in Santa Croce, showing the martyrdoms of St Stephen and St Lawrence. The events are depicted with true Florentine followed a similar path. realism, in a style that Giotto's Padua affiliation and of is frescoes. surviving angular and brittle and goes back to the period of Only the extension of the pictorial stage indicates an with subsequent development. The technique dry and is precise, a plain, craftsmanlike character. This style and technique were better suited to panel-painting. Bernardo Daddi left many folding panels, all altarpieces, including a number of small tabernacles with some time in the employ an ever increasing number of assistants thanks to him and his workshop that in the fourteenth painted between 1328 and 1348, and at 1330s he must have begun to for such work. 79 century the and new It is type of small devotional pictures, single panels, diptychs became popular triptychs, They were used rank, and they in Florence, for domestic worship were also in demand and soon appeared further and for the as travelling altars for numerous convents all afield. people of over the country and the religious associations in the cities. At the beginning of the century Duccio had introduced this pictorial type in Siena, and produced small de- votional pictures of high artistic quality. This development, which extended referred to again later. Also far from One of his which immediately enjoyed great pop- most charming works of by Taddeo Gaddi, correct craftsmanship, which became Daddi's Giotto-workshop an important beyond the Trecento, and which will be Bernardo Daddi received some in- nacle dated 1333 in the Loggia del Bigallo in Florence a year later start of Siena, spiration for his fine miniature altars, ularity in Florence. was the tradition, reached its this kind, a taber- (pi. 72), to the last detail. 80 was reproduced The perfection of special care in the preservation of the height in these small precious objects; they clearly reveal his forceful, precise, sculptural style and formal language. Daddi's colours, deep in earlier years, later show that he his style was based on become increasingly lighter and painting. On that of his teacher, Giotto, and was influenced by Sienese young man he had worked on the frescoes in the the whole, however, it is possible that as a Arena Chapel. This would be consistent with the tradition claiming that he was ten years older than I9 2 Taddeo Gaddi and thus born in about 1290.
Both On these artists the other hand, in Naples, were members of the older generation of Giotto's Maso was one of his di Banco, who, we as have seen, had assisted pupils. Giotto Giotto and his pupib youngest pupils. Apart from the fragments in Naples, Maso's only surviving works are one fresco cycle in Santa Croce, painted around 1340, and a few panel-paintings. 81 Although oped under Giotto's teaching he was no immature his powerful copyist. He style devel- emerges as a vigorous though not very versatile personality, with a strong feeling for the monumental and of the master. He a far greater independence appeared at a stage when esque tradition was no longer possible. an as artist than the older pupils a direct continuation of the Giott- We have seen that Giotto himself gradually outgrew Ins time, or rather lost touch with contemporary- trends. With the exception of Andrea Pisano, who was not had no emulators. The true modern style a painter, Giotto's late style of the time was not that of the Peruzzi Chapel, but that of the contemporaneous or slightly later Bardi Chapel. There had been a return to the two-dimensional young man had mode of represen- on a higher level, for Giotto's innovations could not be ignored. The most powerful effects the master of the Bardi Chapel achieved arose from the tation, which Giotto as a superseded, but it was a return tension between two-dimensional and three-dimensional vision. Giotto's meth- ods were employed, but for contrary purposes. Maso This was also the point of departure for his way to di Banco, but add to the existing problems. The main feature of it was not his art was solemnity, an almost sombre suppression of mood and mere must have been repugnant virtuosity in the use of artistic effects him, a far greater mastery of the is modern methods a emotion. Although to of spatial representation concealed behind the compact texture of his frescoes than in the works of Bernardo Daddi, or even the apparently progressive Taddeo Gaddi. In one of his pictures in a Roman he goes beyond Giotto himself, conveying the gaping windows evoking a thing entirely new. lost With Giotto grandeur there is and he never imparted to the present, Maso does much more than events of the legend he is set the (pi. no this sorcerers who had few symbolic 102a). This mood was some- kind of significance to a Rome: would have been The the pope, St Silvester, Romans, and brings been poisoned by the dragon's breath. features. In setting. necessary scene for the narrative. depicting take place in fourteenth-century painter a of ruins past; everything relates palpably binds the dragon that had been harassing the two mood landscape, with decayed buildings of magnificent simplicity, the to life the Any other satisfied to indicate the locale by Maso's picture the event becomes almost subor- dinate to the striking effect of the setting. The figures are skilfully related to the 193
Giotto and his pupils architectural elements, but the resulting interplay of depth and surface diminishes the dramatic content of the story, which in Giotto's hands effects would have been enhanced. In Maso's landscape is work the scenery remains predominant even when the open almost completely obstructed by buildings. In the lunette picture of the Baptism of Constantine , the figures are placed within such a closely inter- movement locking complex of buildings that their freedom of restricted. The importance of the figures, their small scale, is further reduced by the which is style, severely already diminished The autonomy architecture. forms, the basis of Giotto's dramatic narrative is is by of the sacrificed, as in the Bardi Chapel, to the encroaching principle of abstract composition. Yet the separate figures are (pi. 102 b). We more individually characterized here than in Giotto's thus find in the work of Maso, possibly Giotto's portant pupil, an illustration of the same contradictory as we stylistic work most im- development have previously noticed. But something much more in the spirit of the age. The significant lofty plane becomes apparent, a on which Giotto had profound change set human action and emotion could no longer be maintained by the generation that immediately followed him. teristics, It resorted to artistic virtuosity, attention to individual charac- and ultimately to the acceptance of new formal restrictions. These are stylistic as well as intellectual elements which do not exclude but rather complement and depend on each other. Giotto was not concerned with the individual, but with the essential qualities of recognized types, this that gave to perceive artistic 194 his figures their autonomous existence. and The diminished it was ability and render typical form was the underlying reason for the changed direction in the decades after Giotto's death.
Duccio 8 When it theless continued to exercise a forceful influence, Florentine painting found itself in turned away from Giotto, whose superior an oddly self-contradictory situation, which became most clearly apparent in the middle of the Trecento in the before dealing with this century, consistent style never- when the new we must return once Trecento sense of style work of Andrea Orcagna. But more to the beginning of the became predominant throughits supremacy. In Pisa and out northern Tuscany, and Florentine art asserted Lucca the older artistic traditions all two the energies of these cities, were spent, and especially in painting once so immensely productive, were ex- hausted. Only brilliant achievement of Giovanni Pisano; however, he produced Pisan sculpture experienced a important works in Siena, and not in reserve the Gothic ideal of form, excitingly all modern traces of the local in Siena can The his native city. He his most accepted without which was spreading from the north. In his influenced In Siena the course of development Only burst of creativity in the by current trends and yet highly personal, pre-Gothic tradition were lost. In painting, no equals emerged for the time being. style, to this vigorous style last one talk of a was different from that in Florence. genuine continuity, an organic development was Duccio di Buoninsegna. His Madonna Rucellai of 1285 has already been mentioned, 1 and we remarked of tradition. that this work great painter responsible for this manhood appears modern and progressive beside Madonna of Cimabue. A first step towards over- of his early the similarly constructed coming the dependence of the Duecento on the archaic, it reveals faint traces of the Gothic style but at the same time belongs to the 'maniera greca'. 2 195
Duccio was not Duccio new and gave no He a revolutionary artist. created no new system, artistic pictorial interpretation of reality. His virtue lay in main- taining the heritage of Byzantine art, thus preserving a valuable part of the medieval and passing spirit it on to the new His Madonnas are era. full the melancholy, the solemnity, and the mature oriental beauty of the Although he modernized the zantine world. chromatic effects, timeless, undramatic, : us under powerful its The spirit and content of and devoted spell. all time in Sienese painting, and this that distinguished Sienese is other Italian schools until well into the sixteenth century', Sodoma and Beccafumi, as far as It remained unchang- emotion that places capacity for religious fervour tins a long frequently rose to the level of ecstasy. from his art to a single, strong This passion, and mystical absorption survived for painting the technique, and the he adhered closely to Byzantine models, especially those in manuscript illuminations. ed style, of By- so long as a Sienese school of any significance remained in existence. The conservatism characteristic of Duccio's tinuation of established tradition. His style and sources are and his difficult to him with Guido da most important predecessor, although there does not seem in the Assisi frescoes can no documentary evidence that of the large The and whom he name in wall-painting. drew some inspiration from clear. Yet another glass and the designs were probably by Duccio, but un- of the artist who created them paintings depict the Death, Assumption, in addition the nation scene, there Four Evangelists, and four half-length is is not noted in the and Coronation of saints; 4 the although there Madonna, especially in the Coro- hardly anything that links them with the Assisi frescoes. Madonna figure in Siena, also recalls the Rncellai figures. His arguments, 3 for there doubtless also far is are unmistakable affinities with the Rncellai The Siena, have been whether Duccio made the designs for the stained in 1287-8, fortunately the Virgin, to round window of the choir of Siena Cathedral. This work was commissioned records. stylistic Duccio was ever engaged from without being fundamentally influenced, is con- between them. Attempts to detect Duccio's hand be supported only by His relationship to Cimabue, unresolved question a original. Its origins determine, but the essential lyrical strain in his art adherence to Byzantine models associate his a real pupil-master relationship is work was not merely was decidedly pure personal from Crevole, now Madonna, but it in the Opera del Duomo lacks the fluid line of Duccio's only in two small panels, painted They are devotional pictures, the Kunstmuseum in Bern, 5 and the Madonna style appears again almost with the delicacy of miniatures. Madonna Enthroned 196 with Angels in the with Three Franciscan Monks in the Siena Pinacoteca Nazionale, both fervent
and mystical in mood and content. mood, but it The Bern Madonna, doubtless belonging Byzantine influence in in the 1290s, displays a strong also has a free, graphic and pictorial style, especially apparent in the deeply emotional figure of the Madonna, The qualities Madonna Siena and was probably done is Commissioned Cathedral. the master's workshop clasping the Child to her on a more mature bosom. stylistic level, after the turn of the century. work Duccio's major same has the the Maesta, painted for the high altar of Siena in 1308 and completed to the Cathedral in in 13 11, was carried from it solemn procession to the accom- paniment of drums and trumpets and the jubilation of the populace. 6 now in the from each among Opera del Duomo in Siena, the front other. Parts of the predella and rear It is sides separated and the crowning panels are dispersed foreign collections. 7 Maesta, Majesty, still Duccio solemn melancholy its found the vernacular for the tabernacles and devotional pictures is in the streets and public places of God was Italian cities, referring in partic- Enthroned Madonna. In Siena the Mother of ular to representations of the revered as sovereign in a special sense: in gratitude for the victory of Montaperti in 1260 the city submitted eignty of the by solemn itself Heavenly Queen. Duccio created this work act to the sover- for the Cathedral dedicated to her, as the highest tribute art could offer to her glorification. The Madonna is seated on the throne, the divine Child ed by angels, apostles and The oblong saints. in her arms, surround- panel, raised in the centre, is treated as a single undivided surface, a bold undertaking for such a large and one picture, that ponding uniformity unites the figures is is had no parallel for a their common and individual, and distinct long time, but there is no in the handling of the three-dimensional space. beauty and sensuous quality is relationship to the Madonna. Each corres- What figure depicted with unconcealed pleasure in (pi. 76), and yet together they form its a rhythmic, two-dimensional pattern. The grouping of the figures, arrayed towards the centre, is masterly: the four patron saints of Siena8 kneel in the foreground and the other figures stand female saints on each the centre. in rows behind and above one another. The two side, in fine However, one has flowing Gothic draperies, also face towards the impression that the continue indefinitely to the sides and upwards - which rows of is in figures could keeping with the celestial setting. The perspective plane also applies to the pictures is much therefore fluid and without firm boundaries; this smaller narrative scenes accompanying the main and to those painted on the back of the panel. The predella depicted the story of the Birth and Childhood of Christ. Above the main panel were 197
Duccio from scenes the latter part of the Virgin's now Assumption, The back lost. gave an account of the Life, life, probably concluding with an of the panel, like a huge page of miniatures, Death and Resurrection of Christ (pi. yy), with emphasis on the Passion. The sequence of the narrative, in four rows, special from the bottom, the Appearances of Christ after the Resurrection filling the whole of the upper zone. In the centre is the Crucifixion, prominent on account of its size. The numerous figures and subsidiary scenes on the starts front of the panel form an unusually and yet they convey no events rich composition, but the abundance of and the variety of events portrayed on the back are overwhelming; figures all seem to be effect of drama or even of epic narrative, for the contemporaneous without any chronological order or specific locale. Landscapes, cities, and a diversity of buildings provide settings for the individual scenes, foreshortened and drawn with careful attention to the architectural detail. Occasionally a view is given into the interior of a building, as in the Temptation of Christ on the roof of the Temple. 9 this there is a lack of logical coherence. The settings are But in mere backdrops all for the figures: the landscapes, with rocks stylized in the Byzantine manner, are unrealistic, and the walled the Temptation of Christ on the Mountain, cities, as in resemble the completely interchangeable towns in medieval illuminated books. Yet there are also some surprisingly successful scenery in front of the city gate in the Entry the outdoor scene of Peter denying Christ interior scene If we were think that he any rule, effect is there is above is and advanced solutions: the into Jerusalem, and the way connected by a staircase to the of Christ before Annas. 10 it not aware of the rich tradition behind Duccio's worked to no system. His work does not seem and although the detail is art, conform to to often original and arresting, the overall unsystematic, diffuse and without plan. Yet in each of the many scenes and sometimes more than one, Christ or some other a focal point, principal figure, or we might even a group of figures. The dominant motif is based on by Byzantine art the figures, delineated according to the formulas prescribed for centuries. 11 From Duccio derived complete, richly these, articulated con- figurations independent of the pictorial context as a whole, like the standard- ized exempla of medieval with their own tural settings. linear They and are significance 198 Sometimes they One The are single figures, or groups or sometimes landscapes or architec- seldom more than ally entire compositions. which, Duccio worked. art. spatial unity, isolated details, figures are always primary, which can be interpreted characteristic, the expression of and only occasion- could reconstruct the book of patterns from as action; and have an inherent but above all is a an intellectual content. As a result, permanent the scenes
are not dramatic. The pictorial space not fundamental, is as it is and the form and boundaries of the perspective plane are not the for the composition but which the with very little more or its framing figures are frequently jrom crowded and the mass of each theme of the is together, if one head next human forms seem determined solely by in lopsided. to the other, and The with the no to displace relative its is space, importance in the picture. There would be no point features scenes are overloaded, the Cross, the distribution only a few showing. The feet of Duccio are placed next to each other Many indicative of this. is in others, as in the Descent The way accidental outcome. less on the back of the panel pictures with Giotto, starting point in drawing attention to all these purely medieval they did not stand side by side with the new, rational mode of by Giotto. The Arena Chapel had been completed when Duccio began his Maesta. Duccio's art is unmonumental and he has no representation evolved understanding of structure. The influence of his style was confined almost entirely to his native he is town, Siena, and immediate domain. Nevertheless its undoubtedly one of the great masters of him with high esteem, and refers to him all time. Even Ghiberti recalls as a 'nobilissimo pictore'. Duccio's continued undisputed eminence derives from the virtues of which owed ieval art, its greatness to a creative conservatism, that the preservation of a genuine living tradition. These virtues with an original to the highest degree, together sensibility and vivid perception, qualities that scribed or analyzed. This aspect of his art ours, 12 which glow artistic Duccio possessed temperament, acute directly revealed in his col- against the bright ground, especially the red tones, cherry- red and carmine, threaded with the gold of the hems. These are used in bination with deep blue, a wide range of closely related colours to violet and pale blue, and a cool clear sea-green. which has the underpainting of the flesh, and a strong by means ling, brownish male tint in the of colour rather than and thus the a pink figures. is Everything by the use of white plastic values Green also tint in the is in found softly in all moulded highlights for the appear animated, and not abstract I is com- from pink female figures works of the Florentine masters. Although most of the tones effect med- to say, can be sensed but hardly de- most is is model- as in the are cool, the of rich glowing colour, and the overall impression that of a work mosaic or precious enamel. Duccio could justifiably claim to have a close affinity with the painters of an older culture, the masters of Byzantine sacred Compared with Giotto's rational system of representation, ordered in every detail, his method seems arbitary; and yet it followed the guiding principle, inherent in medieval painting and persisting in Eastern Orthodox art. 199
Duccio up religious art almost to our concrete pictorial terms. own had It also embodying time, of a spiritual vision in certain characteristic formal elements: a two-dimensional pattern, ornamentality, the main figures presented frontallv, and corporeal and values expressed simultaneously spatial from multiple viewpoints. This method of representation enabled Duccio to incorporate a mass of observation, and realistic gives his art it its fairy-tale, dream-like quality, with and mystery intermingled. The narrative scenes are reality and suffused with passionate in expression, sensitive, in spite of this they are never realistic. Duccio's What of life, often and vet feeling; Madonnas, though they bend tenderly over the Child, and gaze with mild penetration not mortal creatures. full human realism they have is on the subsidiary. faithful, are Duccio appeals direcdy to the emotions, and himself creates emotionally; and any attempt to interpret his tral works by rational analysis cannot So personal a style could not, like Giotto's, extensive school. Artists wanting to nounce true of their two whom of own personalities elegant, 13 and follow him A third somewhat is artist, known who show that as is to re- precisely Buonaventura, both di style of their the Master of Citta di Castello after his in the with the sharpness of we have adhered to Duccio's earlv stvle. 14 Of greater church of Badia a Isola, here the stvle work line and the hard vitreous of a gifted eclectic painter, who and long remained unaffected by the master's development. 10 Duccio died work. tions, This used very archaic elements with striking precision lucidity. This, together later as disciples. even more externalized a Maesta, has an not far from Siena, and the foundation of an and Segna's smoother and more harsher, importance was the painter of the Madonna colours, become model themselves on Duccio had Ugolino da Siena and Segna of his pupils, major work, in 1318 or the first half of 1319. The Maesta is his last dated He lived to see the rise of younger masters in Siena with new aspirawho outgrew the world he was familiar with. Two great artistic in- fluences now imposed themselves with increasing monumental new Gothic effect on Sienese painting: by Giotto in neighbouring Florence, and the which spread through Italy from various sources. The style created style, cathedral in Siena itself, under construction already for claimed the triumph of the 200 to penetrate this cen- had only one ambition, to acquire completely the master. Ugolino's style the hope core of his creative impulse. the cathedral's facade and new its Gothic style. half a century, pro- Giovanni Pisano, the creator of grandiose sculptural decoration, had long been
working in Siena, the Ile-de-France. 16 and provided But the a direct link with the source of the Gothic, builders of the cathedral in their acceptance of the Gothic. Apart from the cathedral, churches and secular buildings, simpler but equally Gothic in style, and to Duccio were by no means alone were Pubblico, under construction since 1297, was Palazzo Vecchio in Florence, begun a year built in Siena, The Palazzo much more Gothic than the an increasing extent determined the character of the city. later. 201
9 Simone Martini It took an exceptionally long time for Sienese painting to come under the pervading influence of the Gothic style. Duccio shows only faint traces of the Gothic, which did not affect the fundamental character of his second decade of the Trecento there was Simone Martini's 13 15, 1 But in the fresco in the Palazzo Pubblico, a Maesta painted in about permeated with Gothic sentiment is art. sudden change. a (pi. 78). The throne of the Queen of Heaven, a delicate structure of pure Gothic form, stands beneath an airy The figure of crown and wide, gold-embroidered baldachin supported by slender vertical posts. herself, with dently based fleur-de-lis on a the Madonna cloak, evi- is Gothic model, probably of northern France. Slender and proud, and displayed in richly plastic draperies with linear folds, she in truly royal state, conforming to the courtly Western world. The in the art of the entire facial types of the Child bear no resemblance to the Byzantine. saints A kneel in the front row, as in Madonna and and large retinue of angels surrounds the throne in a well-composed semicircle. saints of Siena sits time ideal celebrated at that The four patron Duccio's Maesta, but this is the only tangible link with the older master's work, completed a bare four years earlier. The two bowls of roses lilies, are a angels holding gold vases with their reverent postures and new lilies motif. Giotto and offerings are Maesta there are indeed some that had much more Among recall the old applies only to the faces; the figures themselves imbued with the new Gothic rhythm. also assigned roses to his Ognissanti kneeling angels strike a true Gothic note. 202 up two such angels kneeling at the steps of the throne and holding and Madonna, but restrained; Simone's the other figures in his Byzantine type, but and the draperies are this all
These traces of Byzantine types and several other indications suggest that Simone Martini came from Duccio's workshop. with that size of his Maesta, with figures larger than had hitherto been customary new the elements in the possibly obvious, less is If so, style in Siena. life-size, The Gothic monu- exceeds anything trend is only one of encountered here. Equally important, though the affinity with Giotto. Already, in this work, Simone shows that he could handle first thought is major with the spatial representation logical consistency of Giotto, for a great deal of rational concealed behind the apparently loose arrangement and general tapestry-like The Simone Martini he made the break very quickly and determinedly. The sheer his master's ideals mental 2 effect of from below, is clear and convincing, and the distribution of the figures in receding rows is accomplished with equal skill. Closer examination reveals an ordered symmetry in the apparently informal arrangement. The spatial problem is handled with greater ease than one finds in Giotto's work, but it was the pictorial system of representation created by Giotto that made the animated rhythmic solution possible. In addition, the lighting of the figures from the direction of the window conforms to the rule established by Giotto. The carefully delineated frame, also lit from the same side, is separated from the picture by a frieze of tiny consoles, foreshortened in perspective when seen from the middle and from below. This perspective system and centralized method of representation could not have been derived from Duccio nor from any impetus received from French art. It could have come only from Giotto, and there is no doubt that at this early stage, before 13 15, Simone was already familiar with and the Maesta. versed in the sidered perspective of the baldachin, seen new style of Florentine painting. one of Giotto's pupils too strong for him to in the narrow 3 Obviously he cannot be con- sense. Simone's personality was be content with mere emulation of the master. He sought, and already realized in his Maesta, a synthesis of the Duccio legacy and Giotto's deliberate, systematic style. Emotional fervour, graceful and some- times passionate linear expressiveness, delicate and sensuous beauty of colour were the heritage of tality, rational order, his Sienese origin. probably sensed in Gothic art, transcendental elements, and it Gothic of his From and the new unifying which was also Giotto he derived vision. combined perfectly natural for time and environment for the Byzantine renunciation of local tradition, but indeed the only Through a deep affinity with the Italian city in the new style, Siena monumen- Something of both he rational order him style. way with to substitute the This was not a of preserving it. became the most 'Gothic' fourteenth century, and Simone Martini disciple in painting. its most ardent At the same time he was the most systematic and logical of 203
Simone Martini and the only one of them whose fame, Sienese painters, like that of the Flor- beyond the boundaries of his native city. Simone Martini was summoned to Naples by King Robert of Anjou more 4 than a decade before the same distinction was conferred on Giotto. In 13 17, entine Giotto, soon spread far or shortly he completed after, Toulouse, the king's brother, now picture, who had political ges- having himself renounced the crown of Naples, places shown on the head of the king, much a thus legitimizing the coronation The just been canonized (pi. 79). Naples Museo di Capodimonte, was also a in the ture: the saint, Naples in honour of Louis of a large panel in it on smaller scale kneeling beside him, 5 beyond any worldly protest. possibility of At that time the secular power of a dynasty was closely related to still its divine authority. Beneath his magnificent bishop's cope the saint wears a Franciscan habit tied with a cord. ance, The by no means handsome yet eyes in the pallid, enraptured counten- full of inner fervour, are fastened on things not of this world; and in the presence of this fixed and lustreless gaze by The irregular features are stripped of Though it is certainly not an actual portrait, it portrait-like representation. The glitter of the the splendid trappings so lavishly displayed the painter lose liance. all play, the almost barbaric is an extremely personal and gold, the rich Gothic linear abundance of ornamental and heraldic motifs, do not detract from the central religious significance of uralistic and decorative elements, are used side by this saintly figure. intensified to a degree hitherto The two belong side. their bril- all conventional stylization. Nat- unknown, together because the desired effect is achieved through the tension between the real and the unreal, the temporal and the divine. There hardly another is work of painting in of saintliness has been realized so convincingly in the figure, human and which the essence form of an historical frail. Simone Martini produced other works Neapolitan painting. in Naples; but as none has survived by inference from occasional indications in The clearest is an apparently reliable copy of a Madonna our only knowledge of them is Domenico in Naples. 6 The original was presumably the archetype of a new kind of Madonna that Simone repeated on the portal of Avignon Cathedral. The Madonna is no longer shown in state on a high throne, but panel in San is seated on a cushion on the floor, where she nurses the Child. Thus the old Byzantine interpretation, which conceived the as the humble mother Madonna not Western, pictorial type of the Madonna deU'Uniilta. This characteristic 204 as a ruler, but of the Divine Child, appears here in the new, purely and intimate theme of the new is possibly the most devotional pictures of the Tre- cento, produced for purposes of private worship. All the indications suggest
Simone was that throughout the creator of this above Italy, in all decades of the fifteenth century. Madonna sentations of the in the Berlin Staatliche new pictorial type, No seated floor in Siena Museen, done by one of the 1333 Annunciation, Simone Martini until the first doubt Simone produced similar repre- on the which will itself. A small picture his closest associates, particularly unpretentious, expressive version of the stylistically to which soon spread Tuscany, and remained popular is a same theme, belonging be referred to later. 7 A multi-panelled altarpiece from Santa Caterina in Pisa, now in the museum there, gives an idea of the style of the master and around 1320. 8 Between 1322 and 1326 there Siena, is his workshop no evidence of and presumably during those years he was engaged on in the years his presence in major work, his the frescoes in the St Martin Chapel in San Francesco at Assisi (pis 80, 82c, 82A, X). 9 chapel, The harmony between this painting and the architecture of the and the uniformity of the whole conception, represent an unparalleled achievement in Everything in stylistic synthesis. perspective of the legendary scenes to the last this unique room, from the decorative motif, is done with careful attention to the structure of the Gothic building. Like the great architects of the the French Gothic, geometric ground-plan the Simone Martini combined most refined sensuousness and still tween the its thought with no way from detracts the animation of the room, abstract illusionism of the painting does not impair the consistent surface design. tains in logical a sure sense of the organic. Just as the strict The delicate chromatic pattern, extending like tapestry be- pillars of the chapel and the groins of the ceiling, everywhere main- independent consistency. Simone's work is Gothic. As a pictorial interpretation of a Gothic The south facing chapel, filled with warm light, one of the peaks of room is it has entered no from Italian equal. the gloomy nave of the Lower Church of San Francesco. The Gothic architecture, of warmth and life from the alternatThe forepart, rectangular in plan, has noble, almost classical, proportions, gains ing red and yellowish-grey stone-work. The a plain, arched vault. walls, containing the inner portion has a five-ribbed vault, and windows, form three sides of an octagon. its end The keystone marks the approximate centre of the room, from which the frescoes are intended to be viewed. The legendary scenes are placed in pairs next to each other along the side walls, and the viewpoint for the architectural structures within the scenes lies in each case on the central dividing line of the wall, except for the single scenes at the top of each wall. Altogether there are ten scenes, five is on each produced by there is wall. On illusionistic the wall opening to the nave a surprising effect means: painted above the Gothic arched arcade a kind of gallery that has the appearance of a bridge over the opening 205
Sitnone Martini below. On this gallery, Gentile da Montefiore The forceful prelate, His cardinal's hat bending down lies beneath a baldachin, the donor of the chapel, Cardinal accustomed to authority, on the balustrade next to the kneeling and fastness, kindliness kneels before his patron saint, St Martin. 10 (d. 13 12), man, has religious zeal. all depicted with bold realism. is to him. The face of St Martin, the features of true piety, stead- Behind the two figures on the gallery background of the sky. The perspective of the baldachin, stretches the blue though not of the figures, viewpoint. As in Giotto, is correct for a scene high above the spectator's this not true is painting but only a illusionistic demonstration of the principle of illusionism, the employment of a central viewpoint. Even the half-length figures of saints painted in Gothic niches in window recesses are included in the perspective system, so that they are correct when viewed from the centre of the chapel. The direction of the light in the picture also follows a uniform rule: it falls from the window wall in the the scenes in the chapel itself, and in the figures of saints in the which they the nave and in the painted Gothic arcades in here, as in the legendary scenes, the light in the pictures falls the donor group above the arch Oddly enough, whether because this it is lit from the archway stand. from to Whereas the side, front. elaborate scheme has hardly been remarked upon, 11 was considered too obvious to be worth mentioning, or because the observance of such rules was taken for granted. But neither of these views is justified: at the time when the frescoes were done the system- method employed here represented a significant ment. Simone Martini is once more following Giotto's lead, independent artistic atic freely artist, and creatively interpreting the intellectual achieve- but again as an theory of the Florentine master. Occasionally, as in the perspective of the gallery with the donor groups, and of the niches window in the ther than Giotto, while at other times he tive scenes, the first he goes much fur- restraint. In the narra- with the exception of the two upper ones, which were evidently to be painted, the perspective lines, although clearly indicating the oblique view, looked recesses, shows greater all run in the same direction at in pairs in order to elicit the (pi. 80). common The pictures must be viewpoint. This was done deliberately so that the consistency of the surface effect should not be more than im- on the other hand, preferred a centralized recession of lines for each of the scenes at Assisi, and also in the Arena Chapel. It was only in the Peruzzi Chapel, presumably for reasons similar to Simone paired Martini's, that necessary. Giotto, he reverted to receding Two conclusions 206 on can be drawn : first, lines running more or that Simone's art was less parallel. essentially based Giotto's achievement, and second, that he nevertheless emerges as an artist
X Simone Martini, St Martin Rejecting the Weapons Assisi, San Francesco

independent and playing a creative part in elucidating the ra- intellectually tionale of Trecento painting at that stage of to centralize the composition, point, in is development. The tendency its which manifests itself in the strict single view- keeping with the main aesthetic feature of the chapel and with the principles of Gothic architecture in general. In a Gothic building parts are related to a central axis, is Simone Martini and so in all the Simone's fresco cycle everything organized from a central point and referred, as far as possible within the limitations of the technique available at the time, to a spectator standing in the middle of the In room. comparison with this basic affinity to features of the frescoes, The magnificent ary importance. harmony, the Yet they too contribute whole work. The same which is all unique compact to the not, as in Giotto, based effect of the on form, but on visual, external Although, unlike Giotto, Simone Martini was not primarily con- of recognized types. work, However, Thus own compendium a youthful figure of almost childlike delicacy recurs reflecting the current courtly aspect of the side by ized characters, side men (pi. 80), contemporary style. with these idealized types, he depicts highly individual- and fat thin, knights and commoners, elegant world and humble monks. The musicians the superficial features applies to the specifically 'Gothic' naturalism of this cerned with standardized and accepted form, he had Ins in his the other but simply the expression of the underlying sense of style. basis all Gothic, are of second- decorative quality, the two-dimensional and not the aspects. as exquisite silky texture of the colours are in themselves, painting, the Gothic approach, which are usually described men of in the Knighting of St Martin the chanting clergymen in the Service for the Dead, are portrayed with a penetrating realism which was not seen again until a century later in Jan van Eyck and Pisanello. In depicting such figures, Simone Martini was not subject to the restrictions that Giotto imposed on himself. Nevertheless, throughout the entire pictorial sequence he preserves a pious, charming, legendary tone and a sparkling fairy-tale quality, which still lend an air of enchantment to the peaceful chapel. On his return to Siena, in the Palazzo Pubblico, in theme and character. Simone Martini painted another fresco (dated 1328) on the wall opposite his Maesta, but quite different It is a tribute to the victorious general of the Sienese Republic, Guidoriccio da Fogliano. 12 single continuous landscape, a a castle, a tented camp and gaze, and baton rocky region, a stockade. but not a single combatant. The long The only in hand, rides in the in horizontal picture shows a which stand There are lances and figure is a walled city, fluttering banners, the general who, with fixed foreground of the landscape, which is 209
Simone Martini The gold seen through his eyes, the eyes of a soldier. with a bizarre pattern, charger, inlaid landscape, the oppressiveness of like effect of the precise which only partly alleviated by the toy- is By Gothic drawing. eliminating all distractions the primarily the representation of an individual, and anticipates skill. It is Whether subsequent developments in portrait painting. is unpeopled the fascinating distinctive personality of the general with su- artist displays preme saddle-cloth of his like a fanfare in the bleak, is it is an actual likeness impossible to sav, but in any case only the general characteristics of the subject are delineated. 13 At about same time Simone probably the also painted the altarpiece for Sant'Agostino in Siena, with St Agostino Novello rounded by four scenes from his life. 14 The height in the Assisi frescoes begins here to give and are as the way to a each other. in simple The harmony, but are skilfully severe their movement and sharp edges of the architecture. Although the general effect has tion and the effects to accentuate with die gold ground and die smooth surfaces and fluid outlines contrast abstract its manner and depth combined have become more massive, and figures figure, sur- had reached more a denser disposition of the pictorial elements. Surface no longer main airy quality- that pictorial structure more become more taut, the realism of the representa- actually increased. In the legendary scenes, the scale of the figures to is the architecture is more Simone natural than in Assisi. Martini's development thus took a similar turn to that observed in Florentine painting around 1330, though in his work it manifested quite differently. itself ing, in this respect, to place the Sicnese master, figures of his time, on It may seem surpris- one of the great creative a level with an eclectic artist like the painter of the Bardi Chapel. However, the formative influence of the contemporary predominant ciation all of 1333 (now of this style, even The in the Ufrizi in though it style, on him. His famous AnnunFlorence, pi. Si) is a splendid example over Europe, also had its effect could have been painted nowhere but in Siena. 15 slender, fragile figures are by no means incorporeal images on the conmovement resulting from : trary they are conceived with a fine feeling for accurate observation of anatomical relationships. Unlike Giotto's figures, over, tiieir artistic vitality does in the flowing linear its realitv. In this the} ern one example, the art, as. to give only a affinities expresses their inner resemble such works of northstatues of the Apostles installed Cologne Cathedral shortly before Reference to these means give - how- source in physical action, but movement imposed on them, which emotions and gives them in the choir of 210 not have i3^2. 16 with the northern Gothic does not by any complete description of Simone's complex style. He made full
use of Giotto's new, three-dimensional, pictorial which has the appearance of an ciation, In fact Simone creates a pictorial relief with ary, noticeable here at the sharp line ground. The background that lies in front of it fills method even and entirely linear its Anmin- Simone Martini composition. characteristically abrupt where the marble bound- floor meets the gold four-fifths of the pictorial area, but everything has a distinctive spatial character. perspective of the throne in the flat The and the golden amphora containing carefully lilies drawn shows how thoroughly Simone had mastered the representational method created by The Giotto. subtle relationship of the Virgin to the angel, expressing both her attraction and her withdrawal, also postulates an understanding of Giotto's sense of the dramatic, even if only in the general presentation of an active To Duccio such a relationship was hardly known. Needless to say, however, Simone's treatment of it is quite different from Giotto's. Instead of restrained power and slight yet positive action, Simone depicted hesitation and cautious insistence on the part of the angel, and in the Virgin stifled alarm merging into deep humility; in place of straightforward drama there is an ambiguity of gesture and lightness of movement, between the interplay as of figures figures. mysteriously arrested in motion. used to produce the gold ground this effect, is tive of their spatial relationship, at the various formal devices one of Simone's most important means of expression. There are similar tensions between is Of the subtle tension between the visual space and by sharp times intersected forms that are close to it different parts of the surface area, irrespec- and between silhouettes, in colour. With linear elements. The gold ground and occasionally great skill it merges with and imagination Simone has assembled a variety of different hues of gold, especially in the figure of the angel, in his wings and flowing cloak, and used glazed colours and various ornamental techniques. As a result, the figure of the angel, an emissary of appears to be part of the gold ground in concentrated form. heavenly light, There the furdier tension between the real and the unreal, is from which Few works derive the impulse and constant unrest of the mystic perception. of pictorial art have expressed this mystic quality as directly as Simone's Annunciation. The last stage of Simone's development is seen in a picture, now in the Walker Art Gallery in Liverpool, depicting the Return of the Young Jesus from the Temple (pi. &3)¥ The figures are more compact than in the Annunciation, and the forms more severe and almost too sharply chiselled. Although 1 there is greater stress on the dramatic aspect of the event, the to be acting not of their compulsion. The own volition, but figures appear under an anguished hypnotic tension between the space occupied by the figures and the 211
Simone Martini gold ground is heightened to become a violent, acute contrast, and except embossed on the gold ground there is no transitional area. The strong colours - three different shades of red in the figures of Joseph and the young Jesus - have an overheated quality, and stand out sharply against for the haloes The the shining gold. outlines, Only she whose figures themselves seem confined in the figure of the Virgin are the contours gentler and firmly fixed in her position in the lower is seated curiously close to the ground as in the left contemporary devotional pictures in own dark more fluid; but corner of the picture, Madonna deW Uniilta. The char- appearance of the whole composition acteristic petrified in their any freedom of movement. abstract, wilful contours inhibit which the is reminiscent of the were simplified forms raised to a kind of symbolic level. This attempt to transform an intimate, individual mould was bound narrative scene into a standardized cative of the spirit of the time, actual subject The picture which always sought is in the vestibule of a synthesis work in these last years Ins life was the of St George and the Dragon, from tympanum They were is of the lifted from unfortunately indi- between the 18 and where he fresco decoration main lost, 19 part, a representation but remnants of the paint- portal and the gable above it, have sur- the wall in 1961-2, and the preliminary were revealed underneath work had it is Avignon Cathedral, Notre-Dame-des-Doms, presumably commissioned by Cardinal Jacopo Stefaneschi. The main ings but dated 1342, and was therefore probably painted in Avignon, died in 1344. His major ings in the fail, and the idealized type. where Simone was summoned towards the end of vived. to in several layers, one above the other drawas the The layers were successfully separated and removed These monumental drawings are of unique beauty, and their progressed. the wall. 20 sequence enables us to follow the creative process by which Simone Martini arrived at Ins final design. Christ in Benediction, sinopia The gable above contained a half-length figure of surrounded by angels. The face of Christ preserved combines sublimity and Gothic in the sensitiveness. Madonna dclfUmilta, 21 a pictorial type probably originating, as mentioned above, with Simone Martini himself. But on account of the dominant position in which the picture is placed, The theme of the tympanum picture is a Madonna nursing the Child The Child sits upright in her lap. An angel kneels on each side: one commends the donor, whom he supports with a gentle movement of his the excessively intimate aspect of the motif of the is avoided. right arm; the other draws aside the curtain of the throne with a wide and reverent gesture. 212 might appear The elegance and true Gothic sweetness of all the forms to be in strange contrast to the severity of the small Liverpool
picture; but the surviving parts of the coloured top layer same goldsmith-like precision of contour, and the The ornamentation ling as the panel painting. similar severe elegance. 22 This show the same Simone Martini and smooth model- of the surrounding arch has a not, therefore, an is finish example of a late stylistic phase in the usual sense, implying a loosening of the linear structure and a decrease in opacity. It is rather a final stage in opaque metallic corporeality work we have already observed a small polyptych, of in Simone and Martini's each approximately six panels are preserved, 25 cm. high and painted with the delicacy of miniatures. figures in the Annunciation , show scenes from Two must of the panels Christ's Passion. 23 strongly modelled like painted statues in front of the gold ground, give an idea of the appearance the frescoes of the Cathedral development at this late stage of the master's which depict the Annunciation, and the others The linear severity are combined. Another work plainly done was which the originally have had. The scenes on the portal from the Passion (pis 82a, 82b) are densely filled with expressive figures, often passionately ani- mated. The stocky proportions, the detailed execution of the numerous faces crowding one beside another, the violent pathos of the jostling, gestures, all add to the overcrowded impression. The colours, bright and jewel-like, seem exaggerated and outdo each other in intensity. Although the details are plastically conceived, everything is restricted to the surface of the picture without regard to depth or volume. In one scene, the Descent from the Cross, the gestures of the is crowd surge in a common a confusion of isolated motifs, ing glass. each as direction, but for the if most part there seen separately through a magnify- To some extent this is due to the small size of the panels; but it new pursuit of realism that did not hesitate to multiply closely also indicates a observed and unexpected detail, and attached importance to the realistic Simone was as yet unable uniform vision. But his minute trayal of each separate facet of the subject. mute the mosaic of details into a por- to trans- pictures germ of the revolution in painting that occurred in the fifteenth century. The radiant, poetic naturalism of the Assisi frescoes gives way in these later works to a more radical, realistic secular conception. It is therefore no accident, but a logical and characteristic development, that the awakening realistic painting of the north repeatedly drew on works of Simone's last phase. The composition of the Road to Calvary was reproduced already contain the with fair accuracy as late as the second decade of the fifteenth century in the Book of Hours, the Tres important work of Franco-Flemish Chantilly Riches Hemes of the Due du Berry. This court art also contains a copy of Gaddi's fresco of the Presentation of the Virgin in the Temple. 2* That a Taddeo work of 213
Simone Martini monumental painting, no doubt transmitted only Florentine an inspiration for northern a drawing, could serve as should warn us art Avignon, against over-estimating the influence of the Italian masters active in and should remind us that there were tween north and south, including It is wrong also still The main Giotto as those in Italy itself: was the only, or even the is currents in Europe have the the key figure. Between him and a definite connection, is implications. 26 It is medieval realism of Simone Martini's last longer comprehend and direct access across the passes of the Alps. north. 25 on the Eyck brothers there the van channels of communication be- to suppose that Sienese painting principal, influence same source many its complex responsive chord in the northern painters, but this Italian inspiration. More important was although is property of years struck a particularly was by no means the only the control of space and the strict Western painting all Another work of Simone Martini's ably done at Avignon. It shows Virgil accompanied by : Laura, painted for is who clear him by Simone, In another passage Petrarch links which skilfully painted in pastel shades, lived in from Eclogues and characters peasants at work, a reference to the It is prob- a miniature, commentator Servius and his the Georgics. Presumably Petrarch, subject of the illustration. content, the frontispiece of a Virgil manuscript, is poems Aeneas, and two form and in the fifteenth century. that has survived was owned by Petrarch. 27 The miniature, his can no began with Giotto and was to become the to say, the innovation that common we true that the unsystematic organization of the pictorial composition into a unity of that through indirectly Avignon, himself chose the from the two sonnets to the portrait of he knew and admired the painter. that Simone with Giotto among the greatest painters of the age. 28 The portrait of Laura was in carte, The Virgil miniature is same time more delicate, than any miniature. tors of the time, and yet flourish it would be painters, the in St 214 we have in line thus also a bolder, and at the works of the professional illumina- were more miniatures by Simone's hand done possible that the art of around 1400 owed much more slender evidence It is of the it is does not give the impression of an isolated pro- it duction. Presumably there Avignon, and on parchment, and c., i. exceptional in that to Books of Hours that in began to him than can be deduced from the today. with this surmise that one of the best Italian miniature Master of the St George Codex, was a pupil of Simone Martini his name is a life of One of the miniatures is a youthful Avignon. The manuscript from which he derives George written by Cardinal idealization of the cardinal Stefaneschi. 29 composing his work. The miniature depicting
St George and the Dragon as was already noted, The common is Simone's fresco at Avignon, which, a reflection of patron, the resemblance to the fresco and, finally, the style of between the two the miniatures suggest a close relationship of the St George Codex, however, miniature style, which It is The master A series of small panels, attributable delicate, slender figures with gentle with dainty, naive figures. and child-like expressions, soft, pale colours, ambience. artists. translated Simone's style into a typical him, reveal the same characteristics: to Simone Martini probably commissioned by Cardinal Stefaneschi. also a dream-like and rather precious tempting to associate these works with the International Style, emerged around 1380 in the Parisian court and in the tapestries of the Angers Apocalypse. However, the true Trecento slenderness and elegance first of the figures, and, for tion, leave no doubt been done much all its delicacy, the rigorous structure of the as to the true later than the middle of the George Codex probably returned St composi- They could not have century. The Master of the date of the works. Simone Martini's to Italy after death. This painter of miniatures was one of the most gifted and original of Si- mone's pupils. More famous, but not who, together with mature works seem to be derived was Lippo Mernmi, made a full-scale copy hall as early as 13 17. 30 All di Filipuccio, Gimignano town of Simone's Maesta in the San his so independent, Memmo his father, in greater or lesser degree from Simone's models, which he reproduced faithfully, though without deep feeling. Nevertheless, his graceful characteristic and decorative Madonnas are among the works of Sienese signed by Lippo Memmi, its lined with ermine, which forms the most works of of the successful The painting. with finest and most small panel in Altenburg (pi. 84), subdued colours and gleaming brocade transition to the gold his eclectic art. 31 There background, is is one hardly any other period in which devoted craftsmanship reached a level where it approached so closely to true artistic genius. Another pupil of Simone Martini, and the painter of the fresco scenes Church of San Ghiberti, clear. 32 is Gimignano from the a much New His name, Barna, handed (pi. 83). not completely authenticated, but Like Lippo Memmi, he stronger personality, was Testament in the Collegiate adopted down by his artistic characteristics are a style based on a relatively early style of Simone's. His simple spatial presentation, with a relief-like quality, is bined with strong emphasis on two-dimensional elements; vanishing which occur frequently, are incorporated in the surface pattern, thus taining a firm link with the picture surface. ments of their his figures are also powerful plasticity is drawn comlines, main- The harsh and angular move- into the two-dimensional scheme, and neutralized by the predominant abstract linear 215
Simone Martini structure. Barna's gripping, robust style of Simone's work is removed from far in Assisi, but his frescoes are among the the airy delicacy few examples in monumental style essential to wall-painting. Barna's San Gimignano frescoes were probably not done before the middle of the century and show that Simone Martini's influence in Siena was still effective long after his departure. In Avignon, on the other hand, although Simone left works that were later to have important consequences, he founded no school and had no direct followers. Sienese painting of the true Before Simone's death in 1344, Matteo Giovannetti of Viterbo, a painter of an entirely different character, had already become prominent numerous 1300, he we 1343 still in by among the Avignon. 33 Born probably about already mentioned in papal letters in 1322 and again in 1328; in him hear of is for the first time in Avignon. His work there, was followed, probably around and a pictorial cycle in the chapel of St John, a series of earliest the decoration of the chapel of St Martial in the Papal Palace, lively narrative legendary scenes. This 1347, by is extant, with working for the Curia artists twenty figures of prophets later, in in the vault of the Finally, there are the paintings in the Carthusian about 1353, Audience Hall. monastery of Villeneuve- les-Avignon, which are also attributable to him. According to documents published chapel, some time ago but only Matteo painted these works non have made it panel paintings. 34 recently connected with the Villeneuve in 1355-6. These wall paintings possible to recognize Matteo's style in a small He died in 1368 or 1369 in by Pope Urban V for work Whereas Simone Martini in Avig- number of Rome, where he was summoned in the Vatican. still conformed to the last phase of the High Gothic, to the courtly, idealized style of the beginning of the fourteenth century, Matteo Giovannetti's encounter with Gothic art and the influences he was subject to during his early years in Italy pears to have been quite unaffected The dominant experimental style national atmosphere in were entirely different. He were the work of Simone Martini, in his early years in Orvieto and Assisi, and the of Pietro and Ambrogio Lorenzetti. The which he found himself intensified these features of his style ap- Giotto's regularizing concept of art. influences in his formation which he must have known versatile, by at the inter- Papal Court in Avignon and he seized eagerly on the naturalism of the Late Gothic. His strong and very modern interest in physiognomy led him to create types of figures, gestures and heads types that broke all current conventions. They are less portrait-like than was previously thought, but were conceived as somewhat anecdotal popular folk-types, often bordering on 216 caricature, like characters in Boccaccio. These odd, animated figures are placed
which in boldly designed spatial settings, in surprising perspective effects are Simonc Martini The multiplicity of motifs frequently appears confused and unsystemand the mixture of stylistic elements is somewhat hybrid. His style, achieved. atic, which is and yet neither French nor Italian, it is very personal and is the first attractive. It example of International Gothic, reached its peak in the hurried, nervous intonaco drawings for the Crucifixion in Villeneuve. 35 Compared with the carefully coes worked monumental drawings of Simone Martini on the portal of Notre-Dame-des-Doms, they are, for his fres- however, mere hasty improvisations. 217
Ambrogio io Pietro and Lorenzetti The brothers Pietro and Ambrogio Lorenzetti, more or less contemporaries of Simone Martini and of equal artistic stature, worked in Siena quite independently of him. 1 Little is known of their lives. Their dates of birth, like Simone Martini, can be determined only approximately, between 1280 and 1295. Pietro was probably a good deal older than Ambrogio, perhaps by that of as much this no more than is some as ten years. them of Both may have been victims a conjecture. ment is still still now number lost, are of their works, known from and Vasari. Nevertheless, the course of a subject of controversy. problems relatively large dated, have survived; others, descriptions of Ghiberti listic A of the plague of 1348, but The numerous the their develop- chronological and sty- requiring solution can be considered here only in broad outline. Furthermore, the question of the brothers' intermittent collaboration and the this is between them cannot be resolved here. But artistic relationship fundamentally of secondary importance. The artistic personalities all of both brothers are well established, and their position in Trecento painting can be precisely defined. The earliest datable altar of the 2 87, gi a). work by Pietro Lorenzetti the polyptych of the high is Arezzo parish church, which was commissioned The in 1320 (pis 86, Madonna surrounded by a number of saints, also in half-length figures but varying in size. Above the Madonna is a delicate and tranquil Annunciation scene, and also an Assumption. The centre-piece is a half-length basic elements of Pietro's style are clearly revealed here: his indebtedness to Duccio, the deep and deliberate study of Giotto, and finally a very personal Giovanni Pisano, affinity, surprising in a painter, to the passionate style of the greatest of the contemporary sculptors. Pietro himself had a passionate, emotional temperament. The demeanour and expression of no doubt that he was fascinated by works of the Pisan master. We are witnesses to Mother and Child lationship, but is tion of the future 218 first to convey Ins Madonna the sculptures of Siena Cathedral that has a silent dialogue between none of the warmth and intimacy of human suffused with awareness of divine supra-human tins in Ins leave and other sacrifice and passion. power and re- the premoni- Giovanni Pisano was the Madonnas, and Pietro Lorenzetti translated it into
the medium On of paint. the other ments of the bishop's staff, hand the types of the saints are a heritage movefirm grip hands grasping figures, and in the of the a book or or gathering up a piece of drapery. The hands of the Madonna, of Duccio. Giotto's influence is perceptible in the free yet determined Pietro and Ambrogio Lorenzetti boldly but not quite successfully foreshortened, are no longer referable to Duccio, nor to the Gothic; the crucial feature sional vision, which, To the new concept Pietro brought feverish sensibility is the functional, three-dimen- once again, could have been derived only from Giotto. and agonized own his personal contribution, an almost intensity of expression. It is this that sharply from those of Giotto; they are completely lacking in and tranquillity of Giotto's monumental forms. They are distinguishes lus figures the self-sufficiency always tense, and in constant acute agitation, on with the inward glow of filled dominant emotion. Contact with Florentine a single this central Sienese pervades all his later mood, which is works and gives art had no effect at all the essence of Pietro's creations. his style its It unmistakable personal character. The only larger picture attributable with certainty to an even earlier phase development than the Arezzo polyptych of Pietro's the cathedral of Cortona. Its It was painted around only reference to Giotto, whose influence is is the as Duccio much is is in in- stronger, especially in the angels beside the throne, sonal emotion. In tins early work gentleness most impressively. The apparently Gothic glow of his per- and restrained passion are mingled linear effect is full of vibrant ten- emotion and energy. The unmistakable sent in the earlier. Madonna. The but the traditional forms are here already imbued with the sion, uncontrolled panel in yet barely apparent, the classic and quite non-Byzantine youthful face of the fluence of Madonna 13 15, or even slightly characteristics Arezzo polyptych more pronounced as emerging in this painting, an established in Pietro's later mode and already pre- become of expression, work. Surviving records show that in 1329 he was paid for a grand altarpiece in the Carmelite Church in Siena. 3 The centre panel, seated, now in the Siena Pinacoteca Nazionale, depicts the Madonna with proudly raised head, on a simple, solidly designed throne. Four angels, St Nicholas, and the prophet symmetry. The Child, with Elias are arranged around her in strict turns towards Elias somewhat awkward, constrained movement, and blesses him. The prophet and the bishop, both in long draperies with stiff, corners like frontal. two sturdy a vertically falling, tubular folds, stand at the front fluted columns. The approximately The whole design is regular and square ground plan of the pictorial stage is clearly apparent, but the two-dimensional pattern nearly obliterates the depth effects. 219
Pietro and Ambrogio Lorenzetti The unusual shape is of the panel, almost square, surely not accidental, is clearly related to the centralized tapestry-like composition. The and entirely and the Florentine master of the different starting points, the Sienese painter Bardi Chapel arrived at surprisingly similar time. From results at more or less the same question arises whether this was only a prevailing contemporary trend, a latent intrinsic logic of development, or actual connection between the two Florence and Siena at Ambrogio Lorenzetti, this was artists. time were plainly it is evidence of an between fairly close. Pietro's brother, and presum- between 1327 and 1332. The resulting in- several occasions fluences on were reciprocal, like those decades earlier. We whether artistic relationships active in Florence as early as 1320, ably again Pietro's Carmelite The between Cimabue and Duccio a few shall revert to this at a later stage. Madonna, a Maesta of solemn, formal character, was a progressive work, in the forefront of the contemporary trend, and stylistic- advance of the 1320 ally far in earlier The works is still figures are altarpiece. But the restrained tension of his maintained and, in purely formal terms, even increased. more strict and compact in contour, more economic ment, and the forms have become more severe and ample. The acquire a distinct abstract expressiveness beyond in move- resilient lines their organic relationships. Tins becomes even clearer in three panels of a polyptych, dated 1332, also in the Siena Pinacoteca Nazionale. 4 In particular the half-length figure of St John the Baptist (pi. gi b) invites in Arezzo trapostal (pi. 91a). movement, Whereas in the comparison with the corresponding figure Arezzo figure there the 1332 St John is rigid, is a pronounced con- almost like a figure in an icon. His look and gesture, directed to the Christ Child in the centre panel, lost, appear cramped and exaggerated. in the folds of the drapery; in the and flexible, few, parallel solid, rigid The same now transformation can be seen Arezzo polyptych they are relatively full flowing in wide Gothic curves; here they are hardened into a sets of lines, which intersect the bodily forms and give them a appearance. Thus Pietro Lorenzetti's work shows a development similar to that of Simone Martini and of Florentine painting from about 1330. The free movement, and the organic and functional concept of the human body that had already been achieved, are abandoned and replaced by an abstract crystalline rigidity. The lively, well-articulated forms become stiff and hard. The vitality of the figures and the subtle tension of their emotions disappear in the deter- mination to achieve solid compactness and an emphatic fixed expression. Just as the figures 220 as a whole have become standardized, almost formalized, the composition also frequently reverts to a symmetrical and ornamental formula.
It is true that the faculty of representing three-dimensional space, having been Pietro acquired, could not be ignored, and together with the two-dimensional effects, and Ambrogio bold and surprisingly successful experiments in perspective appear; but the Lorenzetti tension between surface and depth brought to is not always successfully controlled or Because of satisfactory artistic expression. this, there is a curiously contradictory element in the general aspect of Sienese painting in the second quarter of the Trecento, winch has resulted in a striking uncertainty number present-day historians with regard to the dating of a works of From that time in particular the observations emerge stages and we some of the of important works of Pietro have already made, two among Lorenzetti. distinct chronological departure for our study of Pietro's development: as points of by the Arezzo polyptych begun the style of the early 1320s, represented in 1320, and the group of pictures painted in Siena between 1329 and 1332. This latter group includes the predella panels of the Carmelite scenes in which the severity of form and stereometric space are as evident as in the Carmelite Madonna. 5 help of these two fixed starting points the Altar, five narrative elucidation of pictorial We believe that with the most controversial question regard- ing Pietro's work, the dating of his Assisi frescoes, can be answered. 6 For this purpose we must return once more, and for the last time, to the monu- mental pictorial complex of San Francesco. Pietro was entrusted with the Lower Church, which required a relife, from the Entry into Jerusalem to the Resurrection, as the logical complement to the frescoes of Ins Birth and Childhood in the north transept. The recent cleaning of Pietro's frescoes decoration of the south transept of the presentation of the last stages of Christ's has exposed their high artistic quality anew, and enabled their and many absorbing original details to be appraised at their true worth. Consideration of a purely external factor, indispensable for the clarification of their sequence and chronological order, is a necessary preliminary to the study of Pietro's frescoes. In the decoration of the transept start from the and the saint's crossing, tomb and ciscan Allegories started frescoes on is i. ; it The the vault which stretches in hand, and possibly even luxuriant decorative same general character as the it was natural above the high can therefore be assumed that was already his section. of the e., to altar work on the Franwhen Pietro finished, framework surrounding his borders of the frescoes in the centre vault, and corresponds almost exactly - with the addition of a few, unimportant embellishments - to the scheme of the north transept. Although it cannot be established with certainty, the close ornamental similarity be- tween these parts makes it probable that all three sections were done at approx- imately the same time, or at least in close succession. As regards the sequence 221
Pietro and Ambrogio Lorenzetti of the frescoes in the south transept, it almost certain is reasons, the scenes at the top of the barrel-vaulting that, for practical were done These first. by most of the earlier critics to be the work himself. However, as the entire programme are the Passion scenes, considered of assistants and not of Pietro was uniformly planned by the frescoes the on Pietro, there scenes in the cycle. last Even of the execution of the frescoes in was no reason for him we if on the assume that he entrusted a large part St Francis legend is the work this at first much his as the monumental drawing on the pictorial surface too would normally begin at the apex of the vault. and with pictures only filled frescoes (pis 88, 8g, go a, gob, at a later stage XI and would It was left completelv therefore be entirely artificial to assume that the upper zone empty The as of Giotto. 'Design' in relation to Trecento wall- painting practice refers to the and would vaults to his pupils, the design any case have been done by him; and these frescoes are itself, to start with the side walls and lower zones of the vaults, since they are by Pietro's pupils. XII), abundant in detail and col- ourful as a fairy-tale, begin the story with true Sienese delight in narrative. and excitedly out of the In the first scene the people rush joyfully welcome the Lord and heard by all, on his Entry into Jerusalem. But the Pharisees are already inveighing against and Judas, evil-eyed and tight-lipped, the only close city to crowd, in the midst of the disciple Him without gob), (pi. walks a halo, behind Christ's donkey. The next scene, the Washing of the Feet, is filled with apprehensive whispers and anxious, questioning looks; Judas, the be- withdrawn into the corner, broods menacingly. trayer (pi. XI), the uneasiness is alleviated. for a piece of bread that Christ not so much with aspects : is In the Last Supper among the disciples and reaches handing him. The painter was absorbed Judas sits the psychological content of the scene as with the festively lit round table, the landlord and external its his servant, the cook the blazing log-fire conversing with his mate as he cleans the plates. close attention to ancillary matters, trivial profanation; but there is and incidental details, is at The almost a an astonishing freshness of observation, and the re- presentation of the scene, the interior of a hexagonal room, and the treat- ment a of the lighting, are also very unusual. There hexagonal room in the whole was no other example the end of the thirteenth century. 7 Possibly Giotto's Wedding at Arena Chapel could be regarded may have Taddeo Gaddi now lost, also portrayed a small panel in Santa Croce, the Presentation 222 Cana as a hesitant step in this direction; been another picture by Giotto, ulus for Pietro, as of range of Italian painting of interiors since in the doubt that despite the novelty and daring of in the and there which provided a stim- hexagonal building in a Temple. There can be no Pietro's perspective technique
XI Pietro Lorenzetti The Last Supper • Assisi, San Francesco

in this picture, he could not have succeeded without Giotto's prior example. Apart from the hexagonal shape of the room, the composition and so too Giottesque, is the positioning of the building in the picture, with the is narrow strips of night sky at the top and along the right side. Pietro has added only the stars and crescent moon, and heightened the Pietro and Ambrogio Lorenzetti effect of the artificial light, coming from no visible source in the room, to an extent far beyond anything that Giotto would have considered acceptable: Giotto's treatment, for example, in the scene of Christ before Caiphas in the in Arena Chapel (pi. 66b), infinitely is and unobtrusive. Giotto's self-imposed restraint, his economy the use of illusionistic techniques - the secret of the grand style - are here more discreet abandoned as heedlessly as in Faithfulness to Taddeo Gaddi's frescoes in the Baroncelli Chapel. way achieved at the cost of monumentality in a life is that jeopardizes the dignity of the holy scene. The scene of Christ's Apprehension is Stooped, but with a large purposeful suffused with uncontrolled passion. stride, who Judas approaches Christ, turns only slightly away, not resisting the traitor's kiss. Peter approaches Malchus threateningly while the face to look back once disciples flee, one of them turning more. The agonizingly a formal, stage-like Flagellation. The realistic scene scene takes place in a is his fearful followed by low room, with sumptuous but somewhat petty decoration. The curious, over-large roof and a young tracts the eye; a child high above, are playing with a the cornice. charm, and The girl, monkey who that runs at the lucid, playful fantasy of the its artistic look out of a Gothic end of chain along its whole scene has considerable excellence cannot be denied. Finally, in the Calvary, the over-ornate description of the city again distracts from theme, but some of the figures are of great beauty, and the event is dis- window Road the as a to main whole vividly depicted. In the Crucifixion, far, which is four times larger than the scenes described so the story finally rises to the height of tragedy. Here too there is an almost unmanageable crowd, above which the bodies of the crucified men rise monumental Son of God. They against the deep ultramarine of the sky. For the first time in a composition the two robbers are shown together with the hang on their crosses exposed. 8 with arms distorted Twelve mourning in angels, each of agony, their nakedness them a shrill lament, pitilessly hover over The dying Saviour, with closed eyes and bowed in pain, is here transformed from Christ in Agony to Christ Triumphant. He becomes the mighty symbol of redemption. The restless crowd at his feet, the many horsemen with their gleaming the huge central figure of Christ. noble countenance deeply weapons and colourful costumes, the grief, the hatred, the indifference and 22 5
Pietro and Amhrogio Lorenzetti the doubt, Not one all detail there ception. ters and pale and dwindle in the presence of the tremendous sacrifice. of the is numerous Many and in the mass of realistic North, but none of them by Trecento painis filled with such and such consciousness of the solemn significance of the as Pietro Lorenzetti's fresco. On the wall opposite the Crucifixion, and in close inward relationship with the Stigmatization it, superfluous, is other versions of Calvary were produced later painters in the feverish agitation event figures nothing that does not contribute to the grand and simple con- style, as of St Francis is painted in the same intense linear an addition to the cycle of the Passion. The cyle concludes with the on the end wall of the transept, the Descent from the Cross, the Entombment, the Descent into Hell, and the Resurrection. Here again the emphasis is on the central tragedy, and all ancillary distractions are avoided. pictures In the endeavour to achieve monumentality the forms have been enlarged and simplified, and the spatial illusion from the Cross (pis 88, 89), with lines, is a its reduced as far as possible. The Descent pain-racked figures interlocked by sharp thoroughly two-dimensional composition, in front of an empty background. In the powerful movement of the with a pair of pliers to free the feet of the man vigour with which Judas approaches Christ in the soldier pushes back the concept and of women in the movement and form pulling out the dead body, Road we last nail recognize the same Mount of Olives, or the The uniformity of to Calvary. underlying the whole pictorial cycle is unmistakable, and yet the painter appears to have undergone a profound change since the time he started work in the vault with the Entry into Jerusalem. It is as to illustrate. it assumed (pi. though he was deeply From affected by the moving events he had then on his style never lost the harsh, agonized character in Assisi. The Madonna with St Francis and St John the Evangelist go a), on the north wall of the transept, next to the Crucifixion, infused with the gilded ground sition. It is same mood. The three half-length is also figures in front of the monumental retable for an altar that stood at this po9 last work Pietro did in Assisi. would appear that Pietro's Assisi frescoes were designed form a evidently the In this respect it according to a uniform plan, and executed in their narrative sequence and without notable contribution from 226 assistants. The development which we them could only have taken place in the period between 1320 and about 1330. The Passion scenes at the top of the vault postulate the existence of the style of the Arezzo polyptych. 10 The only fresco of Pietro in Assisi that was probably done before the Arezzo polyptych is the Madonna with St John the Baptist and St Francis in the St John Chapel on the south side profess to recognize in
of the transept, which we have not yet mentioned. 11 on the north wall half-length figures, like the picture pictorial surface is marks the point of Stylistically this fresco triptych Giotto, and at the same time shows an clearly still in the cathedral at Cortona. Pietro compositon of into three painted arcades. affinity few a of the Passion cycle. Lorenzetti with the Madonna in Assisi years later, perhaps immediately now The path that led from Arezzo be clearly traced. The Descent from to the Carmelite the Cross in Assisi was another interruption there and those on the end in his wall, but there is work between Madonna marks the turn- ing point, the reversion to a two-dimensional, severely linear It and Ambrogio completing the Arezzo polyptych, in order to undertake the execution after The Pietro approach to Pietro's closest must therefore have already been before 1320; he probably returned can manner divided in the Cosmati It is a just described, but the style. Perhaps on the the frescoes explanation of the change in Pietro's style can be found in Assisi was the result of his struggle also of the impression with the great monumental made on him by which were constantly before task, itself. and probably the older frescoes in San Francesco, The somewhat his eyes. sional character of the last scenes, vaults no compelling reason for this assumption. though the time, can nevertheless be attributed to in line artificial two-dimen- with the general trend of some extent to such impressions. This development could have taken place within the space of a few years, probably still in the first half of the 1320s. The Arezzo polyptych, commis- sioned in 1320, was presumably finished within a year or two. that the Carmelite altar there 12 started by It is likely Pietro in 1328, or even earlier, and evidence that in 1326 he painted four historical scenes, probably is frescoes, in Siena. 1324. was It According to a doubtful record he was also in Siena in follows that the years 1322-3, and possibly 1325 or 1327, have been the periods available for the to regard the frescoes as having been Assisi frescoes. It done in two would possible, therefore, stages. In find ourselves in the third decade of the Trecento, to Maestro is any case, wc which the Franciscan delle Vele are usually also assigned. Furthermore, would be the most fitting which Simone Martini and his date for the frescoes in the north transept, in allegories of the this pupils participated. 13 Pietro Lorenzetti's naturalistic experiments in the Passion scenes thus take their proper place in the overall development of Tuscan painting - prior to Taddeo Gaddi's work on the same fluence has always been assumed. ment, as lines around 1330, for which Sienese in- They followed directly on Giotto's achieve- an inevitable consequence, once the aesthetic boundaries he had imposed were no longer respected. feeling for monumentality and To raised a painter not endowed with a natural on Duccio's undramatic simultaneous 227
Pietro and Ambrogio Lorenzetti new modes narrative style, Giotto's temptation. is The somewhat of pictorial expression were a dangerous archaic character of Pietro's compositions in Assisi noticeable not only in their abundance of closely observed details, but also formal relationship of the in the the pictorial space, by Giotto lished which in the still size of the figures to the architecture corresponds approximately to the Arena Chapel. This and to norm estab- relationship only changes funda- The figures more open spaces. The excessive decorative detail gives way to an almost ascetic economy of architectural forms, and the landscape takes on a large uniform aspect. 14 The Assisi frescoes also provide us with a valuable guide to the rest of Pietro Lorenzetti's works. The severe, expressive fresco of the Crucifixion in mentally in the predella scenes of the Carmelite altar of 1329. become smaller and move more freely in the larger, San Francesco in Siena could only have been done and more animated version of the theme because the style of the figures figures in the Descent from still velopment reached The frescoes in Santa is much richer later and the Entombment; the composition, also corresponds to the last stage of de- in the Assisi frescoes. Maria dei himself, are undoubtedly later. tecture after the though not much bears a close resemblance to that of the the Cross monumental and two-dimensional, in Assisi, Servi, The approximately the same probably not executed by Pietro relationship of the figures to the archias that in the Carmelite predella. The appearance of isolated motifs from Giotto's frescoes in the Peruzzi Chapel gives further support for a date around 1330 at the earliest. A major joint work of the Lorenzetti brothers, four frescoes depicting scenes from the life of the Virgin, done in 1335, decorated the facade of the Ospedale della Scala in the cathedral square of Siena. Their destruction the eighteenth century was one of the worst losses suffered by in Sienese painting in general. They can, however, be reconstructed with some accuracy from later copies. 15 A panel-painting by Pietro, the Birth of the Virgin, in the Opera del Duomo in Siena, dated 1342, appears to have preserved the main features of the monumental version 16 which, according to Ghiberti, was done by Ambrogio. 17 This would account to some extent for the idyllic mood, unusual in Pietro's work, although, on the other hand, the subject itself demands this kind of treatment. The rich warm beauty of the colours, the harmony of yellow, vermilion and pale blue in the left side of the picture, and the dark lilac and ochre of the mother's gown, may have been derived from Ambrogio's fresco. The arrangement of the pictorial space, which takes up an idea that was partly realized by Pietro in the Annuncia- and Trecento painting 228 tion scene of the Arezzo polyptych, is of special interest: the actual frame of
the panel is used as part of the structure of the open front of the buildings seen in the picture. In the Annunciation of 1320 is two divided into only sections, and the rooms adjoining the frame are of simple rectangular shape, the principle is steps, not ideas. There as initiated. Pietro an imitator, but is no as Pietro and Ambrogio Lorenzetti nevertheless clearly displayed. Giotto does not seem to have been familiar with with the developments he 87), although the panel (pi. this device, is but quite in line it is again following in Giotto's foot- an original and consistent interpreter of reason, therefore, to assume that Ambrogio was his the orig- inator of this device, especially as Ins picture of the Presentation in the Temple of 1342, arranged in a similar tween the way, does not show the same connection be- pictorial architecture sections are rather sharp Virgin, handles tins and the frame. and unaesthetic. Pietro, On the contrary the inter- however, in the Birth of the with great virtuosity; the Gothic forms of the frame rooms the shape of a triptych continue the vaults of the painted in the in most natural manner: one of the posts of the frame cuts across the figure of the guest beside the bed, so that a direct effect of spatial depth of the picture, the left side view opens into character, probably a palace courtyard. the pictorial illusion painting. Jan Altar, is The much a an idea that was to have far-reaching van Eyck took it up in the Weyden with great skill and room loftier On created. the of Gothic incorporation of the frame into effects on Western Annunciation scene in Robert Campin and Konrad Witz made use of van der is it, his Ghent and so did Rogier striking effect in his Altarpiece of the Sacraments. Two further works of Pietro done at this time give a good idea of the course which corresponds of his development, Europe towards increased Madonna rigidity of closely to the prevailing trend in form and with Angels, bearing the date 1340 tautness of line. (as far as it They are the can be deciphered), and the altar panel of the Beata Umilta dated 1341, both now in the Uffizi in Florence. 18 The Madonna, though barely life-size, gives the appearance of a highly monumental work owing to the simple pyramidal structure and compact outlines together with equally compact rounded bodily forms, winch are also noticeable in arrangement of the blue), the simple solemn effect. Simone Martini's work forms of the throne, This was the new was to reach its add to the all ideal that the middle of the century, in architecture Pietro Lorenzetti of that time. The symmetrical figures, the cool colours (especially the emerged shades of in Trecento art and sculpture was one of the leading many crystalline, timeless and towards as well as in painting. figures in this movement, winch maturity with Orcagna and his figure of the Beata Umilta the flow of the lines circle in Florence. In the and the modelling of the bodily 229
Pietro and Ambrogio Lorenzetti forms attain an almost metallic hardness and smoothness. Together with in- creased stylization there legendary scenes and (pi. also a trend towards naturalism, and There is a conflict The plasticity, severe simple architectural and landscape elements, and the refined, skill in pictorial com- pious tone of the legend, and the asceticism of cloistered manner are so aptly expressed that the apparently archaic mistaken for a genuine archaic Roman produces a curious this between the harsh psychologically acute art of narrative and sophisticated position. this re- irreconcilable, contradiction. In the small 91c) surrounding the main figure attractive tension. line, deliberately was and almost suited in a noticeable, The opinion style. numerals (and renewed), should be read still is life sometimes that the date, written in as 13 16, has its supporters even now. 19 However, a comparison of the two interiors in the legendary scene (pi. that such is due 91c) with those in the Arczzo Annunciation of 1320 an early date is indefensible. That and to the characteristics of Pietro's late style, tendency beginning in Trecento painting Ambrogio sensitivity and a does not appear to have gentler, felt (pi. kind 87) shows possible is to the general eclectic at that time. younger of the two brothers, had an Lorenzetti, probably the even greater He a mistake of this more pliant temperament than Pietro. 20 the burden of tradition, so that there need for him to struggle laboriously to free himself from it. His was no earliest sur- viving work, a Madonna of 13 19 in Sant'Angelo in Vico l'Abate (near Greve, south of Florence), shows that at and confident He had left artist perfectly Decades before his time he was already an accomplished Duccio's world far behind him, and although Giotto's was well known ration', this adjusted to the spirit of the age (pis 92, 93). to him, his he did not allow to divert it new art his course. brother Pietro and the other masters of the 'second gene- he reverted to the severer solemnity of the Duecento, while retaining modern outlook, his subtlety and sensitivity. almost completely filling the narrow frame, is The Vico presented the plump, motionless Child in her powerful hands. geometric form, arms him from is l'Abate Madonna, full face, The and holds throne, of simple three-dimensional, but also seen frontally, with seat and Ambrogio avoids the slight obliquity that Madonna paintings to accentuate the three-dimen- in steeply rising perspective. Giotto introduced into his sional effect. Only the Madonna's left knee is slightly raised and turned out- wards, and the lines of the neck and the top of the dress waver from their XII 230 Pietro Lorenzetti Crucifixion (detail) Assisi, San Francesco


; an inimitable, circular movement. These are the sole sources rigid course in of vitality in this mature female figure. The proud face full, is immobile, but not with the supra-natural solemnity characteristic of the popular craftsmanlike Pietro and Ambrogio Lorenzetti Madonnas of the Magdalene Master and the Master of Bagnano, although no doubt that Ambrogio had those works in mind when he there can be painted his picture. His style he does not abandon is archaicizing, but in a very sophisticated own his However, Ambrogio's austerity. nor relapse into an special qualities interpretation in this picture is way: artificial unique and was never repeated. The Madonna in the chapel of the Archbishop's Seminar in Siena, done Ambrogio was attempting Madonna nursing the Child immediately creates an entirely different atmosphere from that of Pietro's Madonnas. The prevailing mood, intimate and human, expresses about ten years later, suggests that at that time to emulate the severer style of his brother, but the motif of the maternal care and tenderness, childish innocence and lack of and a faint self -consciousness melancholy pervades the scene. Pietro's passionate temperament, his alert, tense spirituality, were Ambrogio. Whenever he alien to achieve the same effects as Pietro, for example in the triptych of the Two with is Saints in half-length figures, uneven. The on Ambrogio of an altarpiece that There are four more panels the which same time inative spatial also as the is more im- did in 1332 for San Procolo in Florence. 21 in the Uffizi with scenes from the legend of St arrangement and architectural features are similar to those of from the scenes Ambrogio's handling of perspective pecially in the scene of the harbour, its and ornament the faces. These three panels are part come from San Procolo, and were probably done at triptych. The scenes are vividly depicted, and the imag- Simone Martini's legendary with to in the Uffizi in Florence, the result exquisite preciousness of colour pressive than the harsh expressions Nicholas, now tries Madonna high horizon, anticipates illusion is life of St Agostino Novello. even freer than Simone's, es- busy with ships and rowing-boats, which, effects not found again until the fifteenth century. As early as 1327 sicians lived is Ambrogio was admitted and apothecaries, to which painters and worked questionable; in Florence for the required five years, it is more was within easy reach of dicates that at and there is into the Florentine guild of also belonged. likely that Siena. The Whether he from 1327 to phyreally 1332, he frequently stayed in Florence, which style of the Vico l'Abate Madonna in- an early stage he had first-hand knowledge of Florentine support for to refer to him. 22 this in a documentary record of 1321 art, that appears 233
In spite of this relatively firm evidence of his association with Florence, Pietro and Ambrogio Lorenzetti by no means clear, for it is diffidetermine what each owed, and what each contributed to the other. Ambrogio's relationship to Florentine cult to Ambrogio's San Francesco frescoes in his stay in Florence in 1332, by no means certain. figure of the sultan 23 on art is may have in Siena been done before although the traditional date for them, 133 1, is In the Martyrdom of the Franciscans in Ceuta, the central his throne is very similar to that in the fresco of the much richer, livelier compowork. It may have been known to Ordeal by Fire in the Bardi Chapel. Ambrogio's sition appears to be the more original the painter of the Bardi Chapel through a drawing, but that a lost fresco by Giotto was the The counterpart common it is more likely source of both works. 24 of the Martyrdom in Ceuta is the Admission of St Louis of Toulouse into the Franciscan Order (pis 94, gs). Before the assembled curia and King Robert of Naples, the saint kneels to It was a memorable scene from recent in the presence of his brother, Pope Boniface VIII and takes his vows. history, with the lay witnesses in realistic contemporary dress crowding into The two linked youths, one with folded arms, on the left are evidently taken from the two spectators in Herod's Feast in the Peruzzi Chapel (pi. 71 a). 25 The design of the room corresponds, the side aisle of the hall behind the partition. but in reverse, to that in the predella picture depicting the Confirmation of the Carmelite Order, painted, as previously mentioned, 1329. But Ambrogio be standing to opposite aisle. left out the front in a position The aisle, so that the observer feels himself corresponding to that of the spectators in the pictorial idea, exploit in his predella panel, is which Pietro made use much no firm conclusion can be drawn, because there were other, panel itself now lost, of is later earlier and that the predella monumental model. Ambrogio's works presents further picture of his development would this than 1329. But again always the possibility that interpretations of this idea, was derived from an The chronology of but did not fully here developed most effectively; and could in fact suggest a date for the fresco not there by Pietro Lorenzetti around certainly be clearer if Our difficulties. the frescoes on the facade of the Ospedale della Scala, which he did in conjunction with his brother in 1335, had survived. 26 the Maesta of Massa Marittima, longs to the same period. 27 the in three 234 The oblong Madonna Enthroned with by angels and numerous sional An important panel painting by Ambrogio, now in the Municipio there, probably be- saints. rctable, the three theological Virtues and surrounded The figures, rows behind and above each other, form of composition, over two meters wide, shows crowded together, are arranged a curiously abstract, which reduces the two-dimen- effect of the three-dimensional
elements in the foreground. Such crowded pictorial surfaces are not found in Sienese painting in the 1320s. Many of the individual forms, especially those of the angels playing musical instruments and offering flowers, appear heavy and opulent, Ambrogio's mature works. Other as in Pietro and Ambrogio Lorenzetti features, like the draper- of the seated Virtues, are hard and brittle. This unconventional picture ies can thus be given towards the end of the master's middle a relatively late date, period. Ambrogio's best known frescoes are in the Sala della Pace - so-called after s the frescoes - in Siena's Palazzo Pubblico (pis 96, g~j)r Their date, 1338-9, is authenticated there by documents recording payments made. , enthroned male figure, // Buoti Governo, group of captured evil-doers; a wolf suckling the twins, the ancient Wisdom and a huge supported by Concord, pans of a gigantic pair of Justice. One From the rulers of the city, a procession of the she- is of government, at the which extreme right of the picture, inspired by holds her rather drastic attribute, Two held by scales, of the angels hands out upholds the rule of law. left side who on her knee. carpenter's plane, Governo at the feet of the Roman emblem the Virtues, appears again in the in a colossal of Magnanimity. 29 Soldiers medieval Siena had also adopted. Justice, already shown among the rear wall accompanied by the seven cardinal by the addition Virtues, here increased to eight guard On an elaborate allegory of Good Government symbolized is angels lean outwards Wisdom, and kept from the in balance by reward and punishment, while the other symbol of Justice men twenty-four a long cord leads to the in the apparel of notables and important burgesses. In the middle of the picture the goddess of Peace, holding an olive branch, reclines on a richly decked couch, wearing a white robe that falls in narrow walls, illustrating the results of full as a terraces, side in gy), with its tiers of brick-red houses, its high towers and airy its busy life, and girls dancing in the streets, is the most vivid and life left opposite wall, preserved only in fragments, Here the principal figure is to us is by the Middle Ages. Tyranny, surrounded by Vices. At her in chains. Fear, a half-naked hag, reigns Security, who prepares a gallows for the able naturalism The the feet Justice over the devastated landscape, w rongdoers, T hilly Sienese countryside is is ruled while under her protection the farmers cultivate their fields, and the merchants business unmolested. On the allegory of Bad Government. whereas in Good Government the flourishing countryside around Siena by classical on one of the (pi. complete picture of contemporary lies fresco town and country, gave story-teller. The view of Gothic good government scope for Ambrogio's sensuous talent Siena The folds (pi. g6). go about their depicted with remark- and extends into distances not previously represented by any 235
Pietro and Ambrogio Lorenzetti painter. with There is no work this fresco of of secular Ambrogio or in the artistry of monumental painting that can compare Lorenzetti in historical and documentary value, interpretation of the spirit of the Italian city-republics its of the Trecento. The Madonna with SS. Mary Magdalene and Dorothy, three fragments of an altarpiece Petronilla in Siena, was probably painted only nale, 1340. from Santa 30 now in the Siena Pinacoteca Nazio- Pubblico frescoes, about after the Palazzo Despite the division of the surface into separate panels, the three movement form together a single group owing to the new three-dimensional, which prevails over the traof the polyptych. The reverent upwards gaze of the two plastic figures in fluid painter's feeling for the ditional partitioning saints, both but in quite different postures, in three-quarter profile Trecento, and goes beyond in the is unique conventional rules; and the splendid all handling of the colour, of great beauty and delicately harmonizing with the warm glow Two of the gold ground, also is very personal to the other panel paintings have inscriptions dating them artist. in the first half of the 1340s: the Presentation in the Temple of 1342, in Florence (already tioned), and the Annunciation of 1344, displays a time. knowledge of perspective But arrived at in Siena. 31 In that again seems to be in advance of his misleading, for in both cases the perspective is by empirical means, and has no mathematical foundation. This is the appearance is evident in the scene of the Presentation aisled men- both pictures Ambrogio Gothic building, above which rises in the Temple: although the three- dome, recedes the exterior of a high into considerable depth, the various architectural components are not in proper proportion, and the figures are placed only in the foreground. In the Annunciation the perspective is quite different: of the floor, which ends abruptly tiled floor drawn is it is at the restricted to the representation gold ground. peated assertions to the contrary, the vanishing one point, nor are the tened. We opment The pattern of this in centralized foreshortening, but notwithstanding re- distances between the are dealing, therefore, not lines do not meet exactly at transversals accurately foreshor- with an elementary stage in the devel- of the system of central perspective invented in the Early Renaissance, but with an astonishingly close approximation achieved, however, by purely empirical means. 32 in perspective, The resulting tension and the large nounced and disquieting than of the two 236 in Simone Martini's figures are also harsher, and massive, than between the tiled surface, areas of the gold ground, late is conceived even more pro- works. The contours and the figures themselves more in Simone's small panel in Liverpool. The solid characteristic tension and the heaviness of the form, clearly deliberate, are in keeping with
mood the deep, melancholy the level of the in and powerful urgency that Ambrogio's work and difficulty. new, a Two Siena, further 33 asserts itself there for the last Meanwhile the forms have become hieratic severity works belong increasingly dis- Pietro and Ambrogio Lorenzetti time and more rigid, apparent in the whole composition. is to the late period of Madonna the lunette fresco of the tivity: Vico l'Abate has thus not since the early stage of appeared in the 1344 Annunciation, but with raise the events to symbolic and the permanent. The personal note that persisted Ambrogio's creative ac- with Saints in Sant'Agostino in discovered about twenty years ago, and the frescoes in the round chapel of Montesiepi near San Galgano, south-west of Siena, which have been known longer. 34 much for The fresco in Sant'Agostino Virgin enthroned in the midst of eight kneeling adoration. The which painting, parts of could have been executed by an siepi frescoes is also a Maesta. humanity whose gazes coolly wall on the right. St Galganus is the picture. On To The two The main theme group of saints done by an the left of the fill the lunette above the window, and beneath restored and repainted as early as the were detached from the wall frescoes the Maesta, came and perhaps the most ingenious of the brush, drawings hitherto discovered. arricciato It discloses to light. It fourteenth in 1966, drawn with by an Monte- inferior hand, the legend of on the altered of the Virgin's feet Eve, the type of sinful the preliminary design was turn to her in mighty wings outstretched. Facing the angel was the Madonna Annunciata, badly century. A the left wall, illustrated. kneels an angel with who was expiated through the Virgin and her divine Son, guilt from saints, with the a Maesta, retain their original freshness, still assistant. At the is whereby a quick sketch all monumental idea, which is Ambrogio's original insignificant painter of the next generation - probably be- cause the design of the Virgin appeared too bold and unusual. Greatly astonished at the sight of the angel, she ately to a Martini, ciation slim column. In who had draws tins respect herself together Ambrogio goes and far clings desper- beyond Simone AnnunMadonna, the kneeling angel, a figure of inspirhover in spite of his monumentality - an achieve- already represented the frightened Virgin in his of 1333. 35 Unlike the ing simplicity, appears to ment possible only for a great artist. The other frescoes are also much damaged and over-painted, and in addition have faded badly during the last decades; but the better preserved parts, like the figure of Eve in the centre picture, show it to be a work the time. In spite of the visible, of Ambrogio, assisted by pupils after the damage, the boldness of the composition custom of is still clearly not only in the Maesta but also in the preserved part of the lunette above the right wall. The master's individuality is also apparent in the type 237
: Pietro and Ambrogio Lorenzetti and posture of many of the A figures. curve of a neck, the in the delicate fervent, devoted spirit lifted profile of a eyes gleam with cunning and unfathomable style so light and grandiose The None is of the great masters, to Ambrogio whose work was the same situation in Siena until the Lorenzetti is dated though as exhausted; and the limitations of first artists stood in the half of the century. It mode naturalistic representation character of the style of representation, had become apparent. Above possible in the field of perspective without jeopardizing the monumental and itself. The and forms, once wrested inspired formulas. was result directly The only scope a resort to the established from so that in this respect a decline set in that lasted eclectic art, to a character of its keeping own, and itself alive mode conven- The presentation on till the end of the century. a great tradition, can aspire more marked. The return to a formal, of representation brought about a stylistic standardi- zation in Sienese painting towards the middle of the Trecento, and also to eliminate to a large extent the old contrast artistic relations fruitful between the two the greater contribution, Siena breath of the Byzantine spirit, now its were never closer assumed the leading was sought, were more in order to express the Three-dimensional effects Siena. and more made role. Its technical grace and idealism, which preserved a than the cool formalism of Florence. 238 cities seemed between Florence and than between 1330 and 1360, and whereas Florence had hitherto excellence and sense of colour, this art, of real- in interpretation, in the absence of outstanding personalities the prevailing style of the time becomes two-dimensional idealistic for the expression of individuality lay in was quantitatively enriched, without any essential change But even an all, and nature, deteriorated into un- the choice and application of the prescribed material. The was new pictorial style had been explored and the new style and the hazards of an excess- no further important advances were ity era the the possibilities of the ively individualistic tion, new now on Florence since the death of Giotto as that in the towering personalities of the all November laid the foundations of a end of the Trecento, and a generation beyond, shadow of evidently died shortly after, possibly in 1348, the year of the plague. Western painting, survived the middle of the century. From in Ambrogio's skill. documentary reference last He must have Nowhere as in the best parts of these frescoes, painted rapidly and with great 1347. evil. discernible is youthful face, and Eve's satisfying to the needs of the time A new specifically religious painting re-awakened sense of mysticism and and dramatic situations piety. were no longer required of but sublimity of theme and confirmation of the validity of the mys- tical vision.
This is what tradition they in Sienese art had to offer, and newly acquired range the had it had no difficulty in renouncing of representational possibilities. Supported inherited, even artists of only secondary rank by the now succeeded Pietro and Ambrogio Lorenzetti producing important works, and the level of pictorial production was higher here than in any other Italian city. We have many pictures from that time of high technical standard together with numerous names and dates, but it is shall all difficult mention in detail The now to distinguish the individual artistic personalities. briefly only the would involve relatively more important of these. To characterize us too deeply in specialized research. important and independent painter usually Master of the Madonna in We them San Pietro a Ovile, in Siena, known as the belonged to the circle He may have been the painter Bartolomeo Bulgarini, mentioned in the records. 36 He was active between the second of Pietro Lorenzetti. fre- quently and third quarters of the century. A contemporary of his, Lippo Vanni, was an whose eclectic style showed the influence of the Lorenzettis and that of Simone Martini. Another artist, Niccolo di Ser Sozzo Teghacci, well known as a painter of manuscript miniatures since 1336, emerged as a distincartist tive artistic personality. His panel-paintings as had considerable influence in Pisa well as in Siena. Closely associated with him, and slightly younger, was 37 di Tomme. The last generation of Treby Andrea Vanni, Bartolo di Fredi and Paolo di Giovanni Fei. Although all three did not die until 1410, they were not able to free themselves from the representational methods of the Trecento. The first artist to accomplish this was Taddeo di Bartolo, born about 1362. the technically accomplished cento painters His is Luca represented work marks the transition to the International Style, the last Gothic movement of European importance, which injected new spirit into stylistic the lustreless, anaemic painting of Siena and indeed of a new Europe. It offered interpretation of reality, although obscured for the time being by the all pervasive ornamentality of line and the abstract standardized modelling of all the forms. Taddeo's Adoration of the Shepherds of 1404, in Santa Maria dei Servi in Siena, is typical of this discordant style, beyond the Trecento of Montepulciano, tradition. In his Taddeo included huge winch nevertheless went far altarpiece of 1401, in the cathedral a remarkable likeness of himself in the figure of his patron saint, the apostle St Thaddaeus. 38 This is the earliest sur- viving genuine self-portrait in painting, a significant sign of the profound change in the artists' view of themselves, which had begun with Giotto. 239
ii Orcagna and his circle Giotto's supremacy, and the absence of ready recognized in Florence in the any comparable latter part of the successor, were al- Trecento. In one of his short stories Franco Sacchetti gives a lively account of a meeting of Florentine painters in the Convent of San Miniato above the Andrea Orcagna, puts the question, 'Who Giotto?' The aged Taddeo Gaddi present, that the art of painting is resolved with a joke : is One city. of the masters, the greatest painter next to expresses the opinion, plainly shared is daily declining. Eventually the the best painters are the Florentine by women, who with the aid of cosmetics are able to repair the errors of the greatest painter of the di who Cione, called Orcagna, was the others in Sacchetti's story, The whom several brothers, of two Orcagna himself was others, little later. life workshop, but few of his that can be attributed to of the Virgin. own works him with not known, the eldest of Nardo and Jacopo active as a sculptor and 1359 he completed the splendid marble Tabernacle scenes in relief of the is He was date of his birth but he died in the second half of 1368, or a painters. merely mentioned along with is the outstanding artistic personality in Flor- ence in the middle of the Trecento. 2 As a painter in di Cione, were also architect as well, Or commissioned perfection, in 1354. it is the istic situation that The figures still position as a most important he was head of a busy have survived. The only panel painting certainty is the altarpiece, dated 1357, in conform whole though to deviates as The work was an achievement of absolute technical illustration we have of the singular styl- two decades after Giotto's death. the canon laid down by Giotto, but the comradically from the Giottesque principles. The had evolved forms have a metallic as Admirable and San Michele with the Strozzi Chapel in Santa Maria Novella (pis 10 j, 105 a). 240 all, Lord Himself. 1 Andrea in all problem in Florence stiffness and in the absence of any severity, spatial and a peculiarly abstract plasticity, medium. It would be pointless to
attempt to discover the source of the light that moulds the hard, glassy forms and gives the colours A glow. their intense rigorous geometric form keeps Orcagna and his circle the figures firmly in a two-dimensional plane and overcomes any tendency towards The spatial illusion. uniting the three main composition basis of the and the kneeling, voluminous figures is an equilateral triangle surrounded by an aureole of angels, figures, Christ and St Thomas in profile of St Peter Aquinas. St John the Baptist stands behind St Peter, staring fixedly to the same way front in the is shown and left. central design relaxed in is All the figures, except the shown without effect of the other hand, there in the figures, saints, arc related to the in their draperies. depth that might be described good a is by and overlapping a sure instinct mode salient or of spatial re- Giotto, but he tried to create a kind of non- perspective space governed, as art of referring as pictorial relief. and changing directions and sometimes violently presentation introduced With gold piece of brocade, deal of foreshortening receding forms. Orcagna could not entirely disclaim the world. A foreshortening, serves as a floor for the figures, and prevents even the limited On Virgin, two kneeling ground through the gold interwoven brought to- figures are commending St Thomas, severe and immobile. The rigidity the two pairs of saints on the right The in three-quarter profile, equally marks the that two as Christ, so that these gether in a separate spiritual association. were, by rules not applicable to a it everything in the picture to a single human viewpoint, and therefore deliberately and patently rejected Giotto's three-dimensional of representation. What Orcagna attempted finite he seems to have sensed the danger to religious method pre-Giottesque painters did naturally without to achieve by calculated artifice, means and consciously conserv- ative intellectual effort: the creation of a transcendental reality superior to that of the it temporal world. The success of the style he evolved shows that satisfied a deep need of The development tunately only be inferred back to this later. his time. of Orcagna's stylistic aims in wall-painting can unfor- from fragmentary remnants, and we By good been preserved that conforms in general style to the decoration of the Strozzi Chapel in Santa not by Orcagna himself but by The entire decoration Ins brother Orcagna's principles; Nardo was doubtless based on a di Cione 1354-7. The the window chapel of the Strozzi family its large walls wall, is is it is It was executed (pis 106 a, io6h)? Maria Novella. uniform plan, and the coes were probably painted in the same years as the altarpiece, that and each of come shall chance, however, one complete fresco cycle has is fres- to say, in the south transept of the church, covered by a single picture, a Last Judgment on and representations of Paradise and of Hell on the side walls. 241
and Orcagna The his circle and indeed the Paradise scene has the subject itself is erable figures. form appropriate to a two-dimensional The effect of a Blessed, arranged in regular occupy the greater part of the picture. High huge of representation, innum- tapestry with rows one above the other, and in the centre, in scale match- ing their importance, Christ and the Virgin are seated on a throne of Gothic design. The disproportionate size of this group produces an effect of reversed perspective: even the other, the the rows of the Blessed are seen in recession one behind if two main plane. This artificially spirit of Orcagna's work, and by him. However, ment figures place everything firmly imposed two-dimensional pattern may have on the foreground is completely in the been based on a design prepared closer examination of the apparently schematic arrange- of the Blessed reveals a surprising freedom of movement and softness removed from Orcagna's severe manner. In many cases figures combine the to form lively groups, and spatial effects emerge, but the composition as a whole has no unified perspective. Nardo di Cione was an artist of much gentler, more pliant temperament than his brother, and tins abstract pictorial schematism appears even more forced in his work, as if it were a burden unwillingly accepted. of line and form, far This contradiction between the natural inclination of the stylistic rule imposed on him becomes apparent in a most in the counterpart of the Paradise scene, the picture of Hell. It with small animated able most of which figures, knowledge of the human form and are naked. and the artist manner interesting They is crowded reveal a remark- possibilities of expression its - quite contrary to what would be expected in view of the two-dimensional character of the composition as a whole. The complicated movements picted with apparent ease, and impinge on the Hovering effect (pi 106b). figures, running, falling, with each other, pass across the picture are de- surface with three-dimensional and violently entangled like a flight of birds; it was within the almost unlimited capacity of this Trecento painter to illustrate every aspect of the torments of the damned. Time and again he succeeded in creat- ing isolated scenes that have the atmosphere of Dante's Inferno, although he lacked the poet's comprehensive vision to give unity and order to his position as a whole. ferno, after Inferno. " The fresco Even for most impossible the 242 same time image of also possible that he did not wish to shape com- his In- Dante's model, into an intelligible and transparently clear spatial presentation. 4 It is Hell. is in fact a 'detailed a Renaissance painter, and faithful illustration' of Dante's however, it would have been an task to illustrate such a profusion of separate scenes, to give a The and al- at comprehensive single view of Dante's funnel-shaped failure to accomplish this here cannot be attributed simply
Nardo to lack of artistic ability. Cione di structure of the infernal landscape with is depicts numerous scenes, isolated punishment separated by narrow rocky ridges; and the places of But also indicated. circular Orcagna and his circle zones rising one above the other its depth was hardly possible a greater recession in the if compactness of the huge surface pattern was to be preserved, and therefore on knowledge the only practicable solution was the development of individual motifs the same plane. In these separate scenes the painter reveals that his was much more extensive and sophisticated than the of spatial representation tapestry-like, seemingly primitive, view of Hell would lead one to suspect. surely not a coincidence that these tensions It is masked by the marked A in a representation of Hell. in Giotto's and contradictions, usually contemporary style, similar manifestation work: uncontrolled demonic and human all stylistic ment. idealizing tendencies of the of the damned Although there are precedents passions, breaking The crude previously attempted. by the tent necessitated An abundance beyond anything intensity of the description which had no place more was even more remarkable subject, but movement and to is some ex- the licence naturalistic detail. of realistic observations, imaginative features, and expressive There a is power was to in his high formal style, are here displayed, anywhere clearly than imposed on himself ative through medieval and Byzantine iconography, in Giotto permitted himself in the rendering of tal style. so are illustrated with frightening realism. Giotto's representation of Hell achieves a degree of realism reveal became already seen conventions, emerge in the scenes of Hell in the Padua Last Judg- The torments motifs, is produce good else the degree of artistic discipline his distinctive creation, the grand, and Giotto monumen- deal of additional evidence to prove that his imagin- far greater than his executed works might suggest. The painted choirs in the Arena Chapel indicate that he could easily have created a complete perspective his 'vision'. torial The illusion. world are only a in a loss of 'style' can in no sense be equated with powers winch he constructs his pic- conventional vocabulary, chosen according to the re- quirements of his monumental his artistic His representational elements with style. What Dante called tliefreno d'arte kept and any infringement of in check, this principle resulted monumentality. 5 In his scenes of Hell, Nardo di Cione goes far beyond Giotto in the free and imaginative handling of form. The Padua Inferno appears archaic and inhibited beside the Strozzi vistas, occasioned by here on a small scale and centuries later Chapel fresco. The figurative motifs and spatial the special requirements of the subject, that are realized by on the grand a Trecento painter, are only encountered again scale in Mannerist and Baroque art. It is as though 243
and Orcagna the natural, unaffected vision of the painter his circle acteristic forms of the monumental were glimpsed behind the char- style ; verse transformed into free- is The contrast between these two modes of represensharper had become in the two decades since Giotto's death. This is tation clearly apparent when one compares Nardo's scenes of Hell with the other flowing, expressive prose. Chapel frescoes and with Strozzi more depth. a own panel paintings, 6 which are even consciously primitive than the works of the contemporary Sienese Nardo masters. by his As di Cione is meticulous in avoiding any suggestion of spatial Chapel in Orcagna's Strozzi the floors are usually indicated altar, two-dimensional brocade pattern, and never possible to it is supports the seated figures; at best a piece of brocade implies throne. The deliberate renunciation of perspective devices final conclusion. In the mild, vacant faces there is no tell some what sort of carried to is its sign of the rich range of expression that the painter demonstrated in the scenes of Hell in his fresco. An unrealistic, and we Nazarene calm and impersonal sense that the painter expressing. mood envelops these pictures, not conveying everything he is capable of unquestionably an example of the impoverishment that It is ways follows when the wheel art ceases to is of progress be a natural product of the and archaicizing and ; it loses its is life turned back. around it, it substance as soon as it Whenever al- religious becomes retrospective no longer employs the The painting of the Orcagna circle is a striking early example of this phenomenon in the history of post-classical art. In view of the problematic nature of Nardo di Cione's style, it is the more regrettable that Orcagna's major monumental work, the decoration of the full artistic capacity of its time. main choir chapel of Santa Maria Novella, has been almost ated. He received this commission in 1350, an experienced and recognized master. 7 the Virgin, and famous It when he must was entirely obliter- already have been a cycle depicting the life of was replaced towards the end of the Quattrocento by the frescoes of Ghirlandaio. Only a number of medallions containing half-length figures, part of the vault decoration, have recently The solid, powerful forms are clearly distinguishable delicate work of Nardo di Cione. It is come from the to light. softer, more very unlikely, however, that they were executed by Orcagna himself. 8 The huge fresco of the Crucifixion in the refectory of Santo Spirito in Flor9 The comis a work of high, though somewhat cold, monumentality. position of this large and powerful work is based on the contrast between the compact mass of scarcely articulated figures and the empty background, visible over a large area. The figure of Longinus on one side, and that of ence 244 the centurion with his distinct, sweeping gesture, on the other, are deliber-
Both ately introduced as effective features. haloes. 10 Figurative and are mounted and shown with and two-dimensional elements dominate the composition, and the the recession of the landscape are hardly perceptible. It rising slope of the hill of Orcagna and his circle Golgotha seems that Orcagna was responsible for the general 11 conception, but here again the execution must be ascribed to his pupils. There another major is work of Orcagna which must have been much more impressive than the Crucifixion, with ting. Unfortunately it its impersonal mood and contrived set- has survived only in fragmentary condition. Three large frescoes extended along the wall of the south aisle of Santa Croce, depicting related subjects: the Triumph of Death, the Last Judgment, and the Inferno. numbered them among Orcagna's works, and Vasari's description, linking them together with very similar representations in the Campo Santo 12 However, at about the time in Pisa, attributes both groups to Orcagna. the enlarged edition of his Lives appeared, Vasari recklessly sacrificed Orcagna's frescoes in Santa Croce, as well as a number of other important TreGhiberti cento works, in favour of a plan of his own for the redecoration of the church. This was carried out between 1566 and 1584. works of art, The furnished with the Late Renaissance altars that are few specially valuable traces of monuments was discovered behind one of of beggars vainly invoking of the Inferno and (pi. Death whitewashed and aisles still there today. of the Early Renaissance Orcagna's frescoes seemed to have been the Triumph of Death (pi. 104). A numerous screen, containing was demolished, 13 and the walls of the lost, Only a were spared. All until a fragment of Vasari's altars: the second fragment, the group left half 105b), was found, badly damaged, behind another altar, after careful search All these fragments are remnants of the painted frame were also uncovered. now in the Museo di Santa Croce. 14 These parts of the original frescoes, together with Vasari's description and the analogous representations in Pisa, enable us to reconstruct the monumental 'triptych' with some accuracy. The entire work was seven meters high and not less than eighteen meters wide. Great painted columns, strongly plastic on account of their spiral shafts, divided the pictorial surface, in the into three sections. It had used is the same illusionistic architectural Cosmati manner, motif that Giotto Orcagna further heightened the by omitting the frames alongside the columns, so that the in the St Francis legend at Assisi. illusionistic effect scene appears to continue without interruption behind them. produced by the bizarre shape of the columns far as The is The solid effect strongly emphasized, but as can be gathered from the fragments, there was hardly any spatial depth. whose feet the dead lie in a tangled mass, are surrounded by empty background, and their bold abstract forms are combined beggars, at large areas of 245
and Orcagna with the inscription, written diagonally across the surface, into a two-dimen- his circle sional entity. The composition seems have been entirely confined to the to figures placed in the foreground. In the Inferno, a certain degree of spatial depth was unavoidable owing to the scenic elements, but even here the nonperspective picture-book character still is Cione's scene of Hell. Orcagna's version Chapel both fresco in the Strozzi marble as a sculptor in as a which have in the scenes of torture, is is more distinct than in Nardo di more primitive than his brother's whole and in detail, for its example a crude savagery. Orcagna's experience seen in the powerful modelling of the nude figures and the angular, unconventional movements. Strident colours, shining out against the prevailing chalky, stone and earth tones accentuate the infernal negation of the divine order and the general impression of violence. Here also there a deliberate renunciation of idealized forms, justified is winch of the subject, releases the artist's creative force powerful temperament. The ally 'prose' style is more mic, Nardo di Cione's style is much by the nature reveals his natur- vivid and elemental, and Arena Chapel directly reminiscent of Giotto's scenes of Hell in the In comparison and more softer, flexible in Padua. and rhyth- capable of genuinely poetic effect: and he alone of the Trecento painters succeeded in finding a language for his vision of Hell that does not No appear ill-judged or pedestrian beside Dante's poem. was mainly one of temperament, but that in Ins conception As doubt the difference impossible to avoid the conclusion Nardo had progressed far beyond Orcagna. can be judged, therefore, from the surviving frescoes, Orcagna's far as frescoes in Santa in Santa it is Croce are some in Maria Novella, but in respects more archaic than those of spite of this they seem Nardo to have been done possibly in the 1360s. 15 Compared with that of the Strozzi Altar Orcagna's style had now become freer and more versatile, and his grasp firmer and more realistic. He commanded a wider range of expression, not necessarlater, ily just dictated by the very The Triumph oj Death different subject-matter. in Santa Croce was not the first illustration of this theme, but was probably derived from the frescoes by Francesco Traini in the Campo Santo in Pisa, the Santa Croce beggars it becomes considerable which (pi. 16 will be discussed in the next chapter. 104) are compared with those in Pisa and 246 100 a), Orcagna drew None of this affected artistic inspiration from the Pisan master. as a painter second half of the Trecento. His grave his characterization of types, the weaker When clear that in addition to iconographic elements Orcagna's dominant influence, both art of the (pi. artists were and a sculptor, on Florentine virile style, his austere forms, provided a firm foundation on which even able to build.
The Triumph 12 of Death Orcagna's presentation of the Triumph of Death corresponds to a comparatively familiar pictorial type in Trecento art. Francesco in Lucignano La Morte, figure, in is a female form, savage features and fresco of Bartolo di Fredi in San fair hair placed in the centre of the picture, with is streaming in the wind, galloping on a black draws her bow, and horse. She A model of the complete composition. 1 The main arrow levels the fatal at two fashionably Under the dressed youths strolling unsuspectingly in the hilly countryside. horse's hooves the left lie strewn the dead bodies that have already fallen to her. On of the picture, beggars vainly entreat the ferocious rider for death. The beggars and the dead are strikingly similar to those in Orcagna's picture. In another fresco, in the Sacro Speco monastery near Subiaco, the direction of the movement by her long flowing reversed. 2 Death, a skeleton characterized as a is towards the young hair, rides men woman standing at the left of the picture, while the beggars remain behind her to the right; dead bodies with OrAs already mentioned, Orcagna himself did not invent the motif, but took it from an again lie in heaps on the ground. Although there is no direct link cagna's fresco, the elements of the representation are the same. existing model, the fresco in the Campo Santo in Pisa, where he had already found the allegory of Death associated with the Last Judgment and the Inferno. It provided It is theme. was it gave the allegory this association that with the religious justification necessary The concept of Death female figure as a warriors, were familiar figures in in the Trecento, describes fair hair, Death which we noticed Campo Keres, and is itself is not a Christian of classical origin. The snatched the souls of fallen Greek mythology and Horace, well known ; as a in the goddess hovering on sable wings. The Lucignano fresco and which reappears Santo fresco, also has a classical derivation, Proserpina, mistress of the underworld. Death are found who significance, at the time. 3 often forgotten that the Triumph of Death in gruesome harbingers of Death, the the its full On in the art of the Early the other in the golden hair of hand no prototypes of and High Middle Ages. The death body had little importance for the faithful, whose eyes were fastened eternal life. They knew that the final decree, life or death, would be made when the Lord returned on the Day of Judgment, and their fear was only of of the on the 'second', the ultimate death, the everlasting damnation of the soul. For 247
The Triumph of Death this reason references to death are found only in association with the Cruci- sometimes fixion, a skull at the foot of the cross, rare occasions, a demonic figure with the ism was quite different from that of the cation was that Christ was no way in a inscription whole later allegories of had conquered, and death had which medieval art skeleton, or, Mors* But on the symbol- Death: the impli- lost its sting. There could conceive the representation of death except in the role of the vanquished. The vivid and terrifying scenes of death depicted in Trecento art were therefore a startling innovation. to the people of that period. 1348, the Black Death Death swept over depopulating whole in Time and its most again, Italy fearful above in the dreadful year claiming thousands of victims and This wholesale slaughter cities. forms was no stranger all impressively described is by Boccaccio with grandiose realism at the beginning of the Decameron. Yet this was not a pessimistic book; on the contrary, it expressed a new worldliness in which every aspect of human reality was described in colourful anecdotal or sober of realistic terms, including death, the most inexorable fact all. The by no means fully accounted for by The new image of death had deeper allegories of death are therefore the terrible experience of the plague. roots; human it was the counterpart of the increasing awareness of the value of life, which made the prospect of death correspondingly more frightening. The signs of this real and change can be seen throughout Europe from the beginning of the fourteenth century, especially in the field of sepulchral art. The youthful, idealized images of the dead 'sleeper' that adorned most tombs were increasingly replaced by the middle of the century, even sition of the flesh. 5 necessity for by actual likenesses, and in time, representations suggesting the soon after decompo- Although elements of the Christian admonition of the self-communion and soul-searching were also involved, a new and unmistakable emphasis was placed on the physical aspect of death. In the early of Middle Ages there had been no need life, since the only real existence lay to draw attention to the transience beyond the grave. Independently of the change manifested in sepulchral without any religious connotations, The most popular in Italian art motif, the Dance of Death, is art, death in the concept of death 73 was a it of northern origin, 6 and appears It should be demonstrates that the secularization of phenomenon common Taddeo Gaddi itself, a subject for pictorial art. only in the third quarter of the fifteenth century. mentioned here, however, because 248 now became to the Frescoes of the Baroncelli Chapel • whole of Europe. Florence, Santa Croce


74 Taddeo Gaddi Annunciation to the Shepherds Florence, Santa Croce 75 a Taddeo Gaddi Allegory of Poverty Florence, Santa Croce 75 b Taddeo Gaddi (detail of the Shepherd with His Flock Annunciation Florence, Santa Croce to Joachim, cf. pi. 73)

76 Duccio Siena, Opera St Catherine (detail of the Maesta) del Duomo 77 Duccio Women Tomb of Christ Opera del Duomo at the Siena,
78 Simone Martini Maesti 79 Siena, Palazzo Pubblico Simone Martini Naples, St Louis of Toulouse di Capodimonte Museo

Ko Simone Martini 77j< Knighting of Si Martin • Assisi, San Francesco
.si Simoni Maui ini (1333) Angel (detail of the Annunciation) • I lorencc, Uffi
« . i i 82a-d Simone Martini a Road to Calvary Paris, Louvre b Descent from the Cross- Antwerp, Muse'e Royal d St Martin Shares His Clnk with a Beggar (sinopia and fresco) Assisi, San Francesco c, •
Simone Martini (1342) Return of the Young Jesus from the Temple Liverpool Musei
« l . .l > .i—» " ' . " "" "* L ' tj&ms -CO s -
$4 Lippo Staatliches Memmi Enthroned Madonna Lindcnau-Museum Altcnbure, is Barna da Siena Road to Calvary San Gimimiano, Colle^iata

PlETRO L.ORENZETTI (1320) Madonna Arezzo, Picve di Santa Maria 86 87 Pietro Lorenzetti (1320) Annunciation Arezzo, Pieve di Santa Maria
88 Pietro Lor£ n Descent from the Cross- Assisi, San Francesco Detail of pi. 88

90a 90 b Fietro Lori Fietro Loren i 1 Madonna with SS. Francis and John the Evangelist Entry into Jerusalem (detail) Assisi, San Francesco Assisi, San Francesco
91 a PlETRO LORI.N/I 1 II St John the Baptist (1320) Arezzo, Pieve di Santa Maria 91 b PlETRO LORENZETTI John the Baptist (1332) Siena, Pinacotcca 91 C PlETRO LORENZETTI Legend of the Beata Umilta Bcrlin-Dahlcm, Staatlichc Gemaldegalcrie
92 Ambrogio Lorenzetti (13 19) Madonna Vico l'Abate, Sant'Angelo 93 Detail of pi. 92

94 Ambrogio Lorenzeti Admission of St Louis of Toulouse into the Franciscan Ordir Siena, San Francesco
95 King Robert of Naples (Detail of pi. 94)

h 96 ifl HUTOT-yjwv tMtf.H Ambrogio Lorenzetti Siena, Palazzo Pubblico uiMHffl bp7 Allegory of Peace - '.'..n ^j. 97 Ambrogio Lorenzetti 1 7ne 0/ Siena (detail) Siena, Palazzo Pubblico
98 Pisa, Francesco Traini The Three Museo Nazionale Living and the Three Dead 99 Dct.iil of pi. 98


ioo a, b Francesco Traini a Group of Beggars (detail of Triumph of Death) Pisa, Museo Nazionale b Temptation of a Hermit (sinopia) Pisa, Museo Nazionale • Francesco Traini Details of the Triumph of Death and The Last Judgment Pisa, Museo Nazionale 101 a,b
io2.i Maso di Banco Legend of St Sylvester Florence, Santa Q 102 b Detail of i pi. 102 a
103 Andrea Orcagna (1357) Strozzi Altar • Florence, Santa Maria Novella
104 Andrea Orcac.na Beggars (detail of Triumph of Death) • Florence, Museo di S.uu.i Crocc
i os a Andrea Orcagna Si Peter (detail of pi. 103) iosb Andrea Orcagna Inferno Museo di Santa Croce Florence, (detail)
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io6a,b Nardo di Cione Head of Christ and The Damned (details of The Last Judgment) Florence, Santa Maria Novella, Strozzi Chapel 107 Andrea da Firenze Resurrection Florence, Spanish Chapel
ioS Andrea da Firenzi; / (detail of the Triumph of the Church) Florence, Spanish Chapel
109 Andrea da Firenze Dancers (detail of the Triumph oj the Church) Florence, Spanish Chapel
no Giovanni da Miiano Christ with the Virgin and St Martha (detail) Florence, Santa Croce
1 1 1 Giovanni da Milano Birth of the I "irgi < • Florence, Santa Croce
112 GHERARDO Starnina St Benedict (fragment) • Florence. Santa Maria del 113 a Agnolo Gaddi Carmine Florence, Santa Croce Legend of the Holy Cross 11 jb Detail of pi. 113 a


SK££ 114 a Riminese Master (c Pomposa, Refectory 114b Riminese Master The Last Supper (c. 1310-20) The Last Judgment Rimini, Palazzo dell'Arcngo Sant'Agostino) (detail), (from 13 17) 115 Riminese Master 1310-20) Temple Rimini, Sant'Agostino (c. Presentation in the
I r 116 Riminese Master (c. 1330) Dq mtion and Lamentation (from an altar-retable) • Rome, Palazzo Barberini
ii7 Paolo Veneziano Coronation of the Virgin Venice, Accademia
1 1 8 Vitale da Bologna Madonna 'dei Denti' (1345) Bologna, Gallcria Davia Bargellim ijftWiBQfc. P T $JS*@ &*&&t*-
ii9 Vitale da Bologna Legend of St Anthony Bologna, Pinacoteca Nazionale
«, :f#A *c 120 Vitale da Bologna A ifity (detail) • Bologna, Pinacoteca Nazionale wm^*
121 Barnaba da Modena (1369) Madonna Formerly Berlin, Kaiser-Friedrich-Museum
122 Tomaso da Modena (1352). Albertus Magnus Treviso San Niccolo
123 Tomaso da Modena Madonna Karlstein Castle near Prague
124 Tomaso da Modena Museo Civico Trcviso, Legend oj Si I 'rsula 125 Guariento Angel • Padua, Musco Civico

126 Alticiiicro Crucifixion (left side) • Padua, Santo
127 Altichiero Beheading of St George Padua, Oratorio di San Giorgio
128 Altichieri ation in the Temple Padua, Oratorio di San Giorgio
Literary models of the Dance of Death motif occur as far back as the thirteenth century. In way form original its was it procession of living people a man to death, their leader not Death, but a recurring theme was Vado mori. presentatives of walks of all inevitability of death for the wretched - that in death Another motif and social all political The their The Triumph of Death constantly and re- The emphasis on the led the dance, followed behind them. life had the already dead. Pope and Emperor on connotation - cold comfort arc equal. the Encounter of the Three Living and the Three Dead. This is allegorv appeared in the cathedral of Atri and in other places in southern Italy as early as the in the north. shown dead are, middle of the thirteenth century, and soon afterwards Three kings while out hunting come upon three dead men, 7 or half-decayed corpses. In the words addressed by the as skeletons to the living there we we were; what in literary is are no suggestion you will be', of a spiritual message. 'What you the formula used, with variations, is works from the eleventh century onwards. Oriental epigrams since pre-Islamic times contain references to the allegory of the encounter the dead, 8 and its form early appearance in southern Italy, as well as the pictorial took, could indicate an Eastern derivation. Memento mori, original significance without any Christian implication. made attempt was Its to turn it was only It later that by the inclusion into a Christian motif it was simply an of the hermit, St Macarius. The third of these pictorial types, the Triumph Italian creation, of classical origin as already that Death spares the wretched who was of Death, purely a mentioned. Furthermore the view long for him, and carries off the young instead, also has a classical tradition. 9 Strange to say, the and healthy ingly typical medieval picture of death ruthlessly taking life in its seemprime, humanism, not only because of its general sense of a secular approach to the conception of death, but also in its explicit is actually a sign of the revival of reference to classical motifs. However, the artistic form it assumed was not in the least classical, but distinctly medieval, of the Trecento. one work, Petrarch's poem, literary Triumphal Procession, Triumph Death, of is is Trionfi, in which There a classical is only form, the given to the allegory of Death. The name, the taken from this poem, although able to fourteenth-century painting. It was only that pictorial art also adopted this classical motif, it is in not strictly applic- the fifteenth century and showed Death, among other allegorical figures, driving her chariot in a triumphal procession. The most splendid Trecento pictorial representation of the allegory of Death Campo was in the The frescoes Santo in Pisa until the end of the Second were badly damaged in the fire of 1944, World War. 10 which destroyed the 305
The Triumph of Death roof of the famous building, and the entire huge pictorial cycle had to be removed from the walls to prevent its complete deterioration. At least the most important part of the frescoes, the Triumph of Death, can now be seen in the Museo Nazionale di S. Matteo in Pisa, in addition to the Last The transfer has been damage and, even Judgment, the Inferno, and the Anchorites of the Tliebaid. remarkably more important, irrevocably However, but the successful, fire caused considerable the effect of the frescoes in their original setting has been lost. this disaster involving one of the great works of Italian mental painting had one unexpected beneficial result. of the frescoes, the large preliminary drawings have markably clear and complete condition. 11 monu- Beneath the upper layer come These have also to light in a re- been transferred, museum, where they can be compared directly with the paintings under which they had been concealed. They are strikingly fresh and bold brush drawings, sketched with sparse strokes, yet monumental and powerful. in part, to the Together with their siderable delicacy woman monumentality and emotional content they have con- and elegance, (pi. ioob). 12 Their graphic style has great confidence and seemingly effortless power. designs and the finished paintings, for the is The disparity between these most part executed by plain to see. These finds in Pisa clearly confirm the creative function of the young as for instance in the figures of the vainly trying to seduce a hermit assistants, view of the important monumental drawing in Trecento painting already method of work. The illustrative material Pisa covers an uninterrupted period from the middle discussed in connection with Giotto's in the Campo Santo in of the Trecento right into the second half of the Quattrocento, that to Benozzo Gozzoli's frescoes in the north arm. It is long the old type of monumental drawing continued in drawn designs, directly on the is to say, how surprising to see wall, are usually fresher Even Gozzoli's use. and more impressive than the finished painting, which shows that the making of monumental drawings was not an occasional practice but the normal and traditional procedure. It is also apparent, however, that Gozzoli's drawings are far umental than those of the older masters, and the original design owed its and the sureness of style, pictorial surface, to was lost in the of the preliminary drawings are the ones less that the direct link mon- between which Trecento wall-painting Quattrocento. The most done for the early effective frescoes painted shortly after the middle of the Trecento. The marble form 306 ters buildings of the Campo Santo, situated next to the cathedral, the cloistered quadrangle of the cemetery, 126 meters long and 52 wide. The windowless walls, more than nine meters high me- in the interior
: and protected by the roof of the frescoes than is found walls with pictures only at the was cloister, To cover these immense end of the Middle Ages. The work extended over more than fully completed. The left fresco sequence stretched around the four arms of the earliest paintings were in the south-east corner of the on the Crucifixion, the Resurrection, and the Ascension now usually It known Campo Santo: the east wall, and the The Last Judgment cycle at the beginning of the long south wall. done. read, until up with the beginning. the final scenes joined is a unfinished, the Renaissance faith- huge picture-book compiled for those unable to cloister, like a The Triumph of Death which could have been contemplated a gigantic task, hundred years, and what the Trecento had The provided a more extensive area for even the largest churches. in fresco that Triumph of Death was evidently the first to be Italian iconography of death as the combines the two principal motifs of the the encounter of the three living and the three dead (pi. g8), and the gruesome and figure of Death, with great bat's wings, hovering over a pile of corpses wielding her murderous scythe. Behind her a crowd of beggars and invalids, vainly craving for death, present an unforgettable picture of and a fashionable group, full of life, gossipping and playing music elaborate and dramatic Memento by in a Last Judgment, done according 10 lb). The Him on (pi. 101a). This is followed to the old medieval formula: Christ his right and the Damned on sits his left (pi. Virgin, given equal prominence with her Son, and seated next the same side as the Blessed, traditional representation. 'Ite suffering are gathered, mori, painted in strident colours, judgment, with the Blessed on to human Death her next victims utter despair (pi. 100 a). In front of Maledicti', has The is a gesture with such menace that it new feature introduced into the which Christ damns the sinners, even inspired Michelangelo's magnifi- cent conception of the wrathful figure of Christ the Judge in the Sistine Chapel. The third picture in the series is the Inferno, a crude catalogue of the Damned, dominated by the colossal, grotesquely repulsive 13 Satan. The arrangement is thus similar to that of Orcagna's three tortures of the figure of frescoes in Santa Croce, except for the addition of the allegory of the of the dead and the living. On the right of the Inferno there large picture, the Anchorites of the Thebaid. picture, in in active from which the theme life. is meeting a fourth the counterpart of the first the danger of sudden death to those engaged Withdrawal from death. This It is was life and pious contemplation take the was the answer offered by the Middle Ages sting to the inev- itability of death. But the dominant theme of death was the real is the one stated in the innovation in the series, first picture. The horror and must have deeply affected 307
The Triumph of Death and gripped people of he so strikingly portrayed - kings, life The riding. orative form. life, The abounded subjected, The same unanimous chorus. cavaliers, and fashionable however, to virility is virile, a highly disciplined sence of dec- seen in the group of beggars lament echoes shrill out ladies vivid colours, rounded contours and taut lines display a joyous love of their One feels that the painter himself was pasmuch with death as with the flamboyant cavalcade at that time. sionately concerned not so (pi. iooa); wailing of a Greek tragic like the sharp contrasts between the rich and the wretched in which life depicted without compassion, and the scenes of at the time, are misery with dead bodies piled carelessly on top of each other are taken directly from contemporary records that experience. There the circumstances in tells which is nothing in the contemporary these frescoes came to be painted or give any clue to their authorship. Vasari's attribution to Orcagna has long been recognized as untenable. More recent studies have associated the frescoes with an altarpiece from Santa Caterina in Pisa, by signed the Pisan painter Francesco Traini, and completed, according to documentary evidence, in 1345. The now panel, from his life. in the Pisa The same Museum, passionate Dominic and depicts St temperament is eight scenes revealed in these scenes, despite their small, almost miniature, size, as in the Triumph of Death and the three adjoining pictures in the Campo Santo in Pisa. Notwithstanding con- of assistants a group to this controversial problem. 14 in the As to the time of their composition, a date roughly middle of the 1350s could be appropriate. They must have been painted some time after the St Dominic panel, because the style of the frescoes, despite the close affinity with the panel, is more precise and ornamental. Orcagna's cycle in Santa Croce, undoubtedly a later work, affords for the Campo Santo frescoes. 15 in Santa Croce, refer external evidence the earliest of of the and working under him remains the most convincing solution trary opinions, the attribution of the frescoes to Francesco Traini Campo is The is which no firm latest date are in part repeated only to the subject-matter of the paintings. 16 Some Campo Santo, possibly provided which inscriptions, dated 1359. It by the tombstones seems that about Santo began to be used for burials. in the this time the grounds But whatever answers are given to the question of dating and attribution, the painter of these frescoes Campo Santo was one of the great artistic personalities of the Trecento. He may appear somewhat provincial beside Orcagna, and almost crude and in the rustic beside the Sienese masters, to all his around him. 308 whom he owed much, but he surpassed contemporaries in elementary vigour and comprehension of the life
The end 13 The apparent paradox, for reflects the life, that the representation of death expresses a ambiguous character of an age intellectual activity in trammels. of the Trecento in Florence many and yet was unable fields, The new awareness of life that and confined to the introduction of novel subjects. complement, the description of pictorial life as it of to rid itself of medieval its The was then themes that evidently aroused general and formally they were firmly linked to zest was gradually emerging could ex- press itself only within the traditional forms, its new saw the spread that lived, interest, tradition, innovations were first allegory of Death and were indeed new but iconographically and therefore could not be presented otherwise than in conjunction with the Last Judgment, the Christian concept of the hereafter. Thus they were given a kind of indirect sanc- by official ecclesiastical doctrine. Above all, the gradually awakening humanism was for many generations incapable of evolving an adequate artistic form of expression. That was accomplished only in the Early Renaissance, tion almost a century after Giotto's death, and until then the of painting, the categories of artistic concepts, design remained essentially unaltered. stylistic foundation and the standards of formal Even though Orcagna reversed the elements of the Giottesque style and turned them into a system of tensions between depth and limits established new surface, and other masters attempted to go beyond the by Giotto by extending the pictorial depth and introducing motifs, fundamentally his spatial relief, abstract plasticity figurative types local variations within the remained valid until the as a set limits, but in general the Giottesque canons end of the Trecento, either because they persisted conscious tradition, or simply because they appeared effective in existed no and standardized remained unchanged. Naturally there were individual and comparison with older forms. local school of painting By anywhere more modern and the middle of the century there in Italy that was not to some 309
The end of the Trecento extent influenced, at least in outward form, by the Tuscan style that Giotto had originated. in Florence Strictly speaking, completes the this development which artistic we have sought to elucidate. There was no substantial advance in medieval painting in Italy after the middle of the Trecento. The gradual decline of the Giottesque whose tradition was The new characteristics that occasionally manifested themselves at the a process details are a subject for specialized research. the Trecento and the beginning of the Quattrocento significance. come They were the medieval hesitant, sporadic beginnings of which was both alent character of the time, their part in the birth of the Renaissance importance was the International The Style, its an attempt to over- and progressive, traditionalistic was Of much negligible. which originated not Italian painting, greater in Italy but at intrusion of this international stylistic although disrupting the course of the re-awakening of end of little historical conventions, and although indicative of the ambiv- stylistic the court of France. were of movement, prepared the ground for which occurred with the ab- intrinsic creative forces, on entirely different prindrew on the great native tradition, and was indebted to Agnolo Gaddi, two generations older than himself, and above all to Giotto. But this was a purely personal predilection, a deliberate recourse to a past age, and not the organic outcome of a live ruptness of a revolutionary upheaval, and was based ciples of representation. It and continuing tradition. seemingly permanent is true that Masaccio That status, tradition, in spite of its tenacious hold and was already condemned to extinction by the middle of the Trecento. The inner exhaustion of Giottesque tradition. paintings ings The as in Florence larger than ever before, increased; but the more and more immediacy eclectic. patrons. ments were place. industrial scale. of perception to say, it it The size of the paint- is was lost, there was, and the style significant that the stimulus was given by became was confined to icono- ecclesiastical was fre- or even secular Throughout the Middle Ages artists had accomplished creative achieve- in iconography: the small devotional pictures of the early Trecento in the first place products of a vivid imagination that succeeded in giving pictorial 310 is the fountainhead of the and the variety of the decorative schemes What development graphical motifs, but even here quently external, that itself, painting of large fresco cycles continued, and panel were produced on an almost became the second half of the Trecento artistic forces in was nowhere so pronounced form to certain religious conceptions. Art became the ancilla A striking change now took theologiae in the service of learned allegory,
illustrating intellectual concepts rather representations began to appear than visual themes. Didactic pictorial customary Biblical and in addition to the legendary pictures, especially in the churches and monasteries of the Mendicant Orders. The movement Franciscans had initiated this half of the century. A already in the Tree of the tree has life twelve branches, each bearing four Life, after the book to illustrate pictorially. The idea did not lend that artists now tried made comprehen- only by means of numerous inscriptions. The most detailed representa- tion of this specifically Franciscan Buonaguida, and 1 to pictorial description, itself but required a kind of allegorical diagram, which could be sible 2). fruits representing events in was the arrangement of the book of Christ. This in Florence first of St Bonaventure entitled Lignum Vitae (see the Revelation of St John 22, The of the Trecento was the Tree of typical motif in their monasteries St Bonaventure, Christ's cross represented as the The end his now workshop produced fectory, and succeeded shaped like theme is tendrils, a by Pacino di Taddeo Gaddi in a panel painting in the Florence Galleria dell'Accademia. monumental version 2 for the Santa Croce re- to a remarkable degree in integrating the branches, and the profusion of inscriptive scrolls into a highly decorative pattern. 3 But even Gaddi could not create a real picture out of this non-pictorial An theme. even more elaborate, didactic scheme was produced by the Dominic- ans for the decoration of the chapter-house in Santa Maria Novella, called the Spanish Chapel since the sixteenth century. 4 The frescoes, painted by Andrea da Firenze between 1366 and 1368, are a penetrating, well-devised illustration of Dominican ecclesiastical doctrine, with the Dominican Order represented as the most important organ of the itual guidance and religious teaching, having of the story of the Salvation. The as the logical structure of the artistic entity, its Church for purposes of spir- roots in the principal events uniform and compact artistic realization is as theme. Architecture and painting form a single and doubtless the building was designed from the the pictorial decoration in mind. cross-vault supported The by powerful large, plain ribs. The room pictures, is start with roofed by a single framed by wide orna- mental borders, extend over the whole surface of the walls, and also cover the four huge vaults. The complete domination of the room by the paintings known until then. The whole work has undeniable goes beyond anything verve, and the confident handling of the The style of the frescoes, personal academic patrons. The only skill winch enormous are well preserved, is surfaces is remarkable. the product of an im- placed unconditionally at the service of the theological personal trait is a certain brittleness dry and sober beside Giotto's monumental vet lively of forms, stvle, which appear and even beside 311
The end of the Trecento in Florence Orcagna's austerity. The purpose of the frescoes predominantly is illustrative; although thematically they are wholly devoted to expounding the theolog- Dominican Order, doctrine and mission of the ical in formal terms they reveal a rapidly encroaching secularization of artistic expression. no longer by the inspired one considers the heavy load of The Triumph on is The form is when not surprising with which the pictures are burdened. ideas of St Thomas Aquinas, which the work, spirit of the left wall, is schematic arrangement a of allegorical figures. Fourteen female figures, personifying the Liberal Arts and the Spiritual and Temporal Sciences, are seated on thrones one beside - a subject that would the other, each with her leading exponent at her feet have taxed the capacity of greater on the opposite wall, in vation, also remains cold cluded in this artists than Andrea da Firenze. The picture is shown the path to faith and salNumerous additional themes were in- which mankind and rigid. densely packed composition at the : top is the Saviour in Glory with choirs of angels and the symbols of the evangelists; representatives of the religious at the and secular vocations arranged bottom the in strict order of rank in front of a Gothic church, an idealized version of Florence Cathedral as it was then planned. inicans the is Finally, in the same picture, a major also depicted, their struggle against the heretics (pi. 108). Dominicans dispute with the infidels, have penetrated the fold of the faithful. It is unobtrusive charm to the dance of the young The life (pi. upon the wolves the harshness of the style that produces the gripping effect of this representation, to the joys of worldly girls, and even gives an abandoning themselves log). front wall of the chapter-house, interrupted opening of the small sanctuary, is below by the arched also treated as a single surface, depicting the events of the Crucifixion and containing a multitude of figures. begins in the lower left While white and black spotted dogs, the domini canes, hurl themselves, in a vividly symbolic attack, that Dom- task of the corner with a Road to Calvary, The and ends with Descent into Hell, in the lower right. In the vaults there are four scenes the New walls below. The Resurrection (pi. 107) in a new iconographic conception, a strict hierarchical structure, the Crucifixion. 5 In the right vault, above the picture of the the Navicella, the small ship of the church, tossed saved by Christ from drowning. Holy Ghost at Pentecost, the divine The left is placed above Church Militant, by the storm, with Peter vault contains the Descent of the complement to the Glory of St Thomas, the inspired teacher of the church. Finally, above the entrance-hall and 312 site from Testament, corresponding in subject to the respective scenes on the symmetrical in form and with is story Christ's the Crucifixion, is the Ascension of Christ. The oppo- white-clad, hovering figure
of Christ thus appears twice, in the Resurrection scene and in the Ascension, each time on the central axis of the room. the inner logic of the work as a The main emphasis whole, and the real merit of the painter lay room with in the co-ordination of the architectural features of the plicated The was on placed is the The end of the Trecento in Florence com- scheme devised by the theologian. chancel of the sacristy of Santa Croce, the so-called Rinuccini Chapel, also decorated Chapel, and there with a fresco cycle is vanni da Milano, was working on story of at about the same time Spanish as the Lombard painter, Giocommission. The left wall depicts the evidence that in the year 1365 a this Joachim and Anna and the life of the Virgin up to her marriage, and on the right wall the legend of Mary Magdalene and the Raising of Lazarus. The evangelists are portrayed on the vaults and figures of on saints the curve of the entrance arch. Giovanni da Milano, however, did not finish The the cycle. on frescoes the lower zone are by an anonymous successor of Orcagna, the Master of the Rinuccini Chapel, 7 and are dry, unimaginative, and technically mediocre, while Giovanni's contribution ranks with the best work produced in Florence at that time. and ornamental talent for decoration His style displays the north Italian pictorial construction, together sensitive feeling for colour. His narrative scenes quality (pis 110, 111), the tours surface. ary life, Even movements and remaining arrested The spell which is silent, with a undramatic fusing with the gentle flow of the con- in the dense texture of the delicately chromatic not broken even by the motifs taken from contempor- are completely transposed into the prevailing poetic in the Expulsion of Joachim numerous have a figures, the from mood. the Temple, a large lunette fresco dramatic element is still with subordinate to the formal pre- sentation. Although the severe less hierarchical structure, intended to emphasize the time- nature of the events, was in conformity with the prevailing Giovanni's personal contribution, the legacy of his Lombard be underestimated. The exquisite glowing colours of tinguish them from all them animation and rounded stylistic trend, origin, must not his panel paintings dis- other Florentine productions of that time, and give a delicately substantial quality in linear contours. The Milano painted for the high harmony with richly articulated polyptych that Church altar of the Ognissanti the Giovanni da in Florence is unfortunately preserved only in part. Five of the original six side-panels together with their predella pieces are in the Uffizi. centrepiece are lost. The impression this The have made beside the works of Orcagna's followers that made by sixth panel and the magnificent All Saints' Altar must Gentile da Fabriano's altarpieces two may be compared to generations later beside 313
The end of the Trecento in Florence those of Bicci di Lorenzo. But there was appeared in Florence same time at the had no contemporary of comparable made no noticeable impact stature. on Tuscan difference, this as Gentile, Masaccio that whereas Giovanni da Milano His north Italian sense of colour painting. In the second half of the Trecento the weight of tradition lay heavily Florentine painting, where Giotto's petrifying effect. Already in the strictly generation of his followers first evident that Giotto's idealized, self-sufficient style open for development. Every 'system' measure of perfection is is on ordered world of form had a only few left it became possibilites prone to stagnation. As soon as a achieved further development stops, and instead there is until the system is ousted, overcome and replaced by would have required another creative personality of Giotto's But Orcagna had constricted and formalized Giotto's system still and transposed it into a personal idiosyncrasy. The essence of Or- only reproduction, another. This stature. further, cagna's Giotto-interpretation was the internal tension, and relaxed the work di Cione. remained was the formalization. This that all of Jacopo di Cione, the He produced number a is when this was seen very clearly in younger brother of Orcagna and Nardo of altarpieces and small devotional pictures between the 1360s and the end of the century. 8 The severity of his forms, which the types developed in the Orcagna workshop were reproduced, has a charm of its own, but only rarely is the emptiness of this eclectic style in concealed, as in the large Coronation of the Virgin of 1373, Galleria deH'Accademia, by now in the Florence and severity of the overall decor- the splendour ative effect. With Giovanni Biondo, whose work, covering a wide range of sub- del jects, extended from 1356 to 1392, the Orcagna manner was to a mere technical gaiety of colour may skill. 9 have been the critical approach to art even in secular The circles. irritating had become We finally reduced fixed expression of his figures and careless have even to the people of steadily a drastic more his time, for discerning since Giotto, contemporary verdict on another painter of the end of the century, Niccolo di Pietro Gerini, in a letter of the year 1395, which says of his figures that they look with an He axe'. 10 if it is so well drawn had been drawn by Giotto one of the chief representatives of the be seen from in Florence. 12 314 its though they were done Naturally the painter did not share the opinion of his patron. says that his Crucifix 'even 'as his cold, classic it could not have been better himself.' 11 Niccolo Gerini was in fact still that surviving maniera giottesca, as can Entombment of Christ, in San Carlo dei Lombardi This tenacious adherence to a tradition that had long since vitality inevitably brought about a reduction of lost monumentality. This is
; clearly seen in the frescoes in the sacristy of Santa Taddeo Gaddi in to Calvary, which were placed around the the Resurrection , and the Ascension of Christ, earlier Crucifixion of Croce - the Road about 1400. All three were probably The end of the Trecento in Florence 13 Beside Taddeo Gaddi's austere painted by Niccolo Gerini and his pupils. seem paltry and strictly tectonic Crucifixion, done and restive, a decorative surface ornament without monumental power. There is and livelier half a century before, they another Florentine master of the late Trecento whose style less is constricted, although he too was a second-generation pupil Agnolo Gaddi, the son of Taddeo, could with justification consider himself heir to the Giottesque workshop tradition, and Cennino Cennini, his 14 Agnolo's style, however, was pupil, expressly emphasizes this relationship. of Giotto. far less subject than on the other Niccolo Gerini's to the dictates of the Giottesque formula hand there Agnolo's major work is is no doubt as to its derivation from Taddeo Gaddi. the imposing, well-preserved fresco decoration of main choir chapel of Santa Croce, done in about 1380, a huge work depicting in a manner more epic than dramatic the whole detailed Legend of the Holy Cross (pis 113a, 113b). It consists entirely of a succession of crowd the scenes shown, as in a book ground and extending depth until stage it is of pictures, within landscapes rising in the back- in considerable depth. The finally lost in the distant darkness. light penetrates into the The Giottesque pictorial substantially enlarged, but remains essentially unaltered. Space is figures are not and brought into harmony; the various elements have only a sur- face unity like that of a tapestry, without tension or contrast. These frescoes are monumental only eries, in actual size. The supple lines, the flow of the drap- and the bright colours are already suggestive of the new decorative sense of the International Style. This tendency is even more pronounced in the frescoes portraying the life of the Virgin, in the cathedral of Prato, the last work of Agnolo Gaddi and his workshop (1392-5). Agnolo died in 1396, and had he lived longer, he might well have associated himself with the new stylistic movement of the International Gothic. It Camaldolensian monk, Lorenzo Monaco, to take This brings us to the limits of our enquiry. The was left to his pupil, this step. the 15 International Style in paint- ing was not just the end of the Trecento tradition, but something entirely new: it was the first for the time being the way attempt to unify still all the elements of a picture, though based on a single ornamental motif. This prepared which from a for the next, truly revolutionary step, the optical unification, treats the picture as a section of infinite, single viewpoint. homogeneous space, seen We have previously noted that Giotto had already established the foundation for this, but he had stopped in midstream. He never discarded 315
The end of the Trecento in Florence the medieval hierarchy o£ pictorial values that matter. For merely him the primary element ancillary. It reversed: space is was prescribed by the was the only in the Early Renaissance that becomes the given medium, this relationship which everything in subject- which space was figure, to is basically is of equal value. This is what we mean when we talk of the consistently traditional Giottes- que character of Florentine painting up to the end of the Trecento. There were of course differences in personal styles may passing generations, although these and changing trends with the examination, and sometimes only to the experts. In names would have several other who on reveal themselves only tins close kind of approach to be mentioned: Niccolo di Tommaso, painted amiable, naive frescoes in Pistoia in the Convento del T; the presumably Venetian Antonio Veneziano, whose trasts with that of Ins Florentine who Spinello Aretino, painted con- soft lethargic style contemporaries; the prolific and versatile many frescoes and panels Lucca, Pisa, in Florence, Siena, and in his native Arezzo. 16 Finally most to we should mention a great The few remnants entirely lost. show that grave nobility disappeared even in this last artist, that whose work unfortunately is al- have survived, however, are enough and true monumentality had not completely phase of post-Giottesque painting. In 1404 Ghc- rardo Stamina completed a fresco cycle in the chapel of St Hieronymus in Santa Maria del Carmine in Florence. All that has been recovered of these frescoes are fragments of isolated figures (pi. 112). 11 The light colours, al- ready touched with the sweetness of the International Style, and the large powerful forms, reveal a true painterly nique of Agnolo Gaddi, who was style, probably and the precise hatched tech- his teacher, overcome. Beside these fragments, preserved by chance, in Florence since Orcagna seems standard we must go Maso Banco. There di tion: in the insignificant. del It the painting done virile of Giotto's pupils, itself on our atten- Carmine, Masaccio painted frescoes. It was from Stamina, if his indeed Masaccio could have learnt to construct form from colour alone, without linear contours (as Alberti later namentation. 18 all works of comparable another comparison that forces is major work, the Brancacci Chapel that find back to the most disciplined and same church, Santa Maria from anyone, To almost completely is would certainly be wrong demanded) and without or- to regard Stamina as a founder or even a precursor of the Renaissance, but in a general sense he was one of its spiritual ancestors. and Masaccio, 316 ing, its great as He stands at a critical point in time between Giotto custodian of the most valuable heritage of Florentine paint- monumental tradition.
14 Trecento painting outside Tuscany Of whose rise and decline we have here traced over a more than two centuries, only the two most important still sur- the Tuscan schools, period of vived eve of the Renaissance, those of Florence and Siena. All the other at the Tuscan including the once powerful and prolific Pisa, had sunk in the cities, course of the Trecento to provincial insignificance. Except for Francesco Traini, who was had Italy to probably a native of the city, painters be engaged for the decoration of the from other Campo parts of Santo in Pisa: Taddeo Gaddi, Andrea da Firenze, Antonio Veneziano, Spinello Arctino and Benozzo Gozzoli. The conquest of Pisa by the Florentines in 1406 only put the final seal on a course of development that in the artistic field had long since come to an end. Outside Tuscany, peninsula, Giotto's ideas ing to the receptiveness of the local had a far-reaching effect. modes Under soil. Rome. The place, new Tuscan Italian accord- and the frescoes style, local and though they as the dialects of a however, where Giotto's seed Navicclla mosaic fruit In addition, the Sienese influence the impact of the bore the same relation to each other There was one in north and south of the of expression evolved especially in northern Italy, differed, they - in the had been planted, germinated and borne fell language. on barren ground in the Lateran and the choir evoked no noticeable response. In 1309 the papal court had Avignon, and in its absence almost the entire artistic life of Rome of St Peter's moved to withered throughout the whole century. Martin The pressed V in 1420, that art too situation in Naples its It was only with the return of Pope was restored to the city. was more favourable. The House of Anjou ex- authority in splendid ecclesiastical and secular buildings, and Italy's 317
Trecento painting outside Tuscany most famous painters were brought to adorn them and Giotto. 1 All three were active tini, helped by whom some assistants, whom of receive number of years, they brought with them, and others they probably trained in Naples behind them a syncretic kind of Simone Mar- Cavallini, : in Naples over a itself. They made deep mark, and a continued even in the art that later left Trecento to new stimuli from the north. The most important creations of Neapolitan on the painting in the third quarter of the Trecento are the frescoes vaults of Santa Maria Incoronata, representations of the Seven Sacraments and the Triumph of Religion. 2 Nothing frescoes. One style is them was is known of the artists possibly Roberto di Oderisio, who painted these whose style is known a signed panel painting, a Crucifixion, in Eboli near Naples. 3 His from to us of with local features barely noticeable, a description basically Sienese that applies in greater or lesser degree to everything painted in Naples during the Trecento. oped above Even the exuberant spread of marble all in the royal Notwithstanding as art is its tombs, political is kingdom importance, the which devel- sculpture, Tuscan masters. essentially attributable to concerned, only a colony, and on the whole of Naples was, as far did not alter this status during the period of the Renaissance. Further north did not rise also, in above Latium, Umbria and the Marches, Trecento painting a provincial level. Regional characteristics almost exclusively to iconographic motifs, and in these were confined where piety districts, tended towards mysticism, some individual, sensitive pictorial themes were evolved, especially in connection with the cult of the Virgin, and in representations of the Birth of Christ. Stylistically this art received inspiration its mainly from Siena. Further north, notably in the Marches, Florentine influence workshop, in the school of winch never conceals but it who was was dominant. Allegretto Nuzi, third quarter of the Trecento, this active in Fabriano in the was doubtless apprenticed Bernardo Daddi or of Maso provenance, is di similar to that of in a Florentine Banco. 4 Nardo also has distinctive personal characteristics. His soft lines, colours, and quiet, reticent temperament Flis style, di Cione, mild sweet anticipate the art of Gentile da Fabriano, his junior by a generation or two. The between them was link and follower of Allegretto Nuzi, Francescuccio Ghissi, who left a number of Madonna panels, all of the Madonna deH'Umilta type. They are true devotional pictures, homely and pious, and most of them, still in possibly a pupil their original settings, are A worshipped well-defined school with or in the Marches. But in 318 its Romagna, proper local school established to this own itself at day by the character never local inhabitants. emerged in Umbria the region north of the Marches, a an early stage, and as far back as 1300
we find there a gifted painter of miniatures, Neri da Rimini, a follower of the Bolognese tradition of manuscript illumination. This school received a further stimulus from be evolving in the Assisi, a unified Italian style masters. This might well have come about not impelled painting in an unswerving direction along path. Rimini Tuscany seemed already to decade of the Duecento out of the encounter between last Roman and Tuscan where Trecento painting outside was one of the places where he worked, his we as Giotto had if own prescribed read in the con- temporary chronicle of Riccobaldo da Ferrara. 5 The frescoes Giotto painted there for the Franciscans probably perished cesco was converted into the Tempio wood earlier, which, mentioned as by Giotto immediately This raises the be natural to and takes its place was doubtless has shown, there must have been commission a specific lists Giotto's Arimini Padue also lost, and is still works done the to be seen there. all It would with the assumption that the Crucifix was painted in Rimini, 8 in is Romagna that . works The 'in eclesiis a good deal of evidence before his stay in Padua. 9 brought him fresco cycle for the Franciscans in Rimini. Perhaps 'Assisij among after the turn of the century, 7 as recent Italian research Riccobaldo Church of San FranThe Crucifix painted on their chronological question of Giotto's presence in Rimini. start indicating that Giotto It when Malatestiano. 6 it is minorum there, probably the not by accident that in the following order, frescoes painted for the Franciscans in work that remains of the is some Padua are scant remnants in the chapter-house of the 'Santo' (the church and monastery of St Anthony), to Giotto himself. 10 If this trail has which cannot be attributed aright, Giotto's activity in Rimini can be placed in the Trecento, and his 'Rimini style', like that Tempio Malatestiano, would that acceptance of this five years of the exemplified by the Crucifix in the take an intermediate place between his Assisi and that of the upper zone style first been followed in the Arena Chapel in Padua. chronology would throw new and We believe valuable light on the development of Riminese painting, but specialized research has so far not attempted to draw the conclusions from It this well-grounded hypothesis. 11 has hitherto been assumed that the earliest products of Riminese panel painting were at the same stylistic stage of development as the in Assisi in early Riminese panels Museum Urbino. in Boston) It works done about 1300 or shortly thereafter. The major example of these is an altar dossal from Urbania, (now in the Isabella Stewart Gardner the former Castel Durante, not far from bears the date 1307 and the signature of Giuliano da Rimini, 12 and depicts the enthroned Madonna, adored by kneeling women, flanked by eight saints beneath painted arcades in the Cosmati style. elements are combined in this work in a Roman and Tuscan way found only in Assisi - except 319
Trecento painting outside Tuscany coming from Rome soon that here Giotto, after may 1300, himself have introduced both elements to Rimini, in which case his 'Rimini have been Giuliano's direct inspiration. It has of the Boston dossal closely resembles the figure of the for these in Assisi. 13 Chapel St Nicholas two One may same common postulate a who figures, for the painters saint in the Riminese model executed the frescoes of the St Nicholas Chapel in 1306 or slightly later were presumably Giotto's not only in Padua, but also earlier in is much to support the hypothesis that Giotto On he went to Padua. ing. The as did in Assisi, it However, and where long though was only for It the centre. Its and for what mannered, but was brought it its drew on Roman-Florentine verticals, be, e., the style on Riminese paint- work on an early to bear at long time, never completely determined the character looked to those north become effect i. pupils of the Giotto school continued to Giotto's influence, of Riminese painting. it have a marked in turn to may this Rimini before for several decades. lasted for a local school in once established, seems to have persisted for some time, just link, new commissions stage was the other hand, Giotto's Padua style, of the Arena Chapel, was assistants Rimini, and had available to them examples of both phases of the master's development. However there would style' been observed that the St Clara stock of forms that the distinctive art. For general its artistic predilection for elongated proportions abstract, intersecting diagonals, also give it character which Venice was Italian stylistic trends of make dignity and elegance (pi. later to and numerous this style 116). some- They are devices that appear later, in a completely different stylistic context, in Tintoretto and Veronese. All the constituent elements serve to hold the compo- sition in a two-dimensional plane, and Giottesque able, are re-interpreted values. The and white, ideas, frequently by the Riminese masters back cool colours, carmine and sea-green, produce also lilac The a detached shallow effect. recogniz- into two-dimensional and pale blue, pink inclination to two- dimensional design was thus not a sign of an archaicizing approach, but a lasting indigenous feature. borrowed forms ginal are only the way. Oddly enough who those painters Nor can raw this art material, this style be accused of eclecticism, for the which is treated in a highly ori- was employed with most assurance by adhered closely to Giotto. The artist, who frescoes of the life of the Virgin in the chapel beneath the painted the Campanile in Sant'Agostino in Rimini, was doubtless at one time a pupil and assistant of Giotto; this is clear rative motifs. 14 320 And dimensional design. from his technique, the type of his figures, and his deco- yet without effort he transposes everything into a The severe verticality of his composition is two- reminiscent
of the solemn remoteness of Byzantine mosaics, and his pictorial space achieves an indeterminate, suspended quality. The transparent and rical architecture of the temple in the Presentation seems to conform closely to Giotto's 'Rimini gated, to be intermediate between the in the symmet- strictly Temple Tuscany 115) (pi. and, though over-elon- style' abstract architecture in the last scenes and the economically constructed buildings of the St Francis legend Trecento painting outside in the upper zone of the Arena Chapel. The huge fresco of the Last Judgment, which removed from Sant'Agostino has been is done first Both works were probably style. second decade of the Trecento, possibly even in the in the of the to the Palazzo dell'Arengo (pi. 114b), pre-Padua also reminiscent of Giotto's On decade. from Sant'Agostino, scenes hand the the other the life of St John the Evangelist, are mental, and appear to have been done last years frescoes in the choir chapel of later. The less monu- diffuse, prolix narrative, the reversion to a scale of sizes to indicate the relative importance of the figures, the continuous progression of the scenes without separation on the large picture surface, show these are old-fashioned all and provincial a lack of understanding of Giotto's stylistic principles. features, The and Enthroned Madonna, on the rear wall of the choir, seems to have been derived from Giottesque model, but The style also indicates a later date. its Pomposa Abbey Romagnese monumental style, showing frescoes in the refectory of the early also traces of Cavallinesque types. 16 In ciples are gathered for the Last Supper and light, 'about 13 17', suggested literated, and the by an of and one of the scenes Christ and the dis- at a round and table. Figures table are The colours technique remarkably bold. The date, (pi. 114a). inscription of doubtful authenticity, now ob- seems entirely convincing. 17 All the other surviving monumental works in Romagna belong, without The exception, to the second or even third quarter of the century. in Santa work are yet another influences of Giotto united in a two-dimensional pattern of circling lines are unusually cool a 15 Chiara in Ravenna, They show painted in the 1330s. the vaults, after the now model evangelists and other New frescoes were possibly and Fathers of the Church on of the Doctors' Vault at Assisi, a Crucifixion of deep pathos, teristic style the chapel of the Almshouse, Testament and scenes. in addition The charac- of these paintings justifies their attribution to Pietro da Rimini, whose style is known to us from a large signed crucifix in Urbania. 18 The chapel of St Nicholas in Tolentino is the counterpart of the Spanish Chapel in Florence in the shape of the although the scheme is room and the profusion of pictures, not so systematic and uniform. The representations consist of the life of the Virgin, the life of Christ, and the legend of St Nicholas, 321
Trecento painting outside Tuscany with a Doctors' Vault above. The frescoes have details, but many charming individual now it is clearly apparent that the first fruitful impact of the Roman- Tuscan sense of form on north had lost its force, and with mannered and provincial elements predominated. More important on account of their distinctive character and severity of Italian painting the passing of time form were the frescoes in Santa Maria in Porto, near Ravenna, unfortunately World War. But from destroyed in the Second by date proposed would be for the implication had already reached full the stylistic 'between 13 14 and 13 19', local historians, is evidence, the much too early, that the specific features of the Riminese style maturity in the second decade of the Trecento. 19 In panel painting the best work of this Romagnese school was done in its very small-scale productions. The polyptych form was only rarely used for altarpieces, and for numerous separate pictures, a long time the old-fashioned square was preferred. paliotto, divided into In addition there were small diptychs and tabernacles, and also triumphal crosses painted in type to Giotto's Crucifix in San Francesco in Rimini. known to us by name. on wood, Few of the In addition to Giuliano and Pietro da Rimini similar artists are we should mention Giovanni Baronzio, whose signature, with the date 1345, is found a retable in the Urbino Gallery. Some important authorities contend that on who he is in San Francesco the artist in that same year painted the in Mercatello, not been established. 20 On and signed it the other hand, large Giottesque crucifix 'Johannes pictor', but tins has there unsigned altarpiece in the same church in Mercatello Urbino and retable. his signature covered the work of several numerous panel paintings not yet been satisfactorily classified its The no doubt that the closely related to the Perhaps Giovanni Baronzio was head of a busy workshop, the relatively their dates. is is that artists. Despite intensive have survived in efforts, Romagna have according to their authorship or even to local tradition of this remote craftsmanlike character, had died out district, especially notable for by the end of the Trecento. Bologna, the capital of Emilia, north-west of Romagna, was closely connected with Tuscany in the thirteenth century. Altar panels and crucifixes in Bologna's churches wall-paintings specific came from the workshops of were done by Tuscan Bolognese school is artists. 21 Pisa, Lucca and Florence, and In wall- and panel-painting no discernable in the Duecento. Only manuscript illumination achieved a degree of importance through the encouragement received law 322 faculty. declined. it which was famous throughout Europe for its From the turn of the century Tuscan influence in Emilia gradually from It is the university, true that as late as 1330 the altarpiece bearing Giotto's signature,
which was mentioned was commissioned earlier, Maria degli Angioli in Bologna, but on the whole Giotto's new Tuscan and painters style art found this was only had remarkably its way for die a Church of Santa workshop product, and influence in Bologna. little 22 Trecento painting outside Tuscany The there only indirectly through Riminesc an attenuated, provincial form. 23 in emerged for the first Romagna. The first local artist da Bologna, who is known to have worked in In the second quarter of the Trecento a local style time, closely dependent at of great stature San Francesco was on the first Vitale as early as 13 30. 24 His style of earliest known work, the fresco of The now Last Supper, preserved in a fragmentary condition, and in the Bologna Pinacoteca Nazionale, was also originally in San Francesco, and can be related to a payment voucher of 1340. Another painting by Vitale, an authenticated major work signed and dated 1345, is the Madonna dei Dcnti, in the Museo Davia Bargellini in Bologna (pi. 118). 20 It has a grave demure charm. The Gothic type of figure has undergone an odd transformation, and has delicate acquired a quality not merely bourgeois but almost rustic, revealing a highly power. The angular, strongly modelled forms, the awkward movements of the Child, and the lively rhythm of the Madonna's all seem to be a reaction against the courtly elegance and remote idealism original creative yet vigorous cloak, of the Gothic style. In a later work, the polyptych of 1353 in San Salvatore in Bologna, Vitale painted and grace. The with moving restraint rhythm of this picture is difficult to 1345 Madonna, and even more with a Coronation of the Virgin sweet, melodic linear reconcile with the austere style of the the vehemence of expression in the four panels depicting the legend of St Anthony, which were transferred from Santo Stefano coteca Nazionale 119). (pi. Yet to the Bologna Pina- crowded legendary these small, scenes reveal the characteristic style of Vitale at every point, and the dispute over their attribution to him is Denti. They seem as a unfounded. is difficult to sition to On determine, but the other it is hand their chronological probably close to the Madonna have been done soon after 1345, at podei about the same time wall-painting that belongs to the same extremist stage of the master's development. The huge fresco, The Nativity, from the desecrated church of Santa Maria (or Sant'Apollonia) di Mezzaratta, Pinacoteca Nazionale movement. The bold tuates the gable form relation to by the it; (pi. 120), now also in the triangular composition of the principal scene accen- style may and can be understood only in also have been partly determined would have in its setting in the room at however, this work reveals the presence of a effect the fresco Bologna spirited figures in graceful, dramatic of the entrance wall and the animated height. Primarily, shows a considerable creative talent 323
Trecento painting outside Tuscany expressing itself with, remarkable freedom, and makes other paintings in Flor- seem ence of that time Tintoretto again suggests dimensional effect, and dull artificial in comparison. The analogy with not only in the linear structure and two- itself, but also in the direct affinity of scenes along its by side walls temperament. artistic was continued with narrative In the 1350s the decoration of Mezzaratta pupils and followers of Vitale. 26 Vitale himself seems to have participated only intermittently. In 1348-9 he was in Udine, where he decorated Of St Nicholas. the exuberant temperament now on but from a trace remains, 1351), now 27 Mezzaratta fresco hardly on light warm and emerge with colours, the St Eustace scenes in the abbey church of as in and in the his painterly qualities creasing strength. His frescoes take impasto, with scenes from the legend of a chapel in the cathedral in the frescoes in Santa Maria dei Servi in and insoft Pomposa (about Bologna, unfortunately very bad condition; 28 so that the San Salvatore altarpiece of 1353 in by no means unique in its is exquisite decorative effect. In his last years Vitale produced works of rarefied beauty, for example the small panel of the Ador- now ation of the Kings, which the in figures in the National Gallery of Scotland in Edinburgh, with two-dimensional pattern. left a their gentle gestures are incorporated into a strict When he died, between 1359 and 1361, his style deep impression on Bolognese painting. Among we the painters of the younger generation di Francesco, who should note Jacopino emulated the personal and expressive linear style evolved Vitale in his Mezzaratta frescoes. 29 Jacopino's polyptych containing a by Coronation of the Virgin, No. 161 in the Bologna Pinacoteca Nazionale, has an animation unusual in Trecento works: flashing glances and abrupt turnings of the head, and stiff and haughty elegance of features. The nique The tech- lush and sensuous, and the colours strong and passionate - glaring is brown, and nacreous red, yellow, white, a harsh flesh tints. The brownish Bolognese underpaint, evident everywhere, school. also present in their wall-painting as a base for the strong col- It is ours, the rosy flesh tones, found The in Bologna characteristic of surviving the entire work of monumental painting but in the abbey church of Pomposa, ancient building, dating remote lagoon far itself, is and the white highlights. The most comprehensive district, is from is not east of Ferrara. 30 the early Middle Ages and situated in a a large basilica with a lofty campanile visible from away. The decoration, covering the whole of the nave, the apse and the entrance wall, was done around 13 51 by various Bolognese masters, 324 have a figures hieratic dignity, and are presented frontally in the archaic manner. them, as already among mentioned, Vitale. Taken separately, the frescoes often have
but they are drawn together by a single gold-brown tone, a rustic crudeness, and the overall tation The iconography impressive. is of the apse represen- and the huge Last Judgment on the west wall suggest was only century. The division of the The solid, robust walls of the nave is reminiscent of Sant'Angelo odd and effect, hardly concealed by the decorative unity of the is Tuscany work narrative painting of the Bolognese Trecento thus interpolated in the medieval scheme produces an the anachronism that the Trecento painting outside an older decorative scheme, possibly of the eleventh a restoration of 31 in Formis. artists effect work as a whole. The second half of the productions, and frames still di Paolo, the many survive. The and Lippo common di Trecento Bologna was in prolific in craftsmanlike multi-panelled polyptychs with elaborately carved painters, Simone and Cristoforo da Bologna, Jacopo Dalmasio show character of the school - little its individuality, but they display all heavy, prosaic temperament, sturdy forms, and earthy colours. 32 The style of Barnaba da Modena is similar, though it originated in a differ- combined ent background. Emilian ponderousness and earthiness are work with a precise knowledge of Sienese sense of the Byzantine tradition, in northern Italy. which painting, and even at that persists in the Madonnas, although the opulent splendour of the his gold highlights and the indiscriminate solidity of the colours have common with Byzantine The downright, art (pi. 121). earthy feature of Emilian art was essentially Trecento. In the hands of one of the leading was little in 33 and forward-looking than anything produced realism a time had not yet been forgotten Something of the solemnity of the old icons measured rhythm of in his more with raised to a high creative level. 34 In more modern in other parts of Italy in the Tomaso da Modena, artists, Tomaso's this frescoes in the chapter- house of San Niccolo in Treviso, dated 1352, the characterization of the figures is so penetrating that at first glance they might appear to be the fifteenth- rather than a fourteenth-century artist. in as are cell. many as forty variations: the principal figures of the shown reading, The ability' to ternal symbolism is art, work is of a presented Dominican Order writing, or meditating, each seated in a narrow, wooden depict the nature of the intellectual activity without ex- even more remarkable than the jective facial characteristics (pi. 122). medieval The same theme The theme skill in itself representing ob- was an old one in repeated thousand of times in pictures of the evangelists and portraits of authors in manuscript illumination. Medieval artists knew how to illustrate vividly the intellectual stature of such figures, but the specific nature of the intellectual activity was always indicated by purelv external 325
; Trecento painting outside Tuscany means, for instance by the act of writing, or of sharpening the Doctors' Vault in Romagna Assisi, and quill. In the especially in the emulation of this motif by the school, such external symbols dena's portraits of the Dominicans, towards the portrayal of Mo- were prominent. Tomaso da on the other hand, were intellectual activity a decisive step without symbolism, of an in- ward psychological process. It would be wrong to see the new realism only as a more acute observation of the external aspect of reality, although in this, too, Tomaso surpassed all his predecessors. Occasionally examining the to the old motifs of writing or quill, he resorted still but he gave a new and lively interest to these practical tasks. In the naturalism of his painting and depths, Tomaso da Modena its penetration to new psychological resembles his great and enigmatic fourteenth- century contemporary, Theodoric of Prague, whose half-length figures of saints and Fathers of the Church in the Castle are comparable achievements. It Chapel of the Cross in Karlstein was probably not mere coincidence Emperor Charles IV also provided Tomaso da Modena with commisTwo of his works are still in Karlstein, a triptych showing the Madonna and two saints, and another Madonna (pi. 123) and an Ecce Homo, probably that sions. designed and not, as a diptych, as is sometimes thought, the remnants of a Tomaso presumably executed these works in his home town Bohemia seems very unlikely. 35 On the other hand Theodoric larger altarpiece. a journey to might well have visited northern Italy, and possibly it was he who established Tomaso and the emperor. It is tempting, however, to course Bohemian and German painting might have taken if the contact between speculate on the Tomaso had He himself worked seems to have been familiar with the courtly atmosphere. In the legend of St Ursula, mood and It Prague and painted a large fresco cycle in now in the Museo Civico sensuous enjoyment of contemporary brings to mind than a century life his fresco of worldly in Treviso, a predominate (pi 124). the famous St Ursula legend painted later, there. by Carpaccio more and the voluptuous female types are like a Trecento preparation for the figures of Palma Vecchio and Sebastiano del Piombo. The fashionable 'miparti' of the draperies and the splendid brocade designs, now badly damaged, must originally have been highly decorative. The col- ours, as far as they can be seen in the present state of the pictures, are bright and warm, as if already infused with Venetian light, 36 and the linear and the two-dimensional unity of the forms A number have the horizontals. 37 The wide neckline of the rhythm a Venetian appearance. of figures, or heads, are often brought together simple large contour. 326 also women's Tomaso, who attached such importance by means of a dresses emphasizes to two-dimensional
unity in his pictures, was not greatly concerned with depth Dominicans in the portraits of the San Niccolo, the in have unwittingly been converted into the diagonals of in the frescoes of the St Already effects. lines of perspective Trecento painting outside Tuscany and a surface pattern, Ursula legend the three-dimensional elements have diminished even further. However, the natural mobility of the figures, and their inward respect life and have increased, and fine psychological gradations Tomaso da Modena, who gressive artists of the century. one looks for If in this died in 1379, was one of the most pro- comparable achievement a can be found once again in Bohemia: the busts of Peter Parler in the it tri- forium of Prague Cathedral, done between 1379 and 1393. Naturally there is no question of an actual connection, but the comparison clearly demonstrates that the highest half of the art, achievements of north Italian painting in the second Trecento were superior to and more advanced than those of Tuscan which had stagnated new In addition to the in its own great tradition. progressive aspects discussed above, Tomaso da Mo- dena's style exhibited with exceptional purity those characteristics of north Italian painting that were A to be present for centuries. and of decorative surface and values, fine sense of colour a feeling for beautiful materials, are generally considered to be the special and permanent attributes of Venetian But painting. these 'Venetian' have a history of their Italian mainland shows that at the beginning way as in Venice parallel to that of other tine tradition grounded was nowhere in history looked to the East, latest itself. its recognizable from the Renaissance on, their origin A and in is development took north its as a course of Italian districts. much on nowhere associations. sanctuary of St Mark it its own, The adherence so close as in Venice, and art, visible found to be the glance at Trecento painting in Venice and contemporary Byzantine monumental The traits, own, and in no Byzan- to else so firmly For centuries Venice possessed a major work of proof of the long historical connection. medieval mosaics in St Mark's, those in the baptistry and the chapel of San Isidro in the north transept, were done only in the middle of the Trecento, in a strange and often contradictory mixture of eastern and western stylistic elements. And long before this, the collaboration between Byzantine mosaicists and their local pupils had evolved a 'syncreticism of typical Venetian character'. 38 Panel painting followed a similar course, but as its took models icons and manuscript illuminations, which were technically more closely related to figure type, the it than mosaics. smooth From these models it derived the Byzantine metallic modelling, the cold refined colours, the brownish flesh tints over green under-paint. and 327
Trecento painting outside Tuscany Paolo Veneziano, the leading Venetian painter of the conformed cento, closely to the Byzantine in spite of this the essentially Italian, of his style is in of his works, but and more particularly Venetian, character communicated Romagna. One example ters of Venice and Byzantine was a now in is in all likelihood his altar dossal, came under at its of the Death of the Virgin, of 1333, in the the through the pain- dated 1321, originally in a in Istria. 39 His leaning Dignano development seen later Tre- half of the first some in unmistakable. In the early part of his career he influence of Giotto's ideas, church models most pronounced museum towards the in the painting of Vicenza. Still later, became increasingly important. In the Coronation of the painted around 1350, in Venice (formerly in the Brera Gallery, Italo-Gothic influence Virgin (pi. 117), Milan), two posture that angels playing musical instruments kneel in the foreground in a also is linear style of the Gothic rather than spread flat work of Vitale da Bologna. 40 The flowing hems of the gowns draping the principal figures is also Byzantine. The decorative splendour of the gold pattern, found in the across the draperies without regard to the flow of the folds, is truly Madonna in Car- Venetian, although it follows the Byzantine manner. In the pineta near Cesena (1347), a delicate enchanting figure, the robe and mantle and jewelled arabesques are decorated with gold to the pale colours. 41 This the master, minor who works of part. who was active in the third quarter of the Trecento, the encroachment of the International ering of the Gothic, Keys that give a precious quality typical 'Venetian Gothic'. In the last died between 1358 and 1362, Byzantine influence plays a Lorenzo Veneziano, In is to is St Peter, in the Style, the last Museo Correr Europe. 42 It is is one of the movement, which spread through once again a specifically the warm 1370 with in Venice, a panel of transparent colours and undulating play of line, of this stylistic and most opulent flow- already perceptible. His Enthroned Christ handing the earliest examples whole of western Venetian interpretation: the broadly conceived pattern of Christ's gown, sprinkled with gold, envelops the forms in a glittering aura, quite unrelated to the actual atmosphere of Venice. rather the mysterious lustre of the mosaics in St Mark's that tured by means when Venetian city of a completely different technique. painters discovered the essentially and illuminated their pictures And is even much selves The account for the subsequent later, watery atmosphere of their with the golden light of Venice, the deep glow of these mosaics remained the source of their inspiration. But the influences and conditions we have just described do not 328 It is here recap- brilliant in them- development of Venetian painting. contribution of the mainland was necessary to give Venetian art its full
lasting radiance. Bergamo, Many of greatest masters its from or, like Titian, came from Veneto, Verona and the lower Alps, and even in the Trecento there are instances of painters being summoned from the mainland to who Virgin in the Palazzo Ducale between 1365 and 1368, came from Padua, 43 known is in Venice. died around 1370, possibly however, into graceful and elegant forms. The translated, from A work. in Guariento's style is charming blend of the various major work Madonna and in art are also stylistic elements displayed in a series of panels, remnants of the the Cappclla Carrarese, depicting the Eremitani, He Venice had on him, and the influence of Byzantine clearly seen in his ceiling since 1338. His style plainly shows the influence of Giotto, whose powerful monumentality he effect that painted the huge fresco of the Coronation of the worked to have Tuscany work in Venice. Guariento, where he Trecento painting outside now in the Museo Civico the divine hierarchy of the angels (pi. wooden in Padua, 125). 44 His Padua was the decoration of the main choir chapel in the which was unfortunately badly damaged in the last war. 45 The decoration of the base, with representations of the planets and the ages of man the is painted in monochrome, which left wall, is still probably attributable to the hand of matched The narrative scenes on somewhat crude, and their execution assistants. The composition, however, reveals The figures and the groups are convincingly are particularly fine. standing, are his a confident artist. to the skilfully foreshortened buildings, prisingly progressive. These frescoes of the 1360s, and they served and the perspective were probably painted is sur- in the first half to demonstrate Guariento's qualifications for the large commission in the Palazzo Ducale in Venice. His fresco of Paradise with the Coronation of the Virgin on Venetian painting. Although in the centre now in made a lasting impression very poor condition, it shows that more restrained and more monumental. 46 The types of the figures had become almost classical, very different from the mobile Gothic figures of his earlier works. The large beautiful Madonna in the Metropolitan Museum, New York, expressing warm, reGuariento's style in its final phase had become strained feeling, also probably belongs to this late phase of the master's work. 47 After Guariento's death another master appeared in Padua, Giusto de' Menabuoi, also called Giusto basic elements of his style Padovano. 48 were formed He came from there. There is Florence, and the some evidence, un- authenticated yet credible, that in 1376 he completed the decoration of the Baptistry in Padua, one of the most ambitious undertakings of Italian monu- mental painting. 49 The Romanesque structure encloses a large square room, vaulted with a dome. At the top of the vault Giusto designed a colossal half- length figure, in the Byzantine manner, of Christ the Redeemer, surrounded 329
Trecento painting outside Tuscany by the heavenly host characterized as Prominent among them is the Virgin in concentric circles. Queen Heaven of in Western fashion by her cloak and crown, but her demeanour, that of Maria orans, conforms to the Eastern type. The profusion of figures and the almost uninterrupted sequence of scenes from the Old and New Testaments and overcrowded given so little decorating. effect. It is in the dome and on the walls give an oppressive strange that this Florentine painter should have room he was from each other by very narrow painted define them as separate pictures, and even less consideration to the architectural structure of the The scenes are divided frames, quite inadequate to adequate for the purpose of giving a firm structure to the general decoration room. And yet there of the Chapel full in Padua, Giusto supreme example of a value to both room and pictures. It of his frames in the Peruzzi Chapel, more two-dimensional lighter, had before him a masterpiece of painted Arena that give true that Giotto reduced the width is and in the frameworks that his followers preferred an even treatment; but even the two-dimensional, highly decorative painted - and again very wide - borders used by Andrea da Firenze in the Spanish Chapel are conceived in relation to the architecture and the at the setting; they give same time of this kind, emphasis to the dynamic structure of the ribs, and clearly define the pictorial surfaces. Giusto attempted nothing and his treatment is feeble and uninspired. trying to achieve an effect similar to that of a Byzantine He was apparently room entirely dec- orated with mosaics, which ignore the architectural features and produce the effect of a uniform and continuous surface. However, its hard opaque colours, earthy shadows, and brittle Florentine style vitiate any idea of a in mosaics. The details, too, room worked frequently give the impression of a mixture of elements that have not been fully integrated. Although there stylistic siderable charm in some ized and yet sensitive Annunciation scene, the overall effect In his representation of interiors Giusto found some unconvincing. 50 is modern soautonomy and compactness in the individual scenes. 51 Giusto was important mediary ing, who con- surprisingly but they lose their effectiveness owing to the lack of lutions, is of the compositions, for example in the highly styl- transmitted Florentine stylistic as the inter- elements to north Italian paint- but he was not capable of achieving a proper synthesis. There was, however, of Verona. Influenced a painter by who had this ability, Altichiero, a native the painting of Giotto, and possibly also that of which were north Italy's greatest contribution to Trecento painting. In fifteenth- and sixteenth-century sources he is mentioned together with Jacopo Avanzo, Giusto, he produced in Padua 330 whose actual role is works of disputed. Altichiero true monumentality, was evidently the principal master
with overall responsibility, and Avanzo only one of the collaborators, whose different style appears here Both were done and there in the 1370s and coes in the chapel of St James, the first in the '80s, now two surviving one shortly San fresco cycles. 52 Felice, in the 'Santo' in payment to be painted. Altichiero received The after the other. The arrangement of the The room is rectangular in the final payment, in 1379. for this Trecento painting outside Tuscany fres- Padua, were work, possibly was dictated by pictures by three from the legend of St James. Only one of the end walls provides space for two more scenes on rectangular surfaces. On the main wall, facing the entrance arcades, which open into the church, is a large Crucifixion divided into three sections. Whereas the legendary scenes were plainly executed by assistants acting more or the architectural design. shape, spanned cross-vaults with eight ogival lunettes containing scenes less independently, the Crucifixion is painted in a grave mature style that can be attributed only to Altichiero himself. Even the colour tones are different here from those in the legend scenes where bright local colours, such yellow and carmine, are applied on fixion such contrasts arc avoided, and everything is light green, and a : mild yellow, orange, pink and warm solid white. Blue is in to excess. Altichiero is lilac in and rich gradations, where it is applied crudely equally restrained in his use of gold patterns, which Venice tended to be displayed on an extravagant of high rank trans- harmony, and blended introduced with marked restraint, in contrast to Giusto's frescoes in the Baptistry, and and more lighter parent. Soft tender colours are used with a fine sense of to give a firm texture as a rather dull turbid base. In the Cruci- scale. He is a colourist in this respect the true precursor of the great Venetians. was concerned not merely with the He material, absolute beauty of colour as such, but also with the creative use of colour, the mastery over a rich range of graduated shades and those hidden values that their overall effect; come to light only and he succeeded through a in evoking proper relationship of chromatic tones. The advanced stage he reached in his treatment of colour cipation of future achievements can be seen clearly in Padua and itself. his anti- The fres- by the young Titian in 151 1 in the Scuola del Santo leave no there was a close connection here. Titian made a thorough study coes painted doubt that of Altichiero's painting, and not only with regard to his handling of colour. The massive proportions of the figures, their broadly conceived, slow-flowing contours reappear in Titian's work. There in the was rhythm even a similarity of the grouping, an aspect of composition in which Altichiero also a precursor in his time: his plastic, somewhat is groups are two-dimensional rather than but within the general structure of the pictures they are each indi- 331
Trecento painting outside Tuscany vidually defined and full of vitality. In the grouping of his figures he shows command a subtle colour. harmony of composition that matches his feeling for The group of women could be an invention of the High Renaissance, and indeed the it still seems alive with the precisely tell and how much how much However, of colour and form. merely to of this is due emerged no doubt. His a native sense develop- in the specifically painterly not found in any Venetian Trecento painter, is in and yet firmly contained Venice only in the surface pattern. still less Altichiero's second fresco cycle in which stands beside the Scuola a barrel-vaulted, view These features and from the in the course of the fifteenth century, High Renaissance onwards they have been regarded a and importance mastery of monumental composition - the easy rhythm of the pictorial structure, fluid is to actual continuity artistic affinity as to Altichiero's of Venetian painting there can be treatment of colour his woman child. recollection, ment of where the in profile looks like a paraphrase of Altichiero's impossible to It is and memory in Titian's Presentatioti of the Virgin in the Temple, Anne figure of St of in the left of the Crucifixion fresco (pi. 126) Padua is in the as typically del Santo in the forecourt of the 'Santo'. It oblong symmetrical room, designed from the to the fresco decoration. Altichiero received final The payment with start building was begun in 1377, and in 1384 for the frescoes, tapestry. 53 with the uniformity of a Venetian. Oratory of St George, The upper which cover two of the all four walls pictorial courses Arena Chapel, into the barrel vault, divided into by wide borders containing medallions. However, the painted borders, unlike Giotto's in the Arena Chapel, which extend right down to partially extends, as in the three sections the floor, are limited to the vault region. With the exception of the end wall, which has two painted columns, there are no special illusionistic elements in the framework of the frescoes. On the other hand, the pictures themselves have many richly developed architectural motifs, and also an internal archi- tectural structure that gives pictorial expression to the solidity of the walls. by The stocky a large, simple contour, even compact figures, like Giotto's, are when surfaces and always outlined they are in vigorous movement or strongly foreshortened. Emphatic verticals and horizontals provide the surface pattern. Christ, is The design for the entrance wall, five scenes from the Annunciation particularly uniform. from the childhood of Temple (pi. 128), to the Presentation in the Compared with Giotto's corresponding compositions, the scale of the figures in relation to the landscape and architecture has plainly become more 332 correct and realistic. Altichiero knew how to enlarge the spatial values without impairing the compactness of the picture surface. Here too
work his is and can be considered entirely in line with Giotto's, continuation of the development we have temple in the Presentation scene, The face. is Trecento painting outside Tuscany is and structure of the building are and yet everything remains firmly related to the picture sur- receding lines are hardly apparent, and the facade of the building presented as a design, flat The position as a whole. which imposes on the side walls, are illustrated. The powerful rhythm on the com- and the Adoration of the Kings elaborate architectural features arc of Sts George, Catherine and all the scenes, but the general design whole work were undoubtedly his. An innovation such motionless upright lances in the Beheading of St George presence of an artist some as and the 127) reveals the (pi. The of the highest rank and originality. portrait-like character of Lucy wall has a Coronation of the Virgin and a Crucifixion. Altichiero did not himself execute spirit of the more where the legends altar a stable in the Nativity follows the same principles. Even seen Gothic design, a three-aisled basilica of a masterpiece of perspective: the depth perfectly clear, as a direct observed in the Arena Chapel. The surprisingly of the figures that has been frequently noticed example, in the Burial of St Lucy) does not disturb the harmony of the grand, tranquil style of the whole work, and they too display a true sense of (for monumentality from is well as of realism. as The use of colour differs considerably that in the Crucifixion fresco in the chapel of San Felice. A greater part played by the duller, brownish-yellow, and smoky-grey tones, to which added the white and pink of the architectural are colour in the earlier work is The wealth of some differ- features. rarely evident. Nevertheless, despite ences in scale of certain scenes, and the variety and turbulence of the events portrayed, a homogeneous too. Everything surface uniting all the pictures is achieved here related to the surface, the figures, the buildings, is the landscape features. This is the art of northern Italy, and yet and even it falls propounded by Giotto. No Trecento artist ventured ahead of Giotto as Altichiero, and still remained so faithful to him. the definition Altichiero had cither in when no Verona or direct followers. in Padua. in to spell of this courtly decorative character and playful, else. Its up He left no school Verona, Milan and Venice. we and find works It is so far of any importance in other parts of Italy, there the International Style prevailed in the north, completely under the that As within where was an interlude artists came more French movement than anywhere mannered grace were eagerly taken only in the middle of the Quattrocento that are a belated vindication of realized within the limitations of his age. what Some Altichiero aspired of Jacopo Bellini's drawings, with their architectural vistas and spatial depth, preserving nevertheless a surface unit)-, could have been derived directly from Altichiero's 333
Trecento painting outside Tuscany frescoes. There is only one novel aspect of Altichiero: the representation of space his art in by means which the Venetian masters of the Early Renaissance took the ciples of spatial representation Altichiero art, it to be 334 same sense as Venetian merged more and more with the main stream of Italian stylistic work unity its special heritage, and this was of Altichiero. Italian painting had achieved by the end of the Trecento. That the struggle was due solely to the by the explosive development that was to take place in Florence. resumed again pressure exerted Florentine prin- in the pictorial conception. nevertheless succeeded in retaining almost complete new But When largely attributable to the had and re-interpreted them, had re-interpreted Giotto's painting subsequently Bellini surpassed of central perspective. in the following century
Notes on the text
1 1 Abbreviations of the works most frequently referred to Anthony: Edgar Waterman Anthony, Romanesque Princeton 195 Bologna: Ferdinando Bologna, La pittura Frescoes, dellc origini, italiana Rome/Dresden 1962 Borsook: Eve Borsook, The Mural Painters of Tuscany from Cimabuc to Andrea del Sarto, London i960 Brunetti/Sinibaldi: Pittura italiana Duecento del e Catalogo della Mostra Giottesca di Trecento, Firenze del 1937, a cura di Giulia Sinibaldi e Giulia Brunetti, Florence 1943 Coletti: Luigi Coletti, I Primitivi. Vol. I.: 'DalFartc benedettina a Senesi c i Giotto", Giottescln, Novara 1941; Vol. II: 'I Novara 1946; Vol. Ill: T Padani\ Novara 1947 Edward B. Garrison, Italian Romanesque Panel Painting, an Illustrated Index, Florence 1949 Garrison: Ghiberti: Lorenzo Commentarii), Ghibertis edited by Denkwiirdigkeiten Julius von (I Schlosser, Berlin 1912 des San Francesco toskanischen nich 1962 Kleinschmidt: Beda Hochaltarretabels, Kleinschniidt O. F. M., MuDie in Assisi, 3 vols, Berlin 1915-28; Kleinschniidt, Die Wandmalereien der Basilika San Francesco in Assisi, Berlin 1930 Ladner: Gerhart Ladner, 'Die italienische Malcrei im 11. Jahrhundert', in Jahrbuch der Kunsthisto- Sammlungen rischen 193 1. P- in Wien, new series, vol. V, 33# van Marie: Raimond van Marie, The Development of the Italian Schools of Painting, 19 vols, Hague 1923-38 van Marie, Le scuole ; italiana, vols 1, 11, The della pittura & 1934 A Critical and HisPainting, New York L'Aja/Milan 1932 Ofmer, Corpus Richard Ormer, : Corpus of Florentine torical I930# Salvini: Roberto Salvini, Giotto, Bibliografia, 1938 Toesca, Storia: Pietro Toesca, Storia liana I, II Medioevo, Turin 1927 Rome dell' arte Toesca, Trecento: Pietro Toesca, Storia delVarte liana II, II Trecento, Gnudi: Cesare Gnudi, Giotto, Milan 1958 Hager: Hellmut Hager, Die Anfange des italienischen Altarbildes / Untersuchungen zur Entstehungsgeschichte Basilika Vasari: Le vite de tettori serine ita- ita- Turin 195 piu eccellenti pittori scultori ed archi- da Giorgio Vasari, 9 vols, edited by Gaetano Milanesi, Florence 1878-85 Wilpert: Joseph Wilpert, Die romischen Mosaiken und Malereien der kirchlichcn Bauten vom IV. bis XIII. Jahrhundert, 4 vols, Freiburg 1916
Notes on the text Introduction i (p. 9) The evidence for Giotto's influence on earliest the painting of the north is art monumental copy the Strasbourg of about 1320 (W. Korte, Oberrhcinische Kunst X, 1941, p. 97). In the third decade of the 14th C. (1324-9) Giottesque compositions from the Padua frescoes were reproduced on the altar wings of Klosterncuburg cf. of the Navicella in Jung-St Peter in For the genesis of Vasari's W. Kunstge- f. (O. Pacht, Ostcrreichische Tafehnalerei der Gotik, 1929). Vasari, Kunstlcr der Renaissance, edited by H. Sieben- hiiner, Leipzig 1940 (selected biographies in 6 (p. 12) pi. 4). (p. 11) Salvini No. 19. Filippo Villani's biographies II libro J. v. Antonio di Billi, Berlin Qnellenbuch Schlosser, also in 892, p. 73 zur Kunstgeschichte des 1 translation by A. New Haven 1932-3 Ilg, Quellenschriftenf. (2 vols). Cologne 1958, p. 47ff. ('Das Tafelbild des FriihmittelHager, p. 33 ff. 7 (p. 12) See especially Wilpcrt; also van Marie I (1923) and his Italian edition he scuole della pittura italiana, vol. 8 11) note Milan 1932; (p. 13) W. Goctz, 9 35. Schlosser, The theory 2), p. 375. Qnellenbuch Italien (p. 14) J. v. Schlosser, Quellcnbuch in den 10 (p. 14) J. v. Schlosser, The i5)Wilpert 53-74; Wilpert Maria Maggiore around the mid- 4th C. Presumably, however, they were done at about the same time as those on the triumphal arch, which have an inscription dating them in the (p. I, p. 413 fF., Ill, pis 8-28, reign of Pope Sixtus III (432-40). This date is also (cf. note 2), p. i^gff; Rheinlanden, Dusseldorf 1916, pp. 15, 16. (cf. dates the mosaics in the nave of Santa im Mittelalter, 2 vols, Leipzig La pittura e la miniatura nella Lombardia, Milan, 1912, p. 40 note 40 and p. 60 note 4. For a detailed account see P. Clemen, Die romanische I, of the three periods of Anthony; for the nth C. also P. Toesca, Monumentalmalerei Ghiberti p. also 1942. Vienna 1871. (p. I, see Ladner. German Kunstgeschichte Kollwitz, 'Zur Friihgcschichte der Bilder- altcrs'). abendland. Mittelalters, D.V.Thompson, German verehrung', in Rbmische Quartalschrift , vol. 48, 1953, p. iff. H. Schradc, Vor- und fruhromanische Malerei, ; Vienna 1896, p. 27ff(p. n) Salvini No. 17. Cennino d'Andrea Cennini, II libro dell'artc, text and English translation edited by J. series, vol. with detailed introduction). translation Austrian panel-painting in the Staatliche Gcmalde- tit., new schichte, of painters are reprinted in their entirety in C. Frey, 1 his sources sec Kallab, Vasaristudien, Quellenschriften There are Giottesque elements in the stained-glass windows of Konigsfelden in Switzerland of about the same date, c. 1325-30 (cf. M. Stettler, Konigsfelden, Farbenfenster des XIV. Jhs, Laupen near Bern 1949). Berlin-Dahlem (c. 1350) is derived from the composition of the Nativity in Padua (Pacht op. 4 Abbreviations). (cf. work and 1908. See also galerie in 3 Stuttgart 1953, p. 12. (p. 11) Vasari, Milanesi's edition XV, Vienna An 2 5 can be traced back from Ghiberti to the Trecento, W. Paatz, Die Kunst der Renaissance in Italien, Qnellenbuch early proposed by R. Komstedt, Augsburg 1929, (cf. note 2), p. 188. Middle Ages Vormittelalterliche Malerei, p. I4ff. (with an impressive analysis of the style). Finally for the dating, see G. Matthiae, I (secoli IV-X), Rome with additional literature (C. Cecchelli, Pittura rontana del medioevo, 1965, p. i,6ff. P. Kiinzle). ; 337
Notes on the text 2 The (p. 15) known through copies commissioned by (Wilpert II Cardinal Francesco Barberini in p. 565^!). The frescoes of Old 1634 St Peter's are recorded commissioned around 1610 by the papal notary Giacomo Grimaldi, and made before the in drawings, demolition of that part of the basilica (Wilpert I, drawings are now in the Vatican Library. Cf. J. Garber, Wirkungen der friihchristl. GemaldezYkleii der altcn Peters- und Pauls-Basilikcn in Rom, Berlin/Vienna 191 8; Garber, like E. Miintz before him, started with the assumption that both p. 376ff.); all the were done cycles in the i.e. at the time of Pope Leo I (440-61), middle of the 5th C., and showed that they were restored in part by Cavallini end at the of the A of two St op. cit. original Peter's; Wilpert, cf. fragments these of Wilpert G. P. Bognetti, A. de Capitano d'Arzago, G. Chierici, Santa Maria di Castelseprio, Milan 1948 (the basic work that proposed a date around the middle 8 (p. 16) of the 7th C. for the frescoes). For other opinions see following note. 9 (p. 17) Cf. G. P. Bognetti, Castelseprio, artistica, Guida storicoVenice i960. B. gives a concise and lucid account of the controversy and the conclusions of pi. , G. Matthiae, Pittura romana who treats the problem and critical reservation. (p. 15) (cf. note di pittura laziale 1, p. (p. 16) p. 63^ (p. 16) (cf. note 1), p. S7Jf., Leo dating with lucid The most important examples Garber 195 of the are listed by Also G. Matthiae, 'Note del Medioevo', in Bollettino d''Arte 36, 2), p. 28ff. W. 2) p. 44/45. B's "Die numerous bibliographical may Weitzmann's book be Cycle of S. C); Meyer Schapiro in stressed: Maria di (dating them in the second Fresco Castelseprio, Princeton 195 1 quarter of the 10th The Art Bulletin (discussing 34, 1952, p. 147JF.) places the frescoes in the second half of the 8th C. R. Morey in Tlie Art Bulletin 34, 1952, C; p. i"T$jf.: second half of the 7th C; A. Grabar in Gazette des Beaux-Arts 1950, p. I07jf. comes closest to Weitzmann's view; according to him the Castelseprio style should be regarded as an early stage of denkmiiler, - Kleinschmidt de Griineisen, Sainte-Marie-Autique, Geneva 1906-10. For und Malerei in Munster-Miistair', in Frithmittelalterliche Kunst, Akten zutn III. Internationalen Kongrefi fur Friihmittelalterforschungen, Olten and Lausanne 1951, pp. 167-252. Geza de Francovich, 'II ciclo pittorico della Chiesa di San Giovanni a Miinster (Mustair) nei Grigioni', in Arte Lombarda II, 1956, pp. 28-50. 12 (p. 18) For Milan as the probable centre, see Francovich op. cit., p. 36. 13 (p. 18) G. Panazza, 'Le scoperte in S. Salvatore a Brescia', in Arte Lombarda V, i960, p. ijff. G. Panazza, 11 (p. 17) 'La Chiesa di S. Salvatore in Brescia', Atti dell'ottavo II, di studi sull'arte dell'alto Milan 1962. Panazza decoration of the centre Rome discoveries since 1947 see L. Birchler, 'Zur karolingischen Architektur Congrcsso H2jf. Garber (cf. note - also cf. p. 56. From references (p. 66ff.) the following in Mitt, der Schweiz. Ges. zur Erhaltung histor. Kunst- frescoes ments date from Toesca (Scoria, p. 1034 note 38) associates them with Jacopo Torriti. For the frescoes of the nave of St Peter's see Garber op. cit. p. 27/f! who dates them in the time of Leo the Great. Waetzoldt (op. cit. p. 70) considers the time of Pope Formosus (891-6) more probable; also des zur Wende des 8. Jhs., Diss. Munich 1934. P. Romanelli and P. J. Nordhagen, S. Maria Antiqua, Rome 1964. G. Matthiae, Pittura romana (cf. note 1), p. n6_/f 6 (p. 16) Wilpert IV, pis. 133, 134. 7 (p. 16) Wilpert IV, pi. 135; Anthony pi. 25. 7. bis were p. 402^".; 144; the fragthe third quarter of the 13th C; I, p. i7ff., pis 23-31. Illustrations Muhoz in Nuovo Bullettino di Archeologia Cristiana, 1913, p. 175; 653^ Anthony the Renaissance in the middle of the Byzantine period, and not as a parallel or derivative. 10 (p. 17) For earlier discoveries see J. Zemp &R. Durrer, 'Das Kloster St. Johann zu Miinster in Graubiinden', I, and pis 465-472. p. 66jf., p. Die romische Malerei vom Beginn K. Weitzmann, of 5 II, baroque period: S. Waetzoldt, 'DieKopien des 17. Jhs. nach Mosaiken und Wandmalereien in Rom', .Rom. Forschungen der Bibliotheca Hertziana, vol. XVIII, Vienna/Munich 1964. According to Waetzoldt (p. $6ff.) the paintings found by Cavallini in the nave of St Paul's had probably been restored once in the early Middle Ages, c. 700, closely following the originals of the 5th C. Cavallini, too, evidently remained faithful to the iconography of the older paintings, which were apparently in need of renovation, though by no means completely obliterated. Grimaldi also commissioned copies of the St Peter cycle in the published by A. 338 Kitzinger, current research. vestibule 4 E. comprehensive catalogue has 13th C. Cf. p. 59. recently been published, of the copies done in the Waetzoldt 3 1911. Wilpert frescoes in St Paul's, destroyed in the fire of 1823, are aisle Medioevo [1959], vol. p. nojf.) dates the 'soon after 816'. H. Torp's (op. cit., attempt to date the paintings of San Salvatore in the
The C, third quarter of the 8th a i.e. date in the still Langobard period, has met with strong opposition (H. Torp, 'II problema della decorazione originaria del Tempietto Langobardo di Cividale del Friuli - La data ed i rapporti con San Salvatore di Brescia', in Quademi della FACE No. 18, Udine 1959). For a discussion of these theses see following note. 14 (p. 18) G. de Franco vich prefers vol. I, Medioevo, 1962, p. 6sff. Seep. -joff. The monastery was destroyed by the Saracens in 882; only scanty remnants of the nine churches and chapels that existed at that time have been preserved. The frescoes are in the cruciform Lawrence Chapel, now half underground, on the left bank of the 15 (p. 18) 16 (p. 18) 1962, p. 66, note 117). H. Belting, Die Basilica dei SS. Martiri in und ihr fruhmittelalterlichcr Freskenzykltis, Wiesbaden 1962. 19 (p. 19) H. Belting op. cit. p. 132/f. 20 (p. 19) J. Wettstein op. cit. (cf note 16), p. %2Jf.: '2nd half of 9th C. or beginning of ioth' (also further information). however, the earlier See, dating by Bologna, p. 26ff. (with 3 colour pis): 'c. dam L'art (Vitzthum- Volbach, Wildpark-PotsToesca, Storia, p. 4o8ff. E. Bertaux, dcr Kunstwisscnschaft u. Plastik d. Mittelaltcrs, 1924, p. 49ff.). dans LTtalie meridionale M. Avery, The 1936, 13 ills, Paris 1904, p. 93_/f. Exultet Rolls of South Italy, Princeton on pis CXC-CXCIV. affreschi della Cripta di S. Volturno' (report on dell'Istituto I, Centrale Lorenzo C. Brandi, 'Gli a S. Vincenzo al state of preservation) in Bollettino del No. Restauro, 31/32, 1957, p. 93 ff. Janine Wettstein, Saiit' Angela in Formis et la peinturc medievale en Campanie, (detailed description and Geneva i960, discussion). Gabinetto Fotografico Nazionale, p. 6gff. Photographs: Rome; and Soprin- tendenza, Aquila. (p. 20) P. bardia, Toesca, La pittura Milan 1912, Colour (p. 19) plate in Wilpert IV, pi. 56; Ladner p. 90Jf. and pi. 53; G. Matthiae, Pittura romana {cf. note pi. plates 22 on pp. (p. 19) 210; van Marie Anthony 1), p. pi. I, 46; 223; colour 228, 232. A. Muiioz, II Restauro del Tenipio della Fortuna Rome 1925. Ladner p. 9^ff., pis 54-59; van Marie, Italian edition vol. I, p. 14; Anthony p. 68, Virile, pis 59, 60; G. Matthiae, Pittura romana (cf. note 1), and fragments were published together for the first time by Jacqueline Lafontainc, 'Peintures medievales dans le temple dit de la Fortune p. 228ff. All 25 scenes Virile a Rome' Etudes de philologie, d'histoire anciennes publiies d'archeologie et par Vlnstitut Historique Beige de Rome, vol. VI, Brussels-Rome 1959. The increasing atmospheric danger to the frescoes has recently necessitated their It removal from the temple's walls. where they will be kept has not yet been decided in future. 2 1 19) 762-800'. 21 Volturno, near Castellone, north-west of Isernia. A by G. Graf Vitzthum Handbuch Die Malerei van Marie I, p. 122$., especially p. 126. (p. 18) H. Belting has pointed out that the representation of the Crucifixion goes back to Carolingian models (Die Basilica del SS. Martiri in Cimitilc, Wiesbaden 18 (p. vivid description and evaluation in Middle Ages Cimitile a later date, see Atti dell'ottavo Congresso di studi sull'arte dcll'alto 17 early p. 42ff. e la miniatura nella Ladner, p. i2Sff. The eleventh and Lotn- Anthony, p. 9$ff., pis 149-154. G. R. Ansaldi, Gli affreschi della Basilica di S. Vincenzo a Galliano, Milan 1949; also detailed study of the paintings in the cenzo, which Ansaldi dates in the nave of nth S. Vin- C. (the story of Samson, legends of SS. Christopher, Vincent, and Margaret, unfortunately preserved only in incomplete state). Discussion by C. R. Morey in The Art Bulletin 34, 1952, p. 163, and by A. Grabar in Cahiers archeologiques VI, 1952, p. 177/f. (according to Grabar the paintings in the nave could possibly also have been done as early as the beginning of the last twelfth centuries nth C). G. de Francovich, 'Arte carolingia ed ottoniana in Lombardia', in Rom. Jahrb. f Kunstgeschichte VI, 1942/44, p. 113 ff. (for Galliano p. 158, 159). Bologna p. 32jf., pis 8-11. 2 (p. 20) At the founding of S. Vincenzo Aribert was sub-deacon of S. Ambrogio. His portrait as donor holding a model of the church was in the apse and is now in the Ambrosiana in Milan (Anthony, pi. 154). 3 (p. 20) The words petici(o) and postulatio are allusions to Psalms 119, V, 169, 170; cf. H. Schrade, Vor- und friihromanische Malerei, Cologne 1958, p. 247. The line-drawing of the apse representation in Schrade, is not complete because it omits the figures p. 245, 339
Notes on the text standing on the 4 (p. 21) left of the archangel Michael; hand Schrade the other At first in (526-30), Wilpert pi. ioj and Anthony Cosma the apse of SS. III, pi. 102; e Anthony cf. pi. 20; 6 (p. 21) S. Bastianello (= P. Baldass, 'Disegni della 13 8 (p. 22) Cf. 9 (p. 14 in F.', in 15 16 in Formis, Naples 1962 (with numerous Cava dei Tirreni/ colour). Janine Wettstein, Sant' Angelo in Formis notes 13, resp. 4). about this time. n (p. 23) Cf. des J. said affreschi . . .; v. Schlosser, abendland. Qucllenbuch zur Kunst- Mittelalters, Vienna 1896, p. 20off. 12 (p. 23) A. Boeckler, Abendlandische Miniaturen bis der romanischen Zcit, Berlin and Leipzig zum Ausgang 340 1930, p. 74^ Brussels 1930, p. 26off. (p. 24) The fresco was in danger of deterioration and M. Bonicatti, 'Considerazioni su alcuni medioevali della Campania', in Bollettino 24) Cf. (p. edition of this were still book that the frescoes in the part of the original structure had already sugC. for the artistically inferior hermit scenes on the curved surfaces on the (p. 24) Toesca (Storia, p. 936/37) gested a date in the 13 th sides of the vestibule. 19 (p. 27) Cf. S. Bettini, Pittura dclle origini cristiane, Novara 1942; and 20 (p. 27) Cf. esp. Coletti van Marie I, I, p. V.ff especially pis 71, 72. Ladner p. tfff. D. M. In- p. X. p. I2gff., also L. Coletti, 'Arte benedettina' in Enciclopedia Cattolica col. \22.<,jf.\ cf. II (1949), the qualifying remarks of E. Carli ('Affreschi benedettini del XIII secolo in Abruzzo', Le Arti I, 1932, p. 442/f.) who says: a true dictine 'style' has never existed. in p. the 'Chronicon monasterii Mustair, For the iconography of S. Angelo in Formis F. X. Kraus, Die Wandgemalde der St.Sylvester-Kapelle zu Goldbach am Bodensee, Munich 1902. Supplementing Kraus and Dobbert (cf. note 9): G. de Jerphanion, La voix des monuments, Paris and 21 (p. 27) Bene- A. Boeckler, (Abendlandische Miniaturen, 1930 p. 72) sees in the oldest Exultet Rolls of the from at preserved during the restoration. 18 to have been 77 and The decoration can also be dated the extracts Casinensis' in geschichte is John also vestibule peinture medievale en Campanie, church. In 1089 the church 'nuper constrncta' (Morisani, Gli early as about 800 in St (p. 23) first et la Geneva i960 (with a complete description of the frescoes and full discussion of the research up to date). 10 (p. 23) Ascended the papal throne in 1086 unter the name Victor HI but died in 1087. Sant' Angelo in Formis was given to the convent on 1072, and Desiderius immediately began the building of the new generally accept circular wall surface had been heightened to connect with the pointed arch vaulting. The joint was hidden by the fresco. This invalidates the speculation in the mostly in illustrations inscription identify- now d 'Arte XLIII, 1958, p. 12 ff. After the removal of the fresco plaster it was revealed that the original semi- p. 76ff. Anthony p. 9oJf. O. Morisani, Bisanzio e la pittura Cassinese, Palermo 1955; Morisani, Gli Angelo 7 ff. affreschi pp.14, 337, notes 9, 10. S. no See also following note. 17 . di is was removed from the wall in 1956; the angel on the right had already been restored in the 17th C. iff., &4jf. E. affreschi As i p. see Dobbert, 'Zur byzantin. Frage, die Wandgemalde in S. A. in F.', in fahrb. d. preuss. Kunstsamml. XV, 1894, pp. I2sff., 2iiff. Ladner pp. (p. 23) cf. X. Kraus, 'Die Wandgemalde von S. A. fahrb. d. preuss. Kunstsamml XIV, 1893, 23) F. Unfortunately there that the figure represents the abbot Desiderius. S. C (p. 23) ing the donor, but historians Sebastianello), also called Maria in Pallara: Wilpert II, p. ioj$ff., IV, pi. 224. According to Ladner (p. looff.) 'c. 970'. Anthony The p. 69: 'end of 10th or beginning of nth paintings of Sant'Urbano alia Caffarclla, near Rome (c. ion, Ladner p. io$ff., Anthony p. 71 ff., pis 60, 71) with their meagre linear style cannot be compared with the style of Galliano. 7 (p. 22) Anthony p. 100 and pi. 158. XI di Desiderio', in Bollettino d''Arte 37, 1952, p. i02ff. cf. San Pietro). (p. 21) As in the Carolingian mosaics in the dome of Aachen Cathedral, cf. P. Clemen, Die rotnanische Monumentalmalerei in den Rheinlanden, Diisseldorf 1916, p. 14 and zsff., pis 5, 8. The origin of the enthroned Christ (Majestas Domini) is to be found in the Ascension representations of Syrian-Palestinian and Coptic art, cf. Anthony p. 32^! del sec. Monte Cassino 1934. scuola Cassinese del tempo illustranti la vita di S. Benedetto, Damiano pi. also p. 28 (Tuscania, 5 guanez and M. Avery, Miniature Cassinesi on 15 1. Benevento an indigenous southern Italian tradition, and no direct connection with contemporary Byzantine art. Rich illustrative material for this in M. Avery, The Exultet Rolls of South Italy, Princeton 1936. For the miniaturepainting in Monte Cassino under Desiderius: Boeckler, op. cit. p. 74/5 cf. also our note 12. school (2nd half of the ; 10th C.)
; ; The 22 Other wall-paintings of the Monte Cassino (p. 27) affreschi nella chiesa di school are, or were, to be found in the following Cassino, places: domed tomb at Dedalo Anthony Chiesa del Crocefisso (a classical the foot of Monte Cassino converted into a church in the Middle Ages); the in the 33iff. pis 63-6. E. 25 a" Arte edition I, p. 142, pis 70, 71; Wettstein op. cit. Anthony 26 (p. The lives of SS. were from the painted on the im from the Grotta S. cf. analysis of the frescoes); Coletti 28 II, p. I p. XIII, to the S3sff., IV, pis he declares 239-42. and dates the the construction of the new upper church, which presumably began at this time should be considered as ; terminus ante quern (Studies in the History of Medieval Italian Painting I, 1953, p. iff)', supplements and rectifications: op. op. cit. II, Also called 'Castel Sant'Elia', after the place situated near the church. C. J. Hoogenwerf, 'Gli (p. 28) cit. ; Anthony p. Romano II, 1940, 74, 75 p. I98jf. (V. 1125 or shortly (p. Wilpert IV, pis 252-9; Anthony 29) p. 77 pis (p. 29) Near Terni in Umbria. Described in detail by A. Schmarsow in Repertoriutn f Kunstwiss. 28, 1905, supplementing this: Garber op. cit. {cf p. 391JF. p. 214, note 2), p. ioff.\ Anthony p. 77, 78, pis 84, 83. Wall-paintings of similar stylistic trend dating from the beginning of the 13 th C. in Viterbo, S. Andrea di Pianoscarano and elsewhere; cf. G. Matthiae, 'Note di pittura laziale del Medioevo', in nzff. According to Toesca, Storia, pp. 972 and 1033, note 37, dating from the 'early 13th van Marie I, p. 1 58Jf. gives a date much too early 'c. 1 100' Anthony p. 71, pis 68, 69; Garrison p. 26: 'second quarter of the (p. 29) C; II, p. 179, pi. 19 j. p. 82jf. Bollettino d' Arte 36, 1951, p. 29 1955-6, p. 173 ff., also III, 1957-8, p. H3J"-, and IV, 1960-2, p. 2ioff. Cf. also the closely associated miniature in Cesena dated 1104, cit. Ladner, Le Arti ; this date irrelevant frescoes in the first decade of the 12th C. ; Magliano in 82, 83. Ladner, p. 6iff. Anthony p. 73/4 pis 73-6 ('after 1084'). Recently E. B. Garrison has stressed that there is no evidence for the supposed destruction in 1084; Roma', after'). 27 Wilpert 288^". Garrison, Studies op. 339 note 16) p. 46ff. considers them earlier than 1084 (with a careful description and effect. P. Rotondi, 'Gli affreschi di nella Galleria Corsini a p. d. 1938, p. 388). The paintings degli Angeli near MaglianoII, removed in 1939 and now in the in Rome, are closely connected: Corsini Gallery Clemente; the date of these walls is disputed. Scholars have so far usually connected them with the reported destruction or damage by Robert Guiscard in 1084; this date has been taken by some as the terminus ante quern and by others as the terminus post quern for the frescoes. Vitzthum same the Vatikan', in Kunstgeschichtl. Jahrb. Bibliotheca Hertziana church of {cf p. 1938, II, Garrison p. 26; Garrison, Studies in Medieval Italian Painting HI, 1957-58, p. $ff. ('Second Quarter of the twelfth Century'); W. Paeseler dates them in the second quarter of the 13th C, undoubtedly too late ('Die romische Welt- Pecorareccio, cit. Hertziana the History of surface of the walled-up arcades of the present lower op. Bibliotheca S. gerichtstafel are d. Anthony p. 75, pis 77, 78. The frescoes in the convent oratory behind p. 75, pis 79, 80; frescoes consisting of scenes Clement and Alexis inscription of the year Pudenziana in Rome are probably of the first half of the 12th C. Wilpert IV, pis 234-6; Anthony in Formis. 27) (p. 28) apse of manifestly done later than the frescoes inside Sant'- Angelo 1957-58, p. 289^". p. 93, pi. 141; p. 93, 94. All these paintings Jahrb. geschichtl. p. 9^, pis 139, 140; J. Wettstein op. cit. p. 96, 97. Foro Claudio (between Sessa and Carinola), S. Maria della Libera, apse decoration, cf. van Marie, Italian J. III, 1093. C. A. Isermeyer, 'Die mittelalterlichen Malereien der Kirche S. Pietro in Tuscania, in 'Kunst- 38, 1953, p. I4JTJ. Wettstein op. cit. p. 97, 98. Ausonia (north of Minturno), S. Maria del Piano, crypt, cf Anthony 69J?". Tuscania, the Toscanella of the Middle Ages, north of Viterbo. The paintings were probably done not long after the ciborium in the church choir, which bears the consecration di sue pitture', in Bollettino p. (p. 28) note 9) p. 94, pi. 19 a (and further references). Trocchio, now in ruins (the apse painting of the Ascension was also transferred to Monte Cassino), cf. A. Pantoni, 'S. Maria di Trocchio e le cit. {cf. Maria Ladner B. Garrison, Studies History of Medieval Italian Painting lies S. 24 69^, p. Sant'Elia presso Nepi', in p. medallions with portrait busts of saints, were removed in 1950 to the Abbey of Monte Cassino; J. Wettstein, op. 23 1927/28, p. $ff. ('first quarter of the twelfth Century'). frescoes, a half-length figure of Christ in Benediction and three VIII, eleventh and twelfth centuries ; 13th 30 C (p. 29) Garrison No. 279; Colletti I, pi. 16; illustration of the centre panel in Hager, pi. 37; colour plate in Wilpert IV, pis 244, 243. 341
Notes on the text 31 (p. 29) Entire triptychs: Garrison 278, 279, 280, 299; centre panel only: Garrison 288, 289, 290, 292, 305. Cf. W. Volbach, F. 'II Cristo di Sutri e la 39 venerazione scene shows a stone screen Romana and Archeologia, Rendiconti, di XVII, 1940/41, p. Garrison, Studies (cf. note 24) II, 1955-6, p. $ff. ('The Christ Enthroned at Casape with Notes on Redeemer the Earlier popular ' The Panels'). Christ-icon Latium in 40 is the so-called 41 late before 1234; in this year the chapel in which the triptych was to be kept was consecrated. p. 104; 30) Cf. W. W. Cook and S. : VI, Madrid (p. 30) di low relief; Florence (our/)/, 33); also see 35 (p- 3°) Hager 5 (Hager pi. 142) Maria Maggiore in pp. 30 and 344, note 4. p. 44jf., pis 44, 45 (p. 30) vere, 37 (p. e C. Bertelli, La Madonna Rome 30) E. 1961. Hager Maria Passione, della gives a detailed account of all 2 vols, peint', in p. 185J". du Revue de crucifix I' art ancien the crucifixes discussed monumental it sculpte et modernc 67/68, 1935, D. G. Polvara, monte sopra al 'II monastero benedettino di Civate', in Arte Cristiana 29, Pietro al monte di Civate', in Artis Monumenta Florence 1951. G. Bognetti and C. Abbazia benedettina di Civate, Civate 1957. I, with many illustrations, some in by G. Bognetti and C. Marcora op. cit. (cf. note 43). Most of the paintings of S. Calocero are above the vault on the upper walls of the centre aisle. (p. 31) Published colour, us, vich, 'L'Origine 342 44 Verona 1929, and many illustrations. Hager p. 7sff-, pi. 86ff. 38 (p. 30) For the origin of the panel crucifix and its antecedents cf. Hager p. 77. and earlier G. de Franco- by 3 1) Pietro V in Traste- italiana Formis, Marcora, R. Salvini, 'Romanico o Alto Medioevo? II problema cronologico della decorazione di S. Pietro al monte', in Arte Lombarda IX, 1964, p. 61 jf. p. 52, 53, pi. 56. Sandberg-Vavala, La Croce dipinta Viconografia (P- S. (and further biblio- di S. in fotografice edita graphical references). 36 Mauro Inguanez, Regcsto Monte Cassino 1925, pis I, II reproductions in D. Angelo 1941, pp. \llff-, 30, 1942 p. iff. P. Toesca, 'Gli stucchi monte di Civate', in Le Arti V, 1942/43, p. 55^ P. Toesca, 'Monumenti dell'antica abbazia di Santa in S. di S. Pietro al cf. the antependium in Siena of 121 and the Madonna miniatures, in text. 43 Painted or moulded decoration on the frame, figure in the coarser pro- the Regestum of S. Angelo in Formis of about the mid-i2th C. (A. Boeckler, Abendland. Miniaturen, S. main is Monte Cassino cf. 1950. representation of the closer to the Spoleto frescoes vincial late style of the Gudiol Ricart, J. wall-paintings of the reminiscent of the style of the miniatures of Desiderius' Even (p. The district. 2th C. in Spoleto also point to such a link. The time. ('Vita S. Benedicti' in Toesca, Storia, pis 725-7). C). 'Pintura e Imagineria Romanicas' in Ars Hispaniac, 34 1 'between the 1st Hager, p. 36: '2nd half of the 12th C. Paeseler op. cit. (cf. note 26) p. 382/3 dates the triptych (probably too late) shortly i98jf. artist's Martyrdom of SS. fohn and Paul in the crypt of SS. Giovanni e Paolo (van Marie I, pi. go) is still strongly carried. (p. 29) The datings of the Tivoli Triptych vary by more than a century. According to Garrison, Studies p. The inscription of the crucifix name Alberto 'di Sotio' is not Garrison No. 456. Monte Cassino a Christian derivative of the classical processions in 1957-8, Genova, Milan- could easily explain the art-historical link with the Such processions, regularly held, were III, della pittura a See p. 24. The old political association between Duchy of Spoleto and the principality of Benevento Hager note 24) ; original layer beneath, (p. 31) the [cf ; damaged, the time in connection with a votive procession in 752 or 753, when Pope Stephen II carried it from the Lateran to Santa Maria Maggiore; cf. and 2nd quarter of the 12th pulpit certain. 42 first which the emperor-portraits were from behind with pis. 86, 87). A. Morassi, Capolavori (p. 30) is V p. 35. at Florence 1951, pis 1-13 (many further details of the parts that were not overpainted). pi. for the Legend No. 498. Bologna p. 53 pi. 20. The was overpainted in the 13th C. an (p. 30) Garrison figure of Christ cf. Achiropoites', the representation of Christ in the Sanc- 135; Wilpert, 'L'Achiropoite della Cappella Sancta Sanctorum', in Arte 10, 1907, p. i6iff. The panel-painting, now badly damaged, was mentioned (Hager crucifix X-ray of the head revealed the original of this ta Sanctorum Chapel in Rome, which 'was not done by human hands'; cf. Wilpert II, p. 1103^, and IV, 33 of the scenes in the St Francis such a crucifix together with two other panel-paintings on the triumphal beam; another del SS. Salvatore nel Lazio', in Atti delta Pontif. Accad. 97.iT- 32 One (p. 30) Assisi has 45 (p- 3 2) The dating (c. 1180) suggested in the first book (1953) with reference to Toesca cannot be sustained. For the earlier dating cf. Bognetti/ Marcora, and Salvini op. cit. (cf. note 43). Salvini edition of this points to the relationship of the frescoes with other
The Lombard paintings some of which can be dated (Como, S. Giorgio di Borgo Vico, possibly 1082; Oleggio, S. Michele) and also with the stucco decoration in Studi in onore di Aristide Calderini e Roberto Paribeni, vol. 47 which was probably done at the same time as the paintings. A. Grabar (cf. Grabar/Nordcnfalk, Die romanische Malerei, Geneva 1958, p. 46) Civate Byzantine element in the frescoes of Civate and dates them 'not earlier than the first half of the 1 2th C.'. For the dating of the stucco at the end of the nth C. see G. de Francovich, 'Arte carolingia ed ottoniana in Lombardia', Romisches Jahrb. f. Kunstgesch. VI, 1942-4, p. 113 ff., and before him A. Feigel, in Monatshefte f. Kunstwiss., II, 1909, p. 206-217. 46 (p. 32) The paintings, which were almost inaccessible for a long time, were first published by E. Arslan, 'Affreschi romanici Pavesi e una scultura lignea', in (P- Milan/Varese 1956. Ill, (p. Pisa, 36) No. Aquileia, 48 (p. 35) p. The iron been removed. Cf. Magnani op. cit. pi. 5. Muratoff, La pittura bizantina, Rome, n.d., pis 153-6. R. Hamann-Mac Lean and H. Hallensleben, Die Monumentalmalerei in Serbien und Make- vom 11. bis H. Grondijs, la croix, Bruxellensis 4 (p. the overall when one who Early Tuscan painting byzantine du No. origini, From S. Maria dei Servi in Lucca Pinacoteca. (p. 38) Lucca, Pinacoteca, in the No. No. 226. Garrison No. 8 38) Gothic. One has only to think of the Byzantine motifs (p. 38) 5. p. 94. Painted before 1228, the year of the canonizastill with the title 'Frater Anthony van Marie Hager pi. 97. I, pi. 246 and plate, p. 424; 113. According to p. 88, pi. R. Offner (Gazette des Beaux-Arts 94/39, 1952, p. 132) dateable after c. 1218 (St Francis' visit to Subiaco) and probably before 1224, as the stigmata are not yet shown. A panel-painting with a full-length figure of St Francis, done only slightly later, was discovered by Offner in the storage-vaults of the Louvre in Paris We do not share the rather emotional, belittling opinion of Byzantine influence on Italian Duecento painting expressed by R. Longhi and recently also by F. Bologna. This influence was also felt in countries north of the Alps, and it is indisputable that it was of great importance in the French High (p. Rome/Dresden 1962. No. 402. Brunetti/Sinibaldi No. Franciscus'. 476. 2. p.2nj: 6 far-reaching influence of on Tuscan painting of the tion of St Francis, and For Berlinghiero and his school, cf. E. B. Garrison, 'Toward a new History of early Luchese Painting', in The Art Bulletin 33, 1951, p. 11 ff., and Garrison, 'A Berlinghieresque Fresco in S. Stefano, Bologna' in The Art Bulletin 28, 1946, Brunetti/Sinibaldi The 38) Garrison (p. Hager I. plate 21. now exclude especially those masters, is the best proof of the encounter with the East. Cf. R. Longhi, 'Giudizio sul Duecento' (1939), in Proporzioni II, 1948, p. $ff.; F. Bologna, La Pittura italiana delle Crucifie 501. Brunetti/Sinibaldi Lucca, tries to Berlinghiero, were particularly related to 2nd quarter of the century 7 No. like Italian painting fruitfulness of the Leyden, n.d. (Bibliotheca Byzantina 38) Garrison However, becomes distorted view of the Berlinghiero school Brunetti/ 1). Bologna colour 5 U Iconographie too close and too direct. as in the patternbook of Villard d'Honnecourt. For the origin of the Dead Christ on the Cross in Byzantine art (since the 1st half of the nth C.) cf. mort sur zum friihen l^.fhdt., Giessen 1963, Magnani regards this relationship with the frescoes of Nerez (p. 37) L. between the gallery and centre visible in our illustration, has still the Byzantine models. 20. di (P- 35) P- donien crucifix to the early 13 th C. 3 grill p. ilff., pis 29-43. d' Arte 18, 1936, 54 without explanation dates the 2 (p. 37) Pisa, Museo Nazionale No. Sinibaldi No. 14. Garrison No. 521. basilica since 49 Museo Nazionale, No. 15. Brunetti/ 130. Garrison No. 520. W. Arslan, Bologna basilica di p. loSff., Turin i960. part of the crypt, 'Su alcune croci pisani', in Rivista p. 2i7_/f. duomo di Aquileia', A. Morassi, in La Bologna 1933, p. 299 /f. Anthony 183-7. L. Magnani, Gli affreschi della pis the Sinibaldi 12.ff. Aquileia, 3 1 p. 833 ff., pis 1-6. 35) P- Toesca, 'Gli affreschi del in Dedalo VI, 1925/6, p. itself, stressed eleventh and twelfth centuries {op. 9 cit. (p. 39) No. 10 (p. p. 129^). Formerly in S. Miniato al Tedesco. Garrison Hager p. 94 pi. 128. Hager pp. 91, 93-5; pis 129-33. Garrison Nos. 140. 39) 361, 371, 394, 400, 405, 408, 409, 411. 11 (p- 39) The Antependium is to be regarded as the 343
; Notes on the text cf. Hager pp. horizontal rectangular panel, dated precursor of these early altar-retables 9iff., 103J/". The 1215, with the Enthroned Christ in the Siena Pinaco- No. d'Arte 1922/23 p. 145^". E. Carli, Pittura medievale pi- ; as Hager proves on an antependium. The liturgical requirement for the appearance of the retable was the custom, which developed in Italy only teca p. (Garrison 357), was, 105, not yet a retable, but gradually, that the priest mole d'un avanti P. Bacci, 'Juncta Pisanus pictor', in Bolletino No. No. . . V'Arte 16 (p. 578). 15). Pisa, Bologna, S. S. Ranierino (Gar- Domenico 1936, p. jiff. 40) See p. 349, note II. Florence and Siena in the Duecento 4 1 Madonnenbild urn Siena, Princeton 1260', in Mitt, des Kunsthistor. Inst, in Florenz VII, 1953, p. gff. Also E. B. Garrison, in Bolletino d'Arte 41, 1956, many illustrations (p. 41) R. Oertel, 'Ein toskanisches 9 (with the dating between 1270 and 1287, in our opinion too late). p. 2 303^ (p. 41) 3 4 No. 219; 41) Garrison (p. 41) This connection is Brunetti/Sinibaldi No. especially clear in the ante- (p. 41) Garrison Madonna No. Coppo 1. C. Brandi, 'II Marcovaldo restauro della ; Madonna and Child were in this case the throne 10 (p. 42) settled, typical was repainted early in Madonna of 1261; also repainted. The long standing controversy, still not over the dating of the Guido Maesta is a example of the conflict between the specific approach, based on stylistic evidence, and the supposed 'historical' method, based on external data. R. Offner ('Guido da Siena and A.D. 122 1', in art-historical Gazette des Beaux-Arts 1950, p. 6ijf.) dates the picture Servi di Siena', in Bolletino d'Arte 35, 1950, p. 160^ G. Coor-Achenbach, 'A Visual Basis for the Docu- with convincing stylistic argument around 1275-80. C. Brandi (Duccio, Florence 195 1, p. 94^/".) gives a comprehensive account of the history of the picture and the controversy relating to it; supported by technical observations made during the 1949/50 restoration, he firmly accepts the date 1221 on the inscription. As Offner, however, convincingly demonstrates, this could not possibly have been the actual date when the picture was painted. Thus, if the date Hodegetria' di cf. V. Lasareff, 'Studies in the Icono- graphy of the Virgin', in The Art p. 46jf. Bulletin 20, 1938, ('The Seated Hodegetria'); for further in- formation about the emergence of this type of Madonna accepted by Brandi, intact in on 9Jf. esp. p 26/f. Garrison No. 25 ('1265-70') Brunetti/Sinibaldi No. $8 (with good illustrations after the restoration). (p. 42) For full account cf. J. H. Stubblebine, Guido da and authentic, an explanation is required that would be consistent with the stylistic evidence. It is, for instance, not entirely inconceivable that the date of an older Madonna which was replaced by Guido's panel was adopted; such an assumption would, how- Tuscan painting cf. R. Oertel, 'Ein toskanisches Madonnenbild um 1260', in Mitt. d. Kunsthistor. Inst, in 8 42) Garrison nella Chiesa dei di ments relating to Coppo di Marcovaldo and his Son Salerno', in The Art Bulletin 28, 1946, p. 233 /f. 6 (p. 42) For the increase of popularity of the 'Seated 7 works, of No. 297 ('about 1270') Hager pp. 137, Stubblebine op. cit., Cat.-No. IVa, b ('about 1280'). Originally in S. Domenico in Siena. The heads (p. of the 61. pendiums (cf. p. 343, note 11). Originally, these were done as a rule by goldsmiths. According to Hager (p. 59) all antependiums not done in precious metal are to be regarded as substitutes. 5 catalogue and extensive bibliography). the 14th C. like those of Coppo's 91, 92, pi. 122. (p. (with 1964 138. Garrison No. 363; Brunetti/Sinibaldi No. 52; Hager pp. 344 . (Garrison No. 546; Brunetti/Sinibaldi No. 16); C. Brandi, 'II Crocifisso di Giunta Pisano in Domenico a Bologna', in rison importance of the Mendicant Orders for the emergence of panels as highaltar retables. 12 (p. 39) Hager, pis 122JJ, ij 4ff. (P- 39) una trave, maggiore nella Chiesa Superiore.' S. Maria degli Angeli (Garrison No. 543 Crocifisso, posto nelPalto sopra l'altar 15 (P- 39) Assisi, Brunetti/Sinibaldi stresses the *3 (p. 39) Cf. Paradiso, diviso in Quattro Capi, 1651, p. 298; 'una gran no longer celebrated mass behind the altar (versus populum), but in front of it with his back to the congregation. For the earliest forms of the retable cf. Hager pp. giff., ioijf., Hager Milan 1958, p. 3oJf., pis III, 32-37. R. Oertel in Zschr.f. Kunstgesch. VI, 1937. p. 229/30. A hitherto unnoticed reference to the FrateElia Crucifix is found in D. Nicolo Catalano, Fiume del scina, 14 Florenz VII, 1953, p. (p. 42) ; the inscription is, as
Florence and Siena in the Duecento Garrison p. 22, and G. Coor-Achenbach, 'Some Unknown Representations by the Magdalen Master', ever, contradict the general character of the inscription which is a typical 'artist's' inscription. According to J. H. Stubblebine (Guido da Siena, 1964, p. 39jf.) the undoubtedly part of the overpainting done at the beginning of the 14th C, and its text is derived from the inscription of the polyptych No. 7in the Siena Pinacoteca (cf. note 12). On this occasion only the date, '1221', was added, and could refer to the date, transmitted by an unreliable account, of inscription the is establishment of the first Domenican Order These considerations are Siena. mentally irrelevant to the Our work. present all, stylistic As long as Garrison 16 in assessment of the view of Duecento painting, on com- the basis of an isolated date. no convincing explanation can be given must remain. Possibly the technical evidence needs to be re-examined. the restoration E. Carli cf. On and C. Brandi, in J3 The twelve No. 27. Stubblebine 43) panels Ardenga near (c. 74; other cit. niff. p. No. 44) Garrison 186. Brunetti/Sinibaldi No. 33, of references. full list la Supplemented in Bollettino storia delVarte senese I, R. f Oertel: Zschr. 1854, p. i58rF. Kunstgesch. VI, 1937, p. 221. Madonna to Cimabue late acknowledgment Vasari's attribution of the Rucellai was the reason No. Cat.-No. II. 35 for the relatively and the long dispute concerning now be accepted. mentioned in the records for the of Duccio's authorship 430. x 46 cm) come from and are now dispersed in the museums of Altenburg, Princeton, Siena and (P- the Badia No. 7, 10, 191. 18 (p. 44) Reprinted in G. Milanesi, Documenti per a" Arte 36, Brunetd/Sinibaldi (p. containing a the results of 1951, p. 248/f. 11 (p. 43) Garrison No. 378. Hagerp/. 145. 12 (p. 43) Siena Pinacoteca, No. 7. Garrison 35; Brunetti/Sinibaldi (p. 44) J. Strzygowski, Cimabue undRom, Vienna 1888. A. Aubert, Die malerische Dekoration der San-FrancescoKirche in Assisi. Ein Beitrag zur Losung der Cimabuefrage, Leipzig 1907. E. Benkard, Das literarische Portrat des Giovanni Cimabue, Munich 1917. A. Nicholson, Cimabue, Princeton 1932. R. Salvini, Cimabue, Rome 1946. E. Battisti, Cimabue, Milan 1963. Also Brunetti/ Sinibaldi p. 2S3Jf. and the bibliographical appendix. Battisti op. 17 for the date 1221, the doubt regarding the inscription of Guido's Maesta No. works: Garrison Nos. however, funda- arrived at after decades of research, cannot be pletely repudiated in The Burlington Magazine 93, 1951, p. TiffMadonna in Bagnano near Florence, S. Maria: 15 (p. 43) it. 19 Siena, (p. Duccio's authorship can {cf. Cimabue 44) first is time in 1272 p. 48). as witness to a contract in He must Rome have been already a master of Utrecht, as well as in the Stroelin collection in Paris some renown Nos. 660-2, 671, 687, 696-100, 702; Stubbelbine Cat.-No. IV c, p. 43^, pis 18, 20-30). They were sawn apart at the beginning of the 19th C. and their original connection is disputed. C. Weigelt ('Guido da Siena's Great Ancona: A Reconstruction', in The Burlington Magazine LIX, 1931, p. i-Sjf-) was the first to attempt to identify them with the so-called aliae (side-wings), which are reputed to have belonged to Guido's Maesta. It is, however, by no means certain that they were indeed part of these aliae mentioned in the 1 6th C. Neither the reconstruction by Weigelt, nor the one recently suggested by Stubble- thus probably between 1240 and 1250, presumably in the first half of the decade. Duccio is mentioned (Garrison bine (p. S7JF- id) wooden cf. 20 p. 21 Assisi The document was discovered and published by Cimabue und Rom, Vienna 1888, Strzvgowski, I5«#. (p. 48) op. and reputed participation in pp. 56 and 196, and further p. 347 notes 22, 23. (p. 48) J. cit. Colour pi. plate of the figure of St John in Battisti, 68. In 1302 Cimabue also received the commission for the high-altar retable in Santa Chiara in Pisa (nowlost);Hagerp. 113, including an attempted Judging between the which can be detected in several parts of the series, it was probably a large, wide altarpanel, the centre-piece of which is missing. 14 (p. 43) The major work, the Magdalene panel, is in the Florence Accademia (Garrison No. 404. Brunetti/ Sinibaldi No. 70). For an analysis of the master cf. boards, his artistic origins pi. 5). direction of the joints time in 1278 in connection with a modest chests containing the municipal records. Cf. C. Brandi, Duccio, 1951, p. 77. He was probably born between 1250 and 1260. On is (with an attempted reconstruction, by the horizontal first time; the date of his birth was commission in Siena to paint convincing. Cf. R. Oertel, Malerei in Altenburg, Berlin 1961, p. 54_#1, pi. Friihe italienische for the at that reconstruction pi. 164. 22 (p. 48) Garrison Coppo No. 540 ('workshop or school of di Marcovaldo, with the participation of the 1270-5'). A good illustration in No. 81 ('1260-1270?'). Battisti op. pis 1-6 (of which four in colour). 49) Garrison No. 182 ('1285-90'). Sinibaldi/ young Cimabue, c. Brunetti/Sinibaldi cit. 23 (p. 345
Notes on the text Brunetti No. by 24 Hager 82. p. 142 Cimabuesque elements in the works mentioned could have been derived. Equally untenable is the already ('after 1285, the the Ruccllai Madonna'). influenced (p. 49) Cf. P. Beye, Cimabue nnd Diss. Freiburg i. Madonna panel from S. Francesco in Pisa (Louvre, Paris), which is also based on R. Longhi 'Giudizio sul Duecento', pp. 15, 16); die Dugentomalerei, early dating of the large Br. 1957 (typescript). 25 (p. 49) Garrison No. 560 (with the dating '1280 to 1285', doubtlessly too early). Brunetti/Sinibaldi No. 83. A curious reversal of Cimabue's chronology by R. Longhi II, 1948, p. Crucifix would according to which the S. Croce supported by Bologna ('before 1288'). The cit. (cf. p. looff. note 16), alleged dependence of Salerno di Coppo's Crucifix in Pistoia (1274) on Cimabue's work is no more convincing than the dependence of Deodato Orlandi's Crucifix dated 1288 in Lucca. There were doubtlessly other crucifixes by Cimabue and his workshop, now lost, from which For the overall scheme of S. Francesco (archiand painting) reference can always be made (p. 50) tecture to Kleinschmidt. Further illustrative material for the paintings in L. Coletti, Gli affreschi delta Basilica di Assisi, Bergamo the nave of the 1296'). 26 Nuovo Testamento many colour plates. p. 5 Comprehensive L. Martius, Die later, is incorrect. stone rafters were pillars of the 6 crossing: cf. the cit. points out the itself the after basilica di S. Fran- that at the consecration (p. 51) Gnudi W. by Kronig in Kunstgeschichtl. 1938, p. 27ff. In fact the actually built in the 15th O, as II, Italian scholars (cf. Hertlein op. p. 235//. discusses fully the cit., question of sources and the hypotheses of dating that arise of the St Francis representation in the fresco of the Funeral of St Francis Cf. Hertziana p. 48). Legend, next to the op. 1253 only the stone structure of the roof of the existed, and that the vault was added has been proved last frescoes asserted Bologna 1924) esp. pp. 54, 55. and Schone Upper Church Schone, 'Studien zur Oberkirche von Kurt Batich, Munich 1957, p. soff., first He Francesco. which 59 expresses a similar view. I. B. Supino's supposition (La Assisi', in Fcstschr. served on the cf. of falirb. d. Bibl. (p. 50) The wooden consoles that once supported the beam designed for the triumphal cross are still pre- S. (p. 51) in Berlin 1932. 346 For the choir screen 2), cesco di Assisi, survey of the sources and literature in Franz iskuslegende in der Oberkirche von S. Francesco in Assisi nnd Hire Stcllung in der kunstgeschichtl. Forschung, 3 assisted'. Giovanni Buralli da Parma (1247) as general of the Franciscan Order. The patronage of Louis IX of France, who was a tertiary in the Order, was of special importance. Schone, op. cit. (cf. note 2) election nel Santuario di Assisi (idem, IV, 1947); both publications have valuable introductions. Further Gnudi, Giotto W. 'Cimabue, largely construction and a convincing examination of the Bencini e Sansoni, 1946; P. Toesca, 'Gli affreschi dell'Antico e del 50) pi. 58). note type and style of French influence, after the resto- Santuario di Assisi, in Artis Monumenta photographice 2 (p. (Gnudi cit.: pp. 64, 65. 4 (p. 51) E. Hertlein (Die Basilika San Francesco in Assisi, Florence 1964) has given the first analysis of the 1949. Photographs of the frescoes in Upper Church were, edita III, Florence, with Garrison op. (cf. ration of 1942/43, published in P. Toesca, 'Gli affreschi della Vita di S. Francesco nella Chiesa Superiore del (1958), (p. 49) Rome Assisi and. 1 of this picture stand at the beginning of Cimabue's ('before 1274'); further E. Battisti op. 5 Bologna pp. 100, 101, 105. The dependence on Duccio's Ruccllai Madonna has always been remarked upon. This applies both to the composition with the oblique view of the throne and to the frame, which is a cruder imitation of the Ruccllai Madonna frame (photograph of the frame of the Louvre Madonna: Alinari 23082; cf. also Bologna pi. 70). Cf. the analysis of the frame by M. CammererGeorge, Die Rahmung der toskanischen Altarbilder im Trecento, Strasbourg 1966, pp. 32, 45 and note 65 ('product of the Cimabue school between 1288 and also proposed ('Giudizio sul Duecento', in Proporzioni sff.), development; p. 62JJ. is from it. 7 (p. 51) Hertlein op. cit. (cf. note 4), p. 10, thinks that the south portal was built after the severe earthquake
Assisi and of 1279. Possibly the buttresses to the nave, were not part at that time. 8 (p. 51) The of the original building, Kleinschmidt Cf were also which added identification of the Capitol for the first time in C. Brandi (cf. note 10). The conclusions that Brandi draws from his observations, and which we also adopted in the first edition of this book, cannot, however, be sustained. 9 (p. 51) Cf. Battisti (cf. note 10), pi. g, in which the escutcheons can be clearly seen. 10 (p. 52) J. Strzygowski (Cimabue undRom, Vienna 1888, p. 84_ff.) was the first to deal thoroughly with the Roman view of Cimabue, although his interpretation of the single buildings is in part incorrect a controversy lasting several decades arose out of his thesis. C. Brandi ; (Duccio, Florence 195 1, was the p. i2jff.) first to re- cognize the building with pinnacles and escutcheons as a representation of the Capitol. He connected the who were in and deduced from this that Cimabue's activity in Assisi is to be dated at about this time. Differing with Brandi, J. White 'The Date of the "Legend of St. Francis" in Assisi', in The Burlington Magazine 98, 1956 p. 344ff.) stresses that from 1277 on members of the Orsini family had served repeatedly as senators. That the Orsini emblems could refer to Pope Nicholas III had been suggested earlier, e.g. Kleinschmidt II, pp. 59, 60. For our coats-of-arms with the Orsini senators office in the years 1288-92, summary of the historical situation we (cf. Bologna p. 343, p. 101, note 6), p. and C. Volpe, 15; also in in his versial discussion of Battisti's in Paragone 11 (P- 53) The Gnudi p. 41, Sindona. (p. 54) the Winds, op. Cf Battisti pi. 7 cit. R. Salvini, Cimabue, 15 (P- 55) The barrel-vaulted of the tower; under the signature Corsvs Rome choir is window 1946, p. 21/22. floor on the ground of the rear wall is the Me Pinxit and the year 1284. Publish- Assisi the blue (p. 56) R. Longhi, 'Giudizio sul Duecento', in Pro- Bologna p. 126; Gnudi A C. Volpe, 'Preistoria di Duccio', in Paragone V, 1954 (No. 49) p. \ff. and F. Bologna, 'Cio che resta di un capolavoro giovanile di Duccio / Nuovi studi sulla formazione del maestro', in Paragone XI, i960 cf. (No. 125), p. 24 (p. 57) 3jf.; also Anthony Bologna (1962) pp. 126, 127. Wilpert IV pis p. 81, pis 100, 101. 268, 26g. 2 5 (P- 57) Wilpert IV, pi. 300. Garber op. cit. (cf. p. 214, note 2) pp. 43, 44. Anthony pp. 82, 83, pis 104, 105 P. Muratoff La pittura bizantina, Rome n.d., CLVII. Colour plates of Cavallini's frescoes in Wilpert IV, pis 2jg-g6. Bologna pis g6-g. (p. 58) pi. pis ig, 20. (p. 54) in series of panel paintings reveal stylistic 2 3 (P- 5*5) features of both masters. For Duccio's beginnings and the grandiose Angels of 14 large surfaces p- 238. 26 Kleinschmidt pis 12-15. 13 Over = porzionill, 1948, p. 18; likewise 1964, No. 173 p. 6iff. repeated reversal of the black-and-white (p. 53) 1935, see p. 70ff. 22 XV, 12 28, copper carbonate) has changed into malachite of typical green colour through the effects of humidity and the presence of carbon dioxide in the atmosphere. J 8 (p- 55) Gnudi's assumption (p. 237) that the Doctors' Vault in its present form was a relatively late addition - after 1297 - as a subsistance for an earlier vault decoration, appears convincing. According to traditional iconographic conceptions one would expect a representation of the prophets as counterpart to the evangelists in the vault over the crossing. For the question of dating see p. 349 note 17. 19 (P- 5<5) See pp. 15, 16 and notes 2, 3. 20 (p. 56) See Strzygowski, Cimabue und Rom, Vienna 1888, p. 176; also A. Nicholson in The Art Bulletin XII, 1930, p. 270; and L. Lochoff in Rivista d'Arte XTX, 1937, p. 250 likewise Bologna p. 120. 21 (p. 56) For technique of painting and work practices (azurit otherwise contro- pis 48-51 a" Arte churches of the Italian Gothic that contain pictorial decoration. Cimabue monograph, rough impression of the original effect, and the numerous excellent reproductions in Battisti op. cit. For pis 48 and 50 we are deeply grateful to Prof. E. Battisti and Dr E. our Bollettino p. 101. (p. 55) Also relationship all values gives a cf. 322^ Bologna Bologna p. 101. No direct pupil-master between Corso di Buono and Cimabue seems to have existed. The stylistic connection is of a rather general nature, and Corso's technique is still wholly traditional. 17 (p- 55) Blue vaults strewn with stars are found in almost are indebted D. Gioseffi (Giotto architetto, Milan 1963, pp. 108, 109), and E. Battisti (Cimabue, Milan 1963, p. 3&ff.). The early dating of Cimabue's activity in Assisi (c. 1277 to 80) is already found in Longhi, 'Giudizio sul Dueto cento', p. 16 p. 130. I, ed by G. Castelfranco in Rome 27 (P- 59) 28 (p. 59) cfp. 338, note The 2. the north wall of St Paul's at the time of (1270-79) ; on Abbot John VI frescoes of the story of the Apostles the Old Testament scenes on the south wall 347
Notes on the text at the op. time of Abbot Batholomew I (1282-97). Garber p. 338, note 2) p. 76. According to J. White, 'Cavallini and the Lost Frescoes in S. Paolo', determined with even greater accuracy: 1277-9 for the north wall, between 1282 and 1290 for the south wall. This dating is confirmed by White's analysis of the compositions transmitted in the baroque copies, from which a convincing picture of Cavallini's stylistic development emerges. 2 9 (P- 59) C. Cecchelli, 'S. Maria in Trastevere', in Le Chiese di Roma illustrate 31/32, Rome, 149. A. Prandi, 'Pietro Cavallini a S. note in Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes XIX, 1956, p. 84Jf., the period of Cavallini's activity can be M. cf. in reconstruction of Bibl. 32 Hertziana (p. 60) Cf. W. II, Paeseler in Kunstgesch. Jahb. O. Morisani, Naples 1947, and pi. 622 cit. (cf. (detail) ; complete note 29) pi. 13. illustration Christ still moved to his right. It is not a representation It is its final point of origin. its 35 where it Western form, and then returned to that the motif thus travelled via France, received the (P- 63) Cf. in particular two angels bearing torches, van Marie I, pi. 283. Rusuti's signature is at the foot of the Enthroned Christ, and thus possibly refers only to this part of the mosaic. It is doubtful wheter the narrative representation in the lower part of the facade is by him. There is evidence that in 1308 and 13 17 Rusti was in the service of Philip the Fair of France. Toesca, Storia, pp. 987 and 1035, note 40. For Rusuti's alleged activity in Assisi see pp. 56^ Wilpert IV, pis 270, 271, 276-8. 36 (p. 63) 37 (p- 63) P. 1320 is the date of the consecration of the church. After 13 16 Cavallini was again in Rome, where he executed the mosaic for the facade M. also p. 26. Toesca, in Rivista d'Arte pis. // Trecento, Salvini, 'Le origini XIX, 1951, p. 451. Cf. dell'arte di Giotto', in 1937, p. 193, esp. p. 207^, and 9-13. Giotto: the early years 6 1 (p. 64) This is mainly true by comparison with the older wall-paintings in Assisi itself. Cf, however, the explanation of W. Schone (Uber das Licht in der Malerei, 1954, p. 32jf-), who uses the frescoes of the St Francis Legend to analyze the chromatic effect of light in medieval churches with stained-glass win- (p. 65) The many attemps at attribution and division cannot be considered here. The best account L. Rivista d'Arte XI, 1937, p. 240^". L. Martius op. (cf. p. 346 note cit. 1), p. 116J7: Gnudi pp. 236, 237. 65) R. Offher, 'Giotto, Non-Giotto', in The Bur- 3 (p. 65) Cf. 4 (p. lington Magazine 1939, 74, expressed a different view. M. and 75, 1939. P- 9(>ff., Meiss (Giotto and Assisi, New York i960) dows. 2 348 Torriti*, in L'Arte 31, conceivable that the French type of the 'Coronation of the Virgin' was derived from this early Roman type, d. Pittura del Trecento in Napoli, unknown. of her coronation, but of her enthronement. Italiane 1938, p. 375. 'Nota su Jacopo Toesca, Storia, has been n. d., pp. 39/40, Le Gallerie Nazionali is occupies the centre of the apse surface, the Virgin 1952 pp. 282-97. 60) See Toesca, Storia, pp. 985 and 1035, note 39. Hermanin Soldati, in Cecchelli op. Maria in Traste- V, 1902, p. 6iff. first published the frescoes of S. Cecilia with good illustrations. Also on Cavallini: F. Hermanin, 'II maestro romano di Giotto', in Almanacco di Roma per Vanno 1924, Spoleto 1924, p. i$^ff.\ A. Busuioceanu, in Ephemeris Dacoromana III, 1925, p. 2S9Jf.\ L. Coletti, 'Nota sugli esordi di Giotto', in La Critica d'Arte, 1937, p. i24_/f. and 129 note 26. E. Sindona, Pietro Cavallini, Milan 1958. 31 (p. 60) Considerable remnants are preserved; cf. the F. date of his death 1928, p. 247^. 34 (p. 6$) The apse mosaic in Santa Maria in Trastevere in Rome (c. 1145) is an early development of this, Storia dell' Arte, N.S.I., (p. The 2), p. 77. cf. 33 (P- 63) The apse of S. Maria Maggiore: Wilpert II, pis 121-4. F° r Torriti see van Marie I p. 482^".; vere', in Rivista dell'Istituto Nazionale d' Archeologia e 30 commissioned by Pope Garber op. cit. (see p. 338, of S. Paolo fuori le mura, John XXII (1316-34); cit. (cf. Lochoff, testamento 'Gli affreschi nella basilica deU'antico e del superiore di is in nuovo Assisi', in attributes the two Isaac scenes and the Lamentation to the young Giotto, the St Francis Legend to a follower of Giotto. 5 (p. 65) Salvini No. 2. P. L. Rambaldi, passo di Riccobaldo', in Rivista d'Arte 'Postilla XIX, al 1939, p.
Giotto: the early years 349 ^f. P. Murray, Some 'Notes on Early Giotto 14 Warburg and Courtauld Institutes XVI, 1953, p. 58$". Gnudi, pp. 242, 243. 6 (p. 65) Cf. F. Rintelen, Giotto und die Giotto-Apokryphen, Munich and Leipzig 1912 (2nd edition Basle in Journal Sources', of the 1923). Despite the criticism of Rintelen's now can be made, book R. Oertel, 'Wende der Giotto-Forschung' (cf. note 7 (p. 66) cf. note Toesca 8), Kunsthist. Inst, in Florenz VII, 1953, p. 4}ff. (Giotto, Bielefeld and Leipzig, 1899, crucifix to 10 Giotto's (p. 66) R. Oertel, 'Giotto-Ausstellung in Florenz', cf. Kunstgesch. VI, 1937, p. 224^". According it was done about or shortly after 1290. f Gnudi p. 58, In A all probability Giotto Nicola Pisano, cf. development of form was born in 1266, Oertel op. Italian cit. (cf note 9). *3 W. Mather, The Isaak Master, Princeton 1932. Meiss (Giotto and Assisi, New York i960, p. 12) demonstrates clearly that this figure cannot be a representation of Rebecca, as was previously thought. (p. 67) F.J. (P- 67) cit. (cf. and II note 2) p. 266^". Trecento, p. 446$".) New Testament scenes in the first bay were painted surpass it in their The with the more scenes are Isaac Roman striking and still tradition; they consistent design, but do not display new ideas of composition. On the other hand we subscribe to Gnudi's view that the Doctors' Vault could have been executed without technical difficulty after the frescoes For the crucifix panels in pictorial 1959, P- 49ff 12 op. on the side walls Stellung der Freshen der Franzlegende in der Oberkirche Schone, 'Giottos Kruzifixtafeln und ihre Vorganger', in Festschrift fur Friedrich Winkler, Berlin cf. Lochoff (Giotto, 1941, p. 67$!, closely connected P. Toesca, Giotto, 1941, p. 9. 11 (p. 66) (Vasari- von San Francesco in Assisi in der Geschichte der Perspektiue, Verona 1929, p. 23) considered it to be a done shortly before the Padua frescoes; the same view in Giotto (Turin 1941) p. 78/79. Until 1937 the majority of the critics, on the other hand, considered the crucifix to be a workshop product and did not accept its identity with the piece mentioned in the document of 13 12. The 'rediscovery' is due to L. Coletti, 'Note giottesche', in Bollettino d'Arte XXX, 1937, p. 350/f. For the dating of the in Zschr. Vasari states as p. 537). similar earlier type in the pulpit relief of an of Giotto. P. Toesca (La pittura fiorcntina del Trecento, of I, cf. work work i.e. had been completed (cf. p. 347 note 18). 17 (p. 68) At that time the doctrine of the 'Four Fathers of the Church', the doctores, was officially declared in the Decretals of 1297 (Gnudi p. 237). This probably led to the representation of this theme in the Doctors' Vault. However, a conclusive terminus post quern cannot be drawn from this as the intentions of the Curia could have been known in Assisi sometime before. According to P. Murray (cf. note 5) there is no evidence that Vasari's statement that Giovanni da Muro was Giotto's patron in Assisi is based on reliable sources. The close connection between the St Francis Legend and the Doctors' Vault, however, supports the view that both works were done at more or less the same time, i.e., around 1297. For the perspective elements in the Doctors' Vault cf. M. Sperlich, Die p. 136) already identified the crucifix correctly as early relation- Cavallini before the Isaac scenes. Kunstgesch. XI, 1943/44, p. iff. Further K. Bauch, 'Die geschichtliche Bedeutung von Giotto's Fruhstil', d. a reciprocal no circumstances, however, could young Giotto in the damaged Baptism of Christ, the Pentecost, the two Joseph scenes and the Isaac scenes. Cf. also Gnudi p. 4sff(p. 68) We do not share Gnudi's view that the Old and 9. H. Thode the supposition that there Lamentation, the Ascension, and the severely f (p. 66) is recognizes the hand of the No. 96, with comprehensive bibliography. The numerous scholarly contributions occasioned by the Giotto Exhibition of 1937 are listed by R. Oertel, 'Wende der Giotto-Forschung', in Zschr. in Mitt. probable 15 (p. 68) Cf. L. 8 (p. 66) Brunetti/Sinibaldi 9 'dialogue' (Gnudi), a have been Giotto's pupil 16 Thode, Toesca, was Milanesi monographs of P. Toesca (Giotto, Turin 1914) and C. Gnudi (Milan 1958), the most comprehensive and artistically adequate monograph. Cf. R. Salvini, Einleitung zur Giotto-Bibliographie p. XXIV/f!, and esp. p. 2. hardly likely that Giotto was Cavallini's It is More ship. In that remains, together with the it 68) (p. pupil. thesis In the left picture Rebecca is shown looking consid- (typescript). II, p. 96, rightly says: 'The master of the St Francis Legend was also the creator of the Doctors' Vault'. Cf R. Oertel, Zschr. f Kunstgesch. XI, 1943/44, P- uff 19 (p. 70) Cf. the vivid description given by Didron in M. erably older and wearing different clothes. Hamburg, 1955 18 (p. 69) Kleinschmidt, his edition of the painters' handbook from Mt Athos (Das Handbuch der Malerei vom Berge Athos, edited by G. Schafer, Trier 1855). 20 (p. 73) The Cennini (cf. process p. is accurately described in 337 note 3), chapter 67. Cennino The word 349
Notes on the text is, however, used by him only as a colour term and not in the wider sense of a preliminary drawing on the rough plaster. 21 (p. 73) Cf. R. Oertel, 'Wandmalerei und Zeichnung in Italien. Die Anfange der Entwurfszeichnung und sinopia ihre monumentalen Vorstufen', Inst, in V, Florenz U. Procacci, 1940, p. 2ijff. (p. 73) decay d. Kunsthistor. Also recently, known and in On until then). Cf. Oertel op. cit. (cf. note 21) pis 17, 18. On the basis of the technical findings of Tintori and Meiss, under- removal of numerous wall-paintings in 2 3 (P- 73) many cases The Italien also were removed to terms are: often discovered, safety. arriccio or arricciato, and intonaco. 24 No blue dye was known that could withstand occurred when the fresco dried. Until the 15th C. the blue was therefore nearly always applied after the fresco was dry (a secco) in tempera. Except for a few traces, the blue on these (p. 73) the parts carbonization now is that lost, e.g. in Giotto's Padua frescoes (the cloaks of Christ and the Virgin). Cf. our pi. VII. 25 (p. 74) Out pi. I shows the division of the apse surface into sections of plaster, whose intersections cut across the figure of Christ below the knee. The blue ground unevenly preserved in the different sections. The term for these divisions, made necessary by the height of the scaffolding, is pontata. Sketched underdrawings for wall-paintings are already present in S. Salvatore in Brescia, i.e. in the Carolingian period. As the surfaces are not too large, is Italian these are true sinopie. Illustrations in Panazza, note 26 cf. p. 338 13. Very sketchy underdrawbecame visible when the picture of the Creation was lifted (according to a verbal report by P. Gerhard Ruf, Assisi). The brushdrawing of the head of the Creator (our pi. 53) was painted on an relatively thick plaster directly unterneath the coloured layer, and is thus a preliminary drawing done a fresco, i.e., an underpainting for the (p. 74) Kleinschmidt ings directly on pi. 8. the wall surface a secco execution in lime painting. 2 7 (P- 75) The fresco technique and the 'man-days' division connected with it were already known in Tintori/Mciss (cf. note 28) pp. 6, 7, continuous tradition of this technique in wall-painting cannot be established; however, the Roman painters of the end of the 13th C. were familiar classical times, and pi. 350 p. 4/5. cf. A 1962. Maria Donnaregina in Naples there were large areas, up to the time of the last restoration, where the paint had come away revealing the monumental underdrawings on the bottom layer. other places. During the process of detaching 14th and early 15th C. frescoes sinopie York Cavallini's frescoes in S. See pp. 305 and 365, note 11. The progressive of many of the surviving Italian frescoes led to the New A Chapel, 2 9 (P- 75) few unimportant missing portions were plastered at an early stage. the other hand in Sinopie e ajfreschi, Florence i960 (with a catalogue of all the sinopie 22 in Mitt. with the mosaic technique and they could easily have adapted it to the medium of wall-paintings. 28 (p. 75) L. Tintori and M. Meiss, The Painting of the Life of St. Francis in Assisi, with Notes on the Arena drawings on one of the unterneath layers of the St Francis Legend must also be assumed, although until now none have been found. Work on separate and often numerous sections presupposes the existence of a preliminary drawing of the entire composition on the wall. The number of man-days within the whole cycle varies between six (The Prayer in San Damiano) and as many as fifty-four (The Death of St Francis) - which indicates that painters with very different technical habits took part in the execution. 30 (p. 75) Toesca 1946 (cf. p. 346, note 1); see also Studies in Art Dedicated the History of London He to William E. Snida, the ochrecoloured underdrawing to be the only one, and that the actual fresco-ground (fme plaster) was applied in a very thin layer on top of this drawing. This would be a very unusual technique, found nowhere else. The plaster sections that have since been revealed, and Cavallini's analogous technique, (cf. note 29) support the view that the St Francis Legend was painted in the two layer technique we have described. 31 (p. 75) For the Arena Chapel, cf. Tintori/Meiss (cf. note 28) p. 157J". and pis 56-8. 32 (p. 33 (P- 75) 75) Assisi 1959, Cf p. 2iff.). considers p. 107. F° r the St Martin sharing his Cloak scene in see C. Brandi, 'Una sinopia di Simone Martini', in Arte Antica e Moderna, Nos 13-16, 1961, p. i^ff. At the sinopia stage the painter already alteration his in originally to be composition: on the right the side. made city Other a crucial gate was alterations were made during the execution of the painting, the most striking being the postures and gestures of the beggar. Thus, in this case there could have been no definitive small-scale drawing preceding the work on the wall. For the monumental drawings found at Avignon see p. 212. 34 (p. 75) The wall-paintings of Corso di Buono in
Giotto: the early years Montelupo dated 1284 medium in a lime sccco 35 (see p. Venturi, 'La Navicella (p. 76) L. were executed medieval manner. (cf. his late work, the St Margaret Altar in Margherita a Montici near Florence). R. Offher, A Corpus of Florentine Painting, Section III, vol. I, New York 1931; Brunetti/Sinibaldi Nos 117-120; Toesca, 77 Trecento, p. 6osff., with bibliography. For the Madonna in S. Giorgio alia Costa in Florence, which is sometimes attributed to him, see pp. 78, 81 and note 43. The style of the Master of St Cecilia is probably also discernible in the fragments of Old Testament scenes on the right wall of the nave of S. Cecilia in Rome. Cf. A. Parronchi, in Rivista d' Arte XXI, 1939, p. \9lff. For the masters' activity in Assisi cf. A. Smart, in The Burlington Magazine CII, colour 55) in the true di Giotto', in S. L'Arte W. Paeseler, 'Giotto's Navicella und 25, 1922, p. 49/f. ihr spatantikes Vorbild', in Rom.Jahrb.f. Kunstgesch. V, 1941, p. 49ff., pis 85, gj. C. Virch, 'A page from Book of Drawings', in The Metropolitan Vasari's Museum 36 March Art Bulletin Many (p. 76) examples Zeichnungen bei 1961, p. i%5Jf. in B. Degenhart, 'Autonome mittelalterlichen Kiinstlern', in Miinchener Jahrbuch der bildenden Ki'mste, 1950, p. 9lff. 37 (P- 77) Gf. Oertel, 'Wandmalerei und Zeichnung' (cf. note 21); also H. Tietze and E. Tietze-Conrat, Tlie Drawings of 16th Centuries, M. St the Venetian Painters in the 15th New Meiss (Tintori/Meiss, Francis in Assisi, tried to ings and York New 1944, introduction. The Painting of the Life of York 1962, p. ioff.) has prove that in the Trecento small-scale draw- were already used He paintings. in the preparation of wall- admits, however, that the examples he gives could be considered to the patron. The earliest as drawings submitted known drawing be regarded with some certainty as a that can preliminary is the drawing by Spinello Aretino 1407 in the Pierpont Morgan Library, although this particular design was never actually executed (Oertel op. cit., p. 248 and pi. 11). But probably even in this case the main purpose of the drawing was to provide the patron with a specification, especially sketch for a fresco of as c. the subject was a historical representation for i960, pp. 405J"., 4317J. 40 little 38 (the arricciato) prior to his departure P- 42 39 The Master from Assisi. It is, (p. 3Uff 78) Gnudi pis 64, 65. C. Mitchell, 'The Lateran Fresco of Boniface VIII', in fournal of the Warburg and Courtauld Inst. XTV, 195 1, p. iff. C. Brandi, 'The Restauration of the St. John Lateran Fresco', in The Magazine 94, 1952, p. 218; C. Brandi, 'Giotto ricuperato a San Giovanni Laterano, in Scritti Burlington di storia dell'arte in onore di Lionello Venturi I, Rome not certain whether the fresco, by portraying the pope, is intended to represent the proclamation of the church jubilee, which only occurred on 22 February 1300. From the form of the papal crown the fresco must, however, have been completed in 1301 at the latest. until recently. l 956, (p. 77) Cf. A. Romdahl 'Giotto und die Franziskuslegende in der Oberkirche in San Francesco in Assisi', in Tidskriftfor Konstvetenskab XVIII, 1934/35, P- 33./J(Swedish with a German synopsis). Gnudi's attempt to separate the different groups appears to be the most convincing. Useful indications of the style of the individual collaborators in Tintori/Meiss op. cit. (cf. note 28). These were probably monumental drawings on the prepared wall surface however, possible that in the St Francis Legend small-scale drawings were made before work was begun, as no iconographic models existed for many of the scenes. But these would have had a predominantly iconographic importance and would not be conclusive for the artistic solution. For the content of the legendary sequence cf. H. Schrade, Franz von Assisi und Giotto, Cologne 1964. 41 (p. 78) Cf. p. 68 and note 17. -For the question of dating cf. also J. White, 'The Date of the The Legend of St Francis at Assisi', in The Burlington Magazine 98, 1956, no was known 78) that Giotto executed iconographic precedent existed. The question of the role played by such drawings in the creative process is decisive; and yet for the Trecento it still remains open. However, the problem is gradually losing importance as a result of our increasing familiarity with monumental drawings, about which which (p. 43 p. 55.77- It is (p. 78) Brunetti/Sinibaldi No. 109 ('Giotto school'). Ghiberti p. 36 mentions 'una tauola' and a crucifix by Giotto in S. Giorgo. Published as a work of the a relatively Master of St Cecilia by R. Offher, in The Burlington Magazine 50, 1927, p. 91^". Attributed to Giotto by R. Oertel, in Zschr.f Kunstgesch. VI, 1937, p. 23 3_//]; independent contemporary of Giotto, whose work combines archaic features with a skilful treatment of also by R. Longhi, in Proporzioni II, 1948, p. 19. R. Offher later modified his original opinion and (p. 78) altar-panel from her showing life, of St Cecilia, so-called after the St Cecilia surrounded by scenes in the Uffizi in Florence, was 351
Notes on the text attributed the panel to a supposed 'Master of the 233) can Santa-Maria-Novella Crucifix' (Offher, Corpus, cf. Ill, 44 sec. vol. IV, p. iff.). 81) (p. Cf. sec. Ill, vol. the IV 49 reconstruction in Offher, Corpus, (p. 81) Treccntisti riminesi, Rome 1963, pis 22-5, (p. 82) 79Jf. 193) dates Giotto's stay in Rimini (p. 12/13, an d the Crucifix 'between and between Rimini and that of 13 12/ 13 1 3 c. 13 16/17', an d points out the great disparity theme in c. moderated the bold realism of expression. But his monumental this also youthful work restraint of style mutatis applies, to and mutandis, and is entirely in keeping with Giotto's developemnt 'between Assisi and Padua'. The ornamentation of the Rimini Crucifix is still very to the Badia polyptych, F. Zeri ,'La cimasa del Crocefisso del Tem- The fragment is in much London, Lady Jekyll one of the last to be painted in the Arena Chapel. It might be added that the panel-painting showing God the Father Enthroned, covering the opening to the rafters on the triumphal-arch wall of the Arena Chapel, also belongs to a more mature stage of development than the Rimini Crucifix (photo: No. 2447). G. Sinibaldi (in X, 1941/2, p. 289) rejects the attribution of the Rimini Crucifix to Giotto. Our Civico, Padua, Zeitschr. f. Kunstgesch. like that of the and thus belongs St Francis Legend. is Madonna to the The panel same from stylistic S. Giorgio, stage as the figure of Christ in Rimini very closely connected in its essential features with the earlier crucifix: in the three-quarter profile of the head, and which in Padua is turned in the shading of the face, more to the side, which gives both works solemn mood; furthermore in the position of which is quite different in Padua, both in the Crucifix fresco and in the crucifix panel. The same is true of the modelling of the legs in large shaded areas, and of the treatment of the torso which, although stylized in Rimini, is still comparable in structure with the earlier work. 51 (p. 82) D. Gioseffi, 'Lo svolgimento del linguaccio Giottesco da Assisi a Padova: il soggiomo Riminese their the hands, e earlier rejection of Giotto's authorship of the Crucifix (in Zeitschr. f. Kunstgesch. VI, 1937, p. 232, 352 William E. Suida, c. achieve a solemn text pp. pp. LIII, LIV, dates the crucifix in the period of the Padua frescoes, before the fresco of the Crucifixion, own to the crucifix of S. Maria Novella. Giotto probably (p. 82) The Rimini Crucifix was attributed to Giotto by H. Beenken (in Zeitschr. f Kunstgesch. V, 1936, pp. 197, 198). and L Coletti (in Bollettino d'Arte XXX, I0 37» P- 35°)- L- Coletti in / Primitivi, I, Novara 1941, Museo of Art Dedicated p. 26$". the conception of the collection. 48 82) in the History pio Malatestiano', in Paragonc VIII, 1957 (No. 85), p. For the early dating For the Chronicle of Riccobaldo ('Compilatio cf. note 5. The passage about Giotto was, according to Gnudi (p. 243), written in 1312/13, and certainly not later than the beginning of 13 14. Cf. also Gnudi, 'II passo di Riccobaldo Ferrarese relativo a Giotto e il problema della sua autenticita', in Studies (p. London 1959, 50 (p. 82) Gnudi 26, 27. 47 sustained. cronologica') pi. la. Gnudi, pis XVII, 68a-7i. U. Procacci, 'La tavola di Giotto dell'altar maggiore della chiesa della Badia fiorentina', in Scritti di storia dell'arte in onore di Mario Salmi II, Rome 1962, p. gff. Although the high altar was consecrated only in 13 10, the retable was probably executed shortly after 1300; stylistically it belongs to the period 'between Assisi and Padua' (Procacci). Analysis of the extremely well-proportioned frame supports the early dating, cf. M. Cammerer-George, Die Rahmmg der toskanischen Aitarbilder im Trecento, Strasbourg 1966, p. 50^! 46 (p. 81) Gnudi, pis 153-5 and pi. L. M. Bonicatti, 45 no longer be note 50. la componente Ravennate', p.uff. 52 (p. 82) C/ p. 31 if. in Arte Veneta XV, 1961,
Giotto and. his pupils 7 i (p. 83) It is 25 dell' Arena Padova, in recently: A. Prosdocinu, Pisa 'II di Padova e seffi, ditto, I recenti lavori di pp. the Arena Chapel are in fact restoration. Only a almost still lacks noticeable, technical experience. The allegations 5 Rumohr (Ital. in Zschr. f. Azzo 3 Visconti's palace in (P- 73) Kunstwissenschaft IV, 1950, Milan (Salvini 135) cf. The donor was Enrico Scrovegni, whose classical p. 102. palace Arena, not far as 9 January 1305 the neighbouring Eremitani monastery lodged a complaint with the bishop against the extravagance of the chapel's decoration and especially against the installation of bells (O. Ronchi, 'Un documento inedito del 9 gennaio 1305 intorno alia Cappella degli Scrovegni', in Memorie della R.a Accad. di of the In 1937 the crucifix was temporarily set up beam beneath the choir Arena Chapel. The effect was one of also Giotto's original solution. It is this to be regretted was recently transferred to the Museo was probably painted at the same time as the last frescoes in the main room of the chapel. We do not accept the late dating (c. 13 17) suggested by R. Longhi, and recently also by Gnudi Civico. (p. stood on the grounds of the from the Oratory. As early monks (p. 85) that the crucifix II, p. 19ff.). Representations of the Nine Heroes in Castel Nuovo in Naples, cf. pp. ioijf. and probably also in secolo, pp. 117, H. Jantzen, 'Die zeitliche Abfolge der Paduaner Fresken Giottos', in Jahrb. d. Preuss. Kunstsamml. 60, 1939, p. i87#. was 1829) are incorrect. in Padua', XIV cit., (p. 84) arch in the of bad 2 (p. 83) Astrological representations in the Salone in Padua (cf. G. F. Hartlaub, 'Giotto's zweites Hauptwerk del impressive beauty and convinced everyone that who Forschungen Vcnezia nella prima meta again on a reconstructed preservation and overpainting that are found in the Giotto literature since also 118, pis VI, VII. 4 few unimportant and confuses the spectator the Trieste 1962, p. 31, pi, 38; also Gioseffi op. mainly in the ornamental parts of the triumphal arch, have been mildly retouched. The blue grounds are also in the original colour. Only the absence of a large part of the perishable tempera, done is was e ininiatori a blemishes, a secco, itself positions in payment vouchers reveal volumes were probably already completed in 1306, and the remainder possibly shortly afterwards. Cf. M. Walcher Casotti, Miniature ig6i-6j, Padua 1964. The frescoes of untouched by n^ff.; $$ff., that the first three 720. A. Prosdocimi / G. Saccomani, restauro alia Cappella degli Scrovegni, Milan 1963, pp. library in Padua. Existing la / cf. by Giotto. Some of the comArena Chapel, including the last scenes to be painted, served as models for the miniatures in a sixvolume antiphonary in the cathedral Museo Civico XLVI-XLVII, 1957-58, Giotto architetto, chapel Padova XLLX, i960, pp. 1-225; also Prosdocimi, 'Restauri alia parete di facciata della Cappella degli G. Fabbri Colabich donor is included in Judgment fresco. For the Gnudi p. 243 ff. and D. Gio- portrait of the Gioseffi argues convincingly that the design of the di Scrovegni', A dating of the frescoes Cappella degli Scrovegni nell'Ottocento/Acquisto e restauri agli afFreschi', in Bollettino del 1935/36). 1305, the chapel w^as dedicated to the Virgin the lower part of the Last more Also, 1870. Comune March Annunciate. Selvatico, Salle riparazioni dei celebri ajfreschi di Giotto detti On Scienze, Lettere ed Arti in Padova 52, thanks to Pietro Estense Selvatico that the Arena Chapel was saved from demolition (cf. his book, Sulla Cappellina degli Scrovegni nelV Arena di Padova e suifreschi di Giotto in essa dipinti, Padua 1836). Selvatico was also responsible for the fact that the frescoes were restored and preserved on strict scientific principles, without any pictorial retouching. Probably for the first time in the history of the care and maintenance of monuments, photographs (by Naya, Venice 1869) were used as a method of control; cf. P. E. 6 The crucifix i88#.). (p. 86) Cf. however D. Gioseffi, Perspectiva artificialis, which an attempt is made to show Trieste 1957, in with an accurate vanishing point in classical wall-painting; but it seems that this applies only to small sections and not to paintings covering a whole wall. For a full discussion and especially for the development of perspective in Italian painting of the 13th and 14th C, cf. J. White, The Birth and Rebirth of Pictorial Space, London 1957. 7 (p. 86) Gnudi pis 130/131. For the illusionistic elements in Giotto cf. R. Oertel, in Zschr. f Kunstgesch. XI, 1943/44, P- i6ff- R- Longhi, 'Giotto spazioso', in Paragone III, 1952 (No. 31), p. \%ff. D. Gioseffi, Giotto architetto, Milan 1963, p. 53, pis 32, 33. U. Schlegel that constructions were already used ('Zum Bildprogramm der Arenakapelle', in Zschr. f. 353
Notes on the text Kunstgesch. XX, 135^) would 13 (p. 89) 14 (p. 89) Salvini 1957, p. two mock The tion. lights galleries as burial on the could be regarded as funerary lights, if this However, . 16 . and on the whole more did not attempt to define the rooms If the crucifix panel choir arch as a triumphal cross note {cf. in the 5), its as a place 10 schichte von Florenz IV, part and Antal, Florentine Fainting and F. ground, 11 XIX, 12 London (p. 89) Cf. P. L. (p. 3, its 1937, p. 357. For the Italian artists in cf. 1 9 the Baroncelli Altar, Toesca, by 22 (p. 354 P-28#. p. Beziers', 2jsff-)- E. in Castelnuovo, X, 1959 (No. 119), the illustration prior to the cf. Gnudi, on the right of the entrance arch of the chapel; cf p. 188 and note 69. Recently F. Zeri discovered the gable of the centre panel of d''Arte Gazette des 1937, present condition; 93) Brunetti/Sinibaldi No. 107. The date 'February 1327' (stile fiorentino) is the date of the marble tomb (p. 79, W. p. (P- (p. rievocata', in Paragone : (see (Klassiker der Kunst), Stuttgart 1925, pi. 184. 20 'Avignone cit. pi. 66. 21 Beaux-Arts 1935, p. 186/f. F° r the Benediction fresco in the Lateran cf For the Navicella mosaic L. Venturi, W. Paeseler 93) O. Siren, Giotto and some of his Followers, 2 vols, Cambridge 1917, pis 62, 63. C. Weigelt, Giotto with bibliography. It appears that even before the Curia moved to Avignon a pupil of Cavallini was summoned to the South of France, and some frescoes of high quality by his hand are preserved in the cathedral of Beziers (M. Meiss, 'Fresques italiennes a Miinster von Aquiti, correctly realized. p. S4 2ff-< cavallinesques et autres, II), M. Grabmann, Thomas of the Baroncelli family Avignon vol. 18 (p. 1947, p. i6off. Rambaldi, 'Vignone', in Rivista 89) 197J/". z. Gesch. d. (Beitr. touching-up in A. Murioz, 'I restauri della Navicella di Giotto etc.', in Bollettino a" Arte 1924/25, p. 433^i The second angel medallion in the Grottos of the Vatican, Rome (Gnudi pi. 145 c) is in better condition. The mosaic was probably done c. 13 10, as Paeseler XIX, Berlin 1927, p. 233, its Social Back- p. Suppl. Leipzig 1938, p. 223 ff. The angel medallion from the frame of the Navicella in Boville Ernica (Brunetti/ Sinibaldi No. 97) must be treated with extreme caution for purposes of stylistic analysis, on account of 286^ (p. 89) Cf. pp. 100-102 and notes 38, 45. Vasari also mentions Verona, Fcrrara, Urbino, Arezzo and Lucca as places where Giotto worked. Altogether a picture emerges of indefatigable activity covering almost the whole of Italy, and of unusual business ability. For Giotto as a business man cf. R. Davidsohn, Ge- Mittelalters, d. Korte, 'Die 351, note 35); also Navicella des Giotto', in Festschr. f. Wilhelm Pinder, note 16); P. L. Rambaldi, 'Dante e Giotto nella 1937. P- is A. Dyroff, 'Zur allgeThomas', in Festgabe zum Clemens Baeumkers op. whole. letteratura artistica sino al Vasari'', in Rivista a" Arte 11^ picture 39, 8. 70. Geburtstag p. 78. 86) p. 345 p. 1, the 7 (P- 93) H. Jantzen, 'Giotto und der gotische Stil\ in Das Werk des Kiinstlcrs I, 1939/40, p. 44ijf. 9 (p. 89) Purg. XI, 94-96. Also Benkard, Cimabue (cf. (p. I, hi. Philosophic Munich J would have been exactly between the two galleries and this would explain the strange emptiness of the galleries. Their artistic function would then have been to accentuate the crucifix and bring it into harmony with the room of careful 90) Sutmua theologica (p. 1923, specifically. was originally fastened the cf. meinen Kunstlchre des adjoining frescoes. Giotto was, however, careful not to paint figures in these galleries No. 1965, The frame 3iff but balustrades (cf. Longhi op. cit. 'due vani gotici riparati da un parapetto a lastra rettangolare.'). As balustrades their size is in scale with the figures in the . bibliography). secolo Rome XIV, del (with examination and analysis by M. Cammerer-George, Die Rahiuung der toskanischen Altarbilder im Trecento, Strasbourg 1966, p. they appeared : 4. toscani original, not so: the supposed cenotaphs are nothing is No. 15 (p. 90) Gnudi pis 141-4, and colour pis XLVI, XLVII. L. Marcucci, Gallerie Nazionali di Firenze / I dipinti rooms vaults of the painted in conjunction with other sepulchral motifs. 8 Salvini Nos. 9, 10, 11. like to inter- rooms, dedicated to the memory of the donor Enrico Scrovegni and his father Rinaldo, thus the balustrades demarcating the front of the painted rooms would be painted cenotaphs. But there is no reliable evidence for such an assumppret the showing God the Father adored angels (in Paragone VIII, 1957, now in the museum in San Diego No. 85, p. 7Sff), (Calif.) ; Gnudi, pi. 176. 94) Brunetti/Sinibaldi No. 108. 97) C. Brandi, Duccio, Florence 195 1, p. 84. 97) Cf. the complaints of a patron in Perugia in 145 1 that Fra Filippo Lippi had not himself executed the commissioned picture fur Kunstwiss., 34, 1911, p. (W. Bombe, 115./F-) in Repertorium
Giotto and his pupils 2 3 (P- 97) L. Fumi, pp. 398, 407. 24 II Duomo di Orvieto, Rome 30 turi, 'La data dell'attivita romana di Giotto', in 2i, 1918 p. 229; for the history of the W. Volbach, F. work U Arte Giotto pupil of the type of the Master of the The Bardi Chapel (cf. p. nofj.). tonic frame of the triptych, completely of the on lost, columns covered with by 12 twisted, marble tendrils of a vine. Cf. Schuller- 2000 Jahre Sankt Peter, Olten 1950, pp. 228, 229, pis 76 (pergula), 397, 398, 256 (tabernacle). 26 (p. 98) Brunetti/Sinibaldi No. III. Piroli, 27 (p. 98) 28 (p. 28 (p. 98) 29 (p. Brunetti/Sinibaldi No. 100. 98) Gnudi/>/s 164/165. 98) Gnudi pis 164J 165. St Lawrence and St John the Evangelist in Chaalis: R. Longhi, in Dedalo XI, 1930/31, p. 285. Gnudi, pis 166/167. M. Cammerer-George, op. cit. (cf. note 25), p. Jiff., points out certain differences No. 106). Pente- The Gnudi, pis 160 (T. Borenius, in 81, 1942, p. 277). (= Master of the Fogg 1320. Offiier, Corpus, sec. c. Ill, Pieta) and dated vol. VI, pis it XXXI, XXXII. 33 (P- 99) G. Marchini, 'Gli affreschi perduti di Giotto in una cappella di S. Croce', in Rivista d'Arte XX, 34 1938, p. zisff. 99) As the perspective in the Berlin version of the (p. Death of the Virgin is from the left, the fresco must have been on the left wall of the chapel (the viewpoint is 35 (Gosebruch op. cit., pi. 73). For the framing and original arrangement of the altarpiece cf. M. Cammerer-George, Die Rahmung der toskani- the so-called pergula supported Magazine London (p. of Figline' the back according to which the relatively small size of the triptych is not surprising as it did not stand freely in the choir of St. Peter's but beneath a Gothic tabernacle above the 'Confessio', which itself was enclosed in Museum, Proporzioni I, 1943, p. 6sff. has ascribed the fresco of the Assumption, rightly, in our view, to the 'Master can be reconstructed with the help schen Altarbilder im Trecento, Strasbourg 1966, p. 121 ff., (Brunetti/ Temple: Isabella Boston. Entombment: Villa (p. 99) The 19th C. overpainting has recently been removed, and important, through faint remnants of the original have come to light. A. Graziani, in original rich architec- in the centre picture York 32 unfortunatley almost model held by the donor New 99) Ghiberti p. 36. Good illustration (details) in Brunetti/Sinibaldi No. 102. Christ reveal the conceptions of a younger generation, a Museum, Alte Pinakothek, 104). Adoration of the 163 c. to Giotto's personal style in the type of figures, the style, i.e. No. 31 are unable to recognize very ingenious legendary scenes flanking the Enthroned with St Francis and Purgatory. 105). Presentation in the National Gallery, Burlington Miscellanea Bibliothecae Hertzianae, Munich 1961, 104 ff.) attempts to prove that also in the artistic sense the altarpiece can be regarded as an authentic or the structure of the composition. In our view the in Tatti, Settignano (Brunetti/Sinibaldi cost: (in But we No. Stewart Gardner I Crucifixion Christ (Brunetti/Sinibaldi Sinibaldi p. of Giotto's. Donors, Kings: Metropolitan 1947, p. 369$". (disputing the view that the triptych is identical with the high-altar panel). M. Gosebruch work 98) Last Supper, Munich see also in Orientalia Christiana periodica XIII, (p. Two be considered as Giotto's, and regarded as the most important point of departure of his late style.' 25 (p. 98) A double-sided triptych, restored in 1950, which has not yet been adequately photographed or fully illustrated anywere. It was donated by Cardinal Stefaneschi, probably for the high-altar of Old St Peter's (according to Grimaldi, around 1320). L. Ven- to preclude the possibility that four panels belong together. all (p. 97) Cf. however W. and E. Paatz, Die Kirchen von Florenz I, Frankfurt 1940, p. 559, on the Baroncelli Altar: 'Despite all the objections the composition must which seem in scale, 1891, the entrance to the chapel). (p. 100) cf. also The common source is probably Byzantine, the miniature in the Berthold-Missale Weingarten (New York), in Hanns from Swarzenski, Vorgotische Miniaturen, 1927, pi. 65. 36 (p. 100) Also called the 'Maestro delle Vele' because of the extensive, sailshaped vaults on which frescoes are painted. Kleinschmidt p. I77jf. ; his Toesca, Trecento, p. 6i2ff. 37 (p. 100) The St Nicholas by Kleinschmidt (vol. II, Chapel was already dated pp. 174, 175) to the first decade of the 14th C. (1306 or shortly after). According to M. Meiss, Giotto und Assisi, i960, pp. 3, 4, Giuliano da Rimini copied a figure from the St Nicholas Chapel in his retable, in Boston, dated 1307; and the 'Master of Cesi' used other motifs for his retable of 1308. This must have been so if we exclude the assumption that the models (for the St Nicholas Chapel as well) were in Rimini itself, i.e. in the works that Giotto presumably painted there before 1305 (cf. pp. 81-2); in this case the Master of the St Nicholas Chapel must have been one of Giotto's collaborators in the Rimini 355
Notes on the text Magdalene Chapel period. For the 151, 38 (p. XLIX. The documents and 101) 146- pis Florence (p. is M. 101) Salmi, 'Maso di XI, 1947, p. 6iff., pis (p. 101) Cf. p. 41 (p. 102) open p. 4i5jf. Morisani op. cit. la Colom- rafters must have approximated the transept 43 (p. 102) Morisani (cf. note 38) have since been removed. (p. W. 102) einer pis 93, 94; the Paatz, 'Die Gestalt Giottos zeitgenossischen Urkunde', in fragments im Spiegel fur C. G. Heise, Berlin 1950, p. &sff- D. Gioseffi, Giotto (p. 46 W. 102) Braunfels, 'Giottos Campanile', in (p. 1948, p. \9ljf. See also p. 186. 102) Salvini Nos 6, 135. (p. 102) Milanesi, in Vasari Miinster 45 Festschrift Milan 1963. architetto, 44 Das I, I, XIX, op. 54 (p. cf. p. Nos 19, 25 b, 26. Milanesi, in Vasari 49 50 (p. (p. L. 55 Rambaldi, in Rivista d'Arte XIX, and 1937, Die Kirchen von Florenz I, 600 and note 597. 51 (p. 104) The Bardi Chapel was restored in 1957/8, and the Peruzzi Chapel in 1958-63. Earlier investigation and protective work were done in 1937 (cf. U. Procacci, 56 in) O. to the front 57 is illustrations). Gaetano on the window wall; affreschi di Giotto nella cappella dc' cf. C. Guasti, Gli Bardi in Santa Croce, d. (cf. p. 354, note 18), pis 109, Dedalo X, 1929/30, p. i99_/f. Kunsthistor. Inst, in Florenz V, cross: 'Jesus of Nazareth, King of the Jews', and hence St Francis stands with his arms outstretched, a many restorer, cit. in in) Kleinschmidt p. 128, after Bonaventura. (p. Antonius preaches on the text of the caption on the posture Chapel the Siren op. 1940, p. 233J/: intersecting of France 1949; report in Kunst- 216J?'. A. Chiappelli, Cappella Peruzzi, Turin 1965 (detailed documentation, 104) In the Bardi Werke congress of a fiery R. Oertel, in Mitt. XIX, Bianchi, completely redesigned the figure of St Louis 356 (p. which the arch was thoroughly cleaned. For restoration of the Peruzzi Chapel, L. Tintori and E. Borsook, Giotto/La (p. Nymphcnburg 1949, p. in) The bearded Oriental looking (p. 110. 1937, p. 377./?"), in the course of Stigmatization scene above the entrance 52 II, German the base for blue). E. Paatz, p. Rivista d'Arte holes sealed yellow-ochre cloak; the cloak of the figure beside him looking to the left is preserved only in the underdrawing (reddish-brown, probably 103) Ghiberti p. 36. W. The were R. Oertel, 'Die nachpaduanischen and wearing 286/. 104) are dealing p. is, pis 35, 37)- 107) chronik I, 103) For the history of the alleged 'rediscovery', P. cit. (p. Giottos', lecture at the second 1937, p. pp. 415/16. 48 for the poles of the scaffolding art historians in (p. 103) Salvini we sections of scaffolding. as 390# 47 can be inferred that it i.e. made during the execution, an extensive pentiment found in the upper part of the Assumption of St fohn proves (Tintori/Borsook that the frescoes could not Palazzo del Podesta', in Rivista d'Arte the holes found in connection with these prevent alterations being p. 419, already realized have been done by Giotto. The donor, Fidesmino da Varano, was Podesta of Florence in the second half of 1337. F. Rossi, 'Rclazione dei lavori eseguiti nella cappella giottesca del 13 17, up and painted when the work was completed. As the heads of the figures and the critical upper parts of the architectural decoration were on the top level of the plaster, the composition as a whole was determined by this top level. In most of the scenes (with the exception of the lunette picture of St fohn on the Island of Patinos) the composition had only to be continued on the lower levels along the lines of the painting above. No preliminary drawings were found on the wall surfaces beneath the plaster, and we therefore should assume that small-scale preparatory drawings existed. This, however, did not With of Santa Croce in Florence. 42 pontate, made 357 note 68. it From dividing lines with Originally the chapel was not vaulted. The date of his canonization, the earliest date the fresco could have been painted. 53 (p. 107) note 38) (cf. the original figure. is 81-92. 40 its a Napoli', in Atti Fiorentina di Scienze Morali dell' Accademia baria Banco 227, 238). This of an earlier figure being H°ff39 Nos in 1957/8 without any traces found underneath. Louis of Toulouse, on the other hand, although damaged, O. Mori- are reproduced in (Salvini 1853, p. 35 was removed painting Trecento in Napoli, Naples 1947, p. Pittura del sani, Gnudi cf. pi. 58 made much more door impressive in Assisi by the posts. In the Bardi Chapel the stress on the Benediction and the Stigmata. (p. 112) The similar type of head: narrow with straight high forehead, negligible protrusion of the back of the head, and sullen stylistic elements make it facial features, and other likely that the Baroncelli
Giotto and his pupils Altar was painted by the same in the Bardi Chapel. 59 (p. 112) 60 (p. 61 artist as gliederung und Bildfolge in der Wandmalerei bei Giotto und the frescoes den Florentiner Malern des 14. Jhs., Wiirzburg 1937, Fully reproduced in Gnudi, pi. LIII. p. 1338 Chapel adjoining the monks' choir, which was destroyed by Vasari in 1566. The only clue to the dating of the Gaddi frescoes is in the date 'February 1327' (stile fiorentino) on the tomb of the Baroncelli Florence 1926). family in the entrance wall of the chapel. See also Paatz, Die Kirchen von Florenz I, pp. 556/57. For the destroyed St Martin Chapel adjoining the former monks' choir see Paatz op. cit., p. 594; and E. Borsook, (p. 186) Cf. p. ioq$". Only St Martin scanty records relating and they give E. Borsook, Santa Crocc a Firenze', in clue to the dating of the frescoes; 'Notizie su due cappelle in cf. XXXVI, Rivista d'Arte 1961/62, p. %9JJ. 62 (p. 186) Cf. Use Falk, Studien zu Andrea Pisano, Hamburg 1940, who says rightly (p. 6) that Andrea can in Rivista d'Arte 70 Mary half-way up old our pi. be called the left of to E. much Baptist) Falk therefore thinks ; it 71 Trecento, pi. of the Disciples to the Prison (Toesca, 274). Painting from the top downwards op. is 186) cit. We note 62) p. 11. (p. 186) According to Ghiberti (p. 37) Giotto designed and executed the first reliefs on the Campanile with his own hand. Ghiberti adds that he had himself seen Giotto's designs (prouedimenti). In the biography of Andrea Pisano (p. 43) Ghiberti again mentions the Campanile reliefs and adds: 'It is said that Giotto carved the first two reliefs.' 65 (p. 187) Vasari-Milanesi 66 (p. 188) Julie I, Gy .-Wilde, Toesca, Trecento, p. temple smaller scale at the entrance to the The zone of the with painted liturgic vessels are examples of these bold experimental ventures. Cf. C. de Tolnay, 'Postilla sulle origini della natura morta moderna, in Rivista d'Arte XXXVI, 1961/62, p. 3 ff. (p. 189) illusionistic niches in the base The shown theological virtues are (p. 189) on the vault and in the window recesses. twice, In the executed for the most part by Taddeo Gaddi himself. 73 (p. 189) Cennini chap. LX. 74 (p. 191) I. Maioni, 'Fra Simone Fidati e in L'Arte 75 (p. 191) XVII, 1914, Cf. Taddeo Gaddi', p. 107//". 76 (p. 191) The on the Last Supper, refectory (recently restored), example of p. 573. 'Giotto-Studien', in Wiener a lost is 1). rear wall of the the oldest surviving a 'Cenacolo' in the typical thematic and probably derived from model by Giotto himself. For the allegorical logical arrangement, Jahrb.f Kunstgesch. VII, 1930, p. 45jf., esp. p. 52. (p. 188) Cf. also W. Gross, Die abendlandische Architek- by Taddeo the vivid description in the story Franco Sacchetti (cf. p. 240 and p. 364 note Gaddi died in 1366 or shortly before. 3i4_/f. and is representation of the Tree of St Bonaventure above the Last Supper, cf. p. 311. By the addition of scenes from tur urn 1300, Stuttgart 1947, p. zioff. (p. 1 8 8) According to Cennini (chap. I) Taddeo Gaddi was Giotto's godchild, and his pupil for 24 years, i. e. a more or less independent member of the workshop. He was probably born around 1300. 69 (p. 189) According to C. A. Isermeyer (Rahmen- badly damaged they are augmented by the addition of the monastic virtues to a total of fifteen half-lenght figures, in medallion-shaped frames, strongly foreshortened (cf. our pi 75a). Evidently they too were technically (cf. is latter most probable. have no direct record, but in 1340 a 'magister Andrea' is named as 'maiore magister dicte opcre', and he was probably Andrea Pisano. I. Falk, (p. stairs (with illustration). 72 could have proceeded simultaneously on both walls, which the Joachim and Anna are standing on the picture, and the High Priest is seen in 73). Baroncelli Chapel possible that the on the right wall were painted after 1330. However, in our opinion this is not correct. The figure bending forward in the left group of the Assumption of St John was used by Andrea in his relief Visit 1961/62, p. 89^. above. pictures of the XXXVI, 189) Unfortunately the figure of the twelve-year- (p. (cf. 'in the true sense Giotto's pupil.' According Borsook (in Tintori/Borsook op. cit. pp. 10, 11), Andrea Pisano drew only from the scenes on the left wall of the Peruzzi Chapel (the life of St John the 67 till mercial setbacks that eventually brought about the bankruptcy of the great Florentine houses, including the Bardi (A. Sapori, 'La crisi dclle compagnie mercantili dei Bardi e dei Peruzzi', in Bibl. Storica Toscana II, to the Peruzzi Chapel have survived, 64 from 1332 refer to another chapel of the Baroncelli family, the no 63 the payments extending 48^) com- 186) Shortly afterwards there followed the 68 the Passion in about sacristy 1400, the Crucifixion 'picture wall' (Niccolo di Pietro Gerini, 77 (p. 191) in the became the centre-piece of an impressive Twenty-two quatrefoil crowning lunette (with two cf. p. 315). pictures and the scenes) are in the Florence 3 57
; Notes on the : text Accademia, two quatrefoils in Berlin-Dahlem, and in Munich. Paatz, Kirchen von Florenz I, p. 598/f. Brunetti/Sinibaldi No. 137. For a reconstruction of the sacristy cupboard, cf. L. Marcucci, 'Per gli armarj 80 della sacrestia di Santa Croce', in Mitt, des Kunsthist. 81 (p. 193) For two (p. listically al Monte in Florence For the work of Taddeo Gaddi, Taddeo Gaddi', in ^iff., and No. Ill, R. Longhi, 'Qualita e industria in Paragone X, 1959, p. iff. For No. 109, p. his late style K. Steinweg, 'Zwei Pre- cf. dellentafeln des T. G.', in Mitt, des Kunsthist. Inst, in Florenz XI, 1964, p. \9\ff. Further contributions: G. Gandolfo, 'Per Taddeo Gaddi, storia del problema critico', in Critica d'Arte, 1956, p. 32ff.; P. P. Donati, Taddeo Gaddi, Florence 1966. 79 (p. 192) Cf. Offner, Corpus VIII. Brunetti/Sinibaldi Nos sec. Ill, vols III, 138. Maso di S. Banco in Naples, Croce: P. Toesca, cf. note 39. 'Gli affreschi Silvestro in S. Croce', in Artis IV, V, 154-77. photographice edita Duccio 8 1 (p. 195) See p. 44/f. C. Brandi, Duccio, Florence 1951. E. Carli, Duccio, Florence/Milan 1952. 2 (p. 195) Ghiberti p. 43 3 (p. 196) See p. 57 4 (p. E. 196) : 'tenne la and 347, notes Carli, Vetrata maniera greca'. 22, 23. duccesca, Florence 1946; C. Brandi, Duccio, Florence 1951, pp. 24^"., 136, 137. 5 (p. 196) Attribution by Toesca in L Arte 33, 1930, p. $ff. 6 (p. 197) For the contract for the Maesta see p. 97; even the bill for the musicians engaged to take part in the procession carrying the picture to the cathedral has been preserved (Brandi, Duccio, 1951, p. 87). 7 (p. 197) In 1506 the Maesta was removed from the high altar of the cathedral. Isolated parts are now dispersed in The London, New part of the predella York, and Washington. showing the Nativity and was in the Kaiser-Friedrich Museum was relinquished after 1933, and is now m the National Gallery in Washington. (p. 197) SS. Ansanus, Savinus, Crescentius, and Victor. The same saints kneel in the same order in Simone Two Prophets that in Berlin 8 Martini's Maesta (see p. 202; pi. 78). 9 (p. 198) Brandi, Duccio, 1951, pi. 49. 10 (p. 198) Brandi, Duccio, 1951, pis. 40, 66-68. 11 358 by Bernardo Daddi: BruA free copy by Taddeo II, Florence 1944. For Maso's panel-paintings: R. Offher, in The Burlington Magazine 54, 1929, p. 224 ff. (four panels of a polyptych a half-length Madonna figure, in Berlin-Dahlem, Gemaldegalerie; two saints, formerly also in Berlin, lost since 1945; St Anthony of Padua, formerly in the Griggs collection, now in the Metropolitan Museum, New York, Brunetti/Sinibaldi Nos 151, 152). Another five-panelled polyptych is in Santo Spirito in Florence (Brunetti/Sinibaldi No. 150). For Maso's influence on contemporary Florentine painting cf. also R. Longhi, 'Qualita e industria in Taddeo Gaddi' (cf. note 78). also cf. 155. della cappella di S. Monumenta the closest parallels to the sacristy cupboard pictures. No. For the frescoes in 1341) are sty- (c. No. in Berlin-Dahlem, Gemaldegalerie: Brunetti/ Sinibaldi Florenz IX, i960, p. 141^". 192) The medallions on the vault of the crypt of San Miniato 192) Bigallo triptych Gaddi Inst, in 78 (p. netti/Sinibaldi Magazine 59, 193 1, p. iS4ff. D. Frey, 'Giotto und die Maniera Greca, Bildgesetzlichkeit und psychologische Deutung' in Wallraf-Richartz-fahrb. XIV, 1952, p-Tiff. 12 (p. 199) The Maesta was cleaned in 1953-7 with exceptional success, cf. C. Brandi (ed.), II restauro della 'Maesta 13 (p. many illustra- P. Bacci, Dipinti inediti e sconosciuti di Pictro cf. Lorcnzetti, Bernardo Daddi ecc. in Siena e nel contado, Siena 1939, chap. IV, p. 121^!; C. Brandi, Duccio, 1951, pp. 152, 153. Ugolino's major work was the altar for S. Croce in Florence, probably done around 1321-25. Only some parts survive and these are dispersed in Berlin-Dahlem, London, and other places. Cf. G. Coor-Achenbach, 'Contributions to the Study of Ugolino di Nerio's Art', in The Art high Bulletin 37, 1955, p. 153 ff.; for the reconstruction of the high altar, cf. M. Cammerer-George, Die Rahmung der toskanischen Altarbilder im Trecento, Strasbourg 1966, A seven-panelled polyptych 149, 150, pi. XII. (half-length figures of the Madonna and six saints) pp. acquired recently (Mass.), and Thirteenth-century Greek Ikons', Clark Art The Burlington 1959 (with 200) For Ugolino di Nerio, called Ugolino da Siena, R. van Marie, Recherches sur 1'iconographie de in Rome tions). Giotto etde Duccio, Strasbourg 1920. V. LasarefF, 'Duccio (p. 198) Duccio, Ministcro Pubblica Istruzione, Istituto di Centrale del Restauro, cf. J. by the Williamstown Museum Pope-Hennessy, Institute, Sterling and Francine Heptaptych Ugolino da Siena, Wil-
: Duccio liamstown 1962. For Segna di Buonaventura, cf. 1951, p. 142 note 25, pis 113-115; G. Coor-Achenbach, 'A Dispersed Polyptych by the Badia a Isola C. Brandi, Duccio, 195 1, p. 150/f. Segna's large Maesta in Castiglione Fiorentino is probably a repetition of a Maesta (now lost) Cappella dei Nove (cf. Brandi Segna's op. cit., cf. Master', in The Art Bulletin 34, 1952, p. iiiff.; also addenda in 1302 for the in the Palazzo Pubblico in Siena p. 141, workshop was di Segna, by Duccio painted note 23). carried on by The tradition of his son Niccolo The attempt P. Bacci, 'Identificazione e restauro della 200) van Marie, II p. 8i_/f. in Carli, (E. 16 (p. 35. Mazzoni 202) According to G. nella Brandi, Duccio, ('Influssi Maesta di Simone Martini', in Arch, danteschi 4 storico ital. 94, 1936, p. 145^!), the date mentioned in the inscribed means 'end of June 13 16'. The working-over by Simone and his pupils affected only isolated parts. The composition as a whole was done in 1315/16. Cf. Toesca, Trecento, p. 522. For this and later works of the master cf. the monograph by G. Paccagnini, Simone Martini, Milan 1955; supplementing this, G. Gnudi, 'Grandezza di Simone', in verse of the fresco in 13 21 Scritti di storia dell'arte in onore di Lionello Venturi I, 5 is, Duccio, of Badia a our view, in Milan/Florence 201) H. Keller, Giovanni Pisano, Vienna 1942, p. 11 'Between 1270 and 1275 Giovanni Pisano must have been in France'. Simone Martini p. 151. The Rom. fahrb. 1939, P- 32oJf.; F. Antal and 216 note 6 (p. 204) A (cf. f. Kunstgesch. Ill, note 10) pp. 163 p. 354, 27. good illustration in M. Meiss, Painting in Florence and Siena after the Black Death, Princeton 1951, 1956, p. &7Jf. 2 (p. 203) Attempts to detect Simone Martini's early works among those of Duccio's circle have so far been unsuccessful. G. H. Edgell, 'A Crucifixion by Duccio with Wings by Simone Martini', in The Burlington Magazine 88, 1946, p. 107^". (triptych in Boston, Garrison No. 350). According to L. Coletti (in The Art Quarterly XII, 1949, p. 2giff.) the Maesta in the cathedral of Massa Marittima is an early work of Simone; cf. to the contrary, Brandi, Duccio, 195 1, (p. 204) The only surviving document is a payment voucher from the year 13 17 'pro Symone Martini milite': Morisani op. cit. (cf. p. 356, note 38) p. 134. King Robert knighted the painter, the first known case of an artist being so honoured. (p. 205) For the political significance of the portrait cf. H. Keller, 'Die Entstehung des Bildnisses am Ende des Hochmittelalters', in Rome 3 XII (p. 9 1 sec. 1952). Brandi, Duccio, 1951, No. Madonna Duccio's early works unconvincing p. 148JF. 15 (p. 200) Brunetti/Sinibaldi For bibliography see 1963), Florence 1963, p. 17ff. include the to among Isola Bollettino d'Arte 29, 1935/36, p. iff. (p. 38, 1956, p. 119. cit. XVIII (Certaldo al sec. tavola del 1336 di Niccolo di Segna da Siena', in 14 op. also the exhibition catalogue Arte in Valdelsa dal pi. 133; for the origins and development Madonna deU'Umilta type see M. Meiss of the op. cit., 205) Berlin-Dahlem, Staatl. Gemaldegalerie, No. p. I32#". 7 (p. 1072 (as 8 (p. 205) 'Lippo Memmi'). The the date of down Pisa polyptych its installation, signed but not dated; 1320, has been (Milanesi, in Vasari in the records note 2; L. Dami, Martini', in Dedalo is 'II polittico III, pisano 1922/23, p. sff.). I, di handed p. 554 Simone According exceptionally wide frame of the Maesta with medallions containing busts of saints is reminiscent of the frame of the Navicella mosaic in Rome cit. (cf. note 1) p. 108, the date is given in accordance with the Pisan custom, i.e. in fact 13 19. An illustration of the altarpiece as recon- with structed in 1949, op. cit. (p. 203) its angel medallions, (see p. 351, note 35); this cf. is pi. 55 in Paeseler op. cit. possibly an indication that Simone stayed in Rome before 13 15, where he could have met Giotto, who must have worked in Rome around 1310/11. Cf. the document of 8 December 13 13 (L. Chiappelli, in L'Arte 26, 1923, p. 132J;), cit. p. 62/63. Paeseler op. and to Paccagnini op. p. 106. Fragments of two polyptychs in Orvieto (Opera del Duomo) and of an analogous five-panelled polyptych also from Orvieto (now in Boston), and three panels of unknown provenance in Cambridge, are all of the middle or second half of the 1320 s, cf. J. Pope-Hennessy, in The Burlington Magazine 91, 1949, p. I95ff.', the date 359
Notes on the text 'MCCCXX .' on the polyptych in Orvieto is probably incomplete (Toesca, 17 Trecento, p. 528, note 53). Cf. also K. Steinweg, 'Beitrage zu Simone Martini and seiner Werkstatt', in Mitt. d. Kunsthistor. . Florenz VII, 1953-56, p. 162^ (the Madonna p. 161 is now in the Wallraf-Richartz- Institutes in illustrated Museum 9 (p. 205) scene . 2, 18 date of these frescoes disputed. is V, p. 604; also van Marie II, For the arrangement of the frescoes in the chapel see Borsook, pis 16, 18, 20. 10 (p. 206) Illustration in Keller op. cit. (cf. note 5), Storia dell' arte italiana portrait. Cf Borsook, also 123(p. 209) Painted to castles of commemorate the conquest of the (Also synopsis of the entire documentary 13 (p. 14 (p. 210) Cf. H. Keller op. cit. note on the XrV" Assisi frescoes. sides; cf. Bacci, op. L. Marcucci, cit. 'I (cf. note 12) dipinti toscani (Cataloghi dei musei e gallerie d'ltaiia, Gallerie Nazionali di Firenze), Rome the part of the frame with the original, 1965, p. i49Jf., signature is artist's but the remaining parts of the frame are of the 19th C. W. Pinder, Die deutsche Plastik des 14. 16 (p. 17 Munich 1925, pis 22, 23. (p. 211) The size of the panel is 48 x 210) note its 6) pi. 130. Enaud op. 23 (p. cit., pis 122, 148, 140.. rievocata', in Paragone E. Castel- X, 1959, 119, pis 3-5. 213) The bipartite Annunciation picture, the Cruci- fixion, and the Deposition with in the Antwerp Museum; the a bishop as donor, Road to Calvary, in Gemaldegalerie in Berlin-Dahlem. On the back of to Calvary panel are the coats-of-arms of the Orsini family. The attempted early daring of the small altar by A. Peter (cf. note 11) and by G. Paccagnini (cf. note 1), pp. 40jf., noff., is not convincing; for a different opinion see C. Gnudi op. cit. p. 96j). F. Enaud op. cit. pp. 118, 173, note 11 (and further references) is undecided. For die question of the possible donor, Cardinal Napoleone Orsini, see M. Laclotte and P. Quarre. 24 (p. 213) Cf. p. 189. Illustration of the miniature in G. Ring, A Century of French Painting, London 1949, pi. 2; the Road of Calvary in A. Weese, 'Skulptur und Malerei in Frankreich im 15. u. 16. Jh.', in Handbuch According to del secolo (cf. Good prior to Carli, in I capolavori delVarte senese, our opinion, before the saints LX, 1963, p. H5jf. the Louvre in Paris; the Entombment, in the Staatl. un capolavoro' 15 (p. 210) Painted for Siena Cathedral with the participation of Lippo Memmi, who probably did the two S. in 210) Cf. E. Carli, 'Difesa di p. 163 jf. of the arch; F. nuovo, 'Avignone 5) p. 324. Florence 1947, pp. 23, 24; pis 36-48. Paccagnini op. cit. (cf. note 1), p. 50, dates the work, unconvincingly in N. Madonna tympanum medallions with heads of angels, with the dove of Holy Ghost, boldly foreshortened, at the apex Martini.) (cf. France, (p. No. Simone 11), 212) Cf. the illustration of the copy by Denuelle (1859) in F. Enaud op. cit., p. 125. 22 (p. 213) Between the acanthus leaves there were six 21 sculture in Siena, nel suo contado ed altrove, Siena 1944, i55_/jf. la of the removal in M. Meiss the Domus, No. 182; 360 Historiques de Montemassi and Sassofortein 1328. The date material concerning note (p. 212) Published with many illustrations and comprehensive documentation by F. Enaud, 'Les fresques beneath the fresco is the date of these events. The execution was probably slightly later, cf. P. Bacci, Fonti e commenti per la storia dell'arte settese. Dipinti e p. (cf. (p. 212) G. de Nicola, 'L'affresco di Simone Martini ad Avignone', in L 'Arte LX, 1906, p. 336 (with illustration of a 17th C. copy); illustration of the copy also in Paragone X, 1959, No. 119, pi. 1. Jacopo Stefaneschi was cardinal deacon of S. Giorgio at illustration des Beaux-Arts 1939 (March), p. iS3JfCf. R. Oertel, in Zeitschr. f Kunstgesch. IX, 1940, p. 12 cit. in Siena in de Simone Martini a Avignon', in Les Monuments pis 18, lg. problem in A. Peter, 'Quand Simone Martini est-il venu en Avignon?', Gazette still Velabro. 20 11 (p. 206) Early studies of this in have so to us?' of 1340. 19 p. 202. P- 333/34 (with detail of the head); Keller rightly stresses the characteristic features in the cardinal's Luke why October 1340, and thus could have come to Avignon at the earliest at the end There no documentary evidence. The dating between 1322 and 1326 given by us first appears in A. Venturi, inscription refers to - 'My son 212) According to A. Peter, op. (p. The of Jesus. however, clearly Filii quidfecisti [nobis sic?] Simone was in Cologne). is 48: you done on The from the Childhood in the Virgin's book, flis., the Road d. cm. Van Marie II (p. 237) doubts that it represents the Return from the Temple, and thinks that the subject is an indefinite 35 25 26 Kunstwiss., (p. 214) (p. 214) Wildpark-Potsdam 1927, Cf p. 337, note 1. M. Dvorak, 'Das Ratsel van Eyck', in fahrb. d. pi. 73. der Kunst der Briider Kunsthistor. Sammlungen d.
Simone Martini AUerh. Kaiserhauses esp. 27 (p. XXIV, Vienna 1903, pp. i6iff., 32 214) Now in the Ambrosiana in Milan; van Marie a distich apostrophizing Virgil and Simone Martini, which, according to Paccagnini (p. 169), was (p. (p. No. 214) Salvini Rime Nos 9. Petrarca, 77, 78. H. Keller op. cit. (cf. note 5) 214) Van Marie II, p. 277$".; van Marie, edition (p. II, p. (with 2g2jff. 215) For Memmo further Lippo Memmi, cf. E. Carli, San Gimignano', in Paragone XIV, 1963, No. 159, p. 27jf., with many illustrations; according to Carli (p. 3 8ff.) the large 'Madonna of Mercy' panel in Or- 'LIPPUS DE SENA', also belongs to Lippo's early works - soon after 13 17. 31 (p. 215) Colour plate in R. Oertel, Friihe italienische Malerei in Altenburg, Berlin 1961, pp. 69, 70, pis 6, 7. 10 (p. 34 Pietro Lorenzetti, Cambridge and largely lost. and Ambrogio Lorenzetti discovered beneath later over-painting. 6 (p. 221) Earlier scholars dated the Assisi frescoes mainly and the Passion scenes on the were considered by most of them to be work- Milan vault For further references see following 218) By the bishop of Arezzo, (p. Guido Tarlati; (I), p. 475. 219) P. Bacci, Dipinti inediti e sconosciuti Lorenzetti, Bernardo Siena 1939, p. shop products (including Toesca, in Trecento, p. 56ff.). C. Volpe, on the other hand, proposes a considerably earlier date, which basically agrees with our view (C. Volpe, 'Proposte per il problema di Pietro cf. Daddi ecc. in di Pietro 35if., also (p. 7sff.) all available surviving predella, Rahmung cf. records Altarbilder im Trecento, Strasbourg 1966, p. 151, sketch 12. 4 (p. 220) Nos 79, 81, 82 (C. Brandi, La Regia Pinacoteca di Siena, (p. 221) Rome 1933, p. 144JF.). Siena, Pinacoteca, Nos 83, Brandi 1933, p. 147); 7 Bacci op. cit. (cf. cf. also of all our note II, 1951, No. 23, p. 13 ff.); Detailed account and illustrations these frescoes, in Kleinschmidt. Horb (Das Innenraumbild des spaten MittelZurich and Leipzig, n.d.) p. 63^, shows that the motif of the hexagonal aedicula was derived from (p. 222) F. classical painting. 8 (p. 225) The representation of the thieves in the Crucifixion is already found in Early Christian art, and was common Duecento painting (freon the painted crucifixes). In Duccio's Crucifixion scene, on the reverse side of the Maesta, the thieves are specially emphasized. The quently 84 (Catalogue note 3) repro- 10. alters, M. Cammerer-George, Die toskanischen der Lorenzetti', in Paragone Siena e nel contado, concerning Pietro, who can be traced from 1306 (?) until 1345. For the Carmelite Altar cf. C. Brandi, in Bollettino d 'Arte 33, 1948, p. 6Sff. (with 12 plates). For a reconstruction of the polyptych, based on the 5 now in Pietro's late period, (p. 41^; duced the centre panel of the predella that was Milanesi, in Vasari 3 is Pietro notes. 2 1948, p. ; Studies VII, 1929, p. 131$! E. Cecchi, Pietro Lorenzetti, 1930. II, Volpe, 'Un'opera di Matteo Giovannetti', in Paragone X, 1959, No. 119, p. 63 ff. E. Castelnuovo, Un pittore italiano (cf. note 33), pis 69-75. 35 (p. 217) E. Castelnuovo, Un pittore italiano (cf. note 33), pis 119-121. These are not sinopie, but preliminary brush-drawings that served as a direct base for the painting. The latter was evidently executed a secco, (Mass.) 1930; printed also as an essay, partly in greater detail, in Art 216) R. Longhi, in Arte Veneta (p. C. 218) G. Sinibaldi, I Lorenzetti, Siena 1933. E. T. DeWald, E. Paragone X, 1959, illustrations); and the beginnings 'Ancora dei Memmi a vieto Cathedral, signed Castelnuovo, 'Avignone rievocata', in No. 119, p. 28^; E. Castelnuovo, Un pittore italiano alia corte di AvignonejMatteo Giovannetti e lapittura in Provenza nel sec. XIV, Turin 1962. 216) 33 (p. Italian di Filipuccio of 1 Gabbrielli, 'Ancora del Further references in Toesca, Trecento, pp. 551, 138; pis 31-4 (including 3 photographs of the frescoes in the Chapel); pi. p. 139. For p. 247. Toesca, Trecento, pp. 546, 816; Marcucci op. cit. (cf. note 15) pp. 165, 166, with additional bibliography. 30 M. 554. Borsook, p. the Laura portrait 29 A. p. 3sff- written by Petrarch's hand. 28 cf. Nuovo Testamento Gimignano', in Bulkttino Senese di Storia Patria N. S. VII, 1936, p. 113 jf. J. PopeHennessy, 'Barna, the Pseudo-Barna and Giovanni d'Asciano' in The Burlington Magazine 88, 1946, 236; Toesca, Trecento, p. 815, pi. XIX; Paccagnini op. cit., pi. 41. On the back of the sheet is 215) For Barna nella Collegiata di S. II, p. 235, pi. p. there (p. Barna, pittore delle storie del 206jf. also in as subsidiary figures 361
Notes on the text only novelty in Pietro Lorenzetti's representation their monumental size and deep pathos, possibly is by Giovanni und Pisa. inspired Pistoia 9 The 226) (p. 'predella' Pisano's in pulpit-reliefs Gemaldegalerie in Berlin-Dahlem. For dating see following note. 19 (p. 230) Toesca {Trecento, p. 556) prefers to place the Umilta panel with the crucifix and donor portrait proves that this fresco served as a retable. Cecchi (cf. note 1) pis 31-35. The parts done in tempera are now largely lost, e.g. the tunic of St John; the cowl of St Francis is probably only the under- Compared with 226) (p. the Arezzo polyptych the Passion scenes reveal a diminution of the Giottesque Pietro's personal style emerges more and the delight in narrative detail and elements. strongly, decorative elements suppresses the original economy the original frame. L. Marcucci, in J dipinti toscani del XIV {cf p. 360 note 15), pp. iS3Jf., IS7JJ-, has recently supported the late dating of both pictures. secolo Accordingly, the Santa Umilta panel might possibly have been commissioned as early as 1330-32, but only completed in 1341. For a history and reconstruction of the Umilta panel, of which parts of the predella and crowning sections have also been preserved, see L. Marcucci, in Arte antica c moderna Nos 13-16 several periods relatively far apart in time. 12 227) Kleinschmidt (p. Lorenzetti are collected p. 7SJf. In 1324 pi. known All the 227) (p. II, 211. records concerning Pietro by Bacci cit. {cf note 3) payment uncertain whether and such a minor commission could well have been executed by his workshop. (p. 227) According to Toesca {Trecento, p. 612) the allegories were 'certainly painted after 13 17, probably in the third decade', and the scenes of the Childhood of the painting of flag-poles. this 13 op. a painter, Pietro, received refers It is to Pietro Lorenzetti, (Studi St Martin Chapel {cf p. 20 21 205^). d. bild. Miizeum' (Jahrbikher d. Ktinste in Budapest) VI, 1929/30, p. 52 p. 256$'.) ; discussed by G. Marchini, Museums (German 17 (p. 228) According to Ghiberti (p. 41) the first two and her Presentation in the Temple, were by Ambrogio, and the last two scenes by Pietro. See also Marchini {cf note 15); Peter thinks that all four scenes were designed by Ambrogio, and frescoes, the Birth oj the Virgin that Pietro participated only in the execution. 362 18 (p. 229) Two scenes of the Santa Umilta legend in the . . .) di saggi dedicati a 1961, p. ^\ff. (p. 230) G. Rowley, Ambrogio Lorenzetti, 2 vols, Princeton 1958 (a penetrating monograph, though it possibly goes too far in its effort to rid the master's oeuvre of untenable attributions). Cf. R. Orfner, 'Reflexions on Ambrogio Lorenzetti', in Gazette des Beaux-Arts 56 (102), i960, p. 235^ (p. 233) Ghiberti p. 42. Vasari I, p. 523. L. Marcucci op. cit. {cf p. 360 note 15) p. 159/f. Cinelli (1677) still attributes the three Uffizi panels to in Riinsta d'Arte XX, 1938, p. 304JT16 (p. 228) According to Bacci op. cit. {cf note 3) p. 90/f, it was already begun at the end of 1335. dell' arte jRaccolta storia saw Ambrogio's signature and the date 1332. The Madonna panel was in the B. Berenson collection until 1959. G. Rowley, op. cit. (see previous note) doubts that this is the one mentioned by Cinelli, and 14 (p. 228) Illustrations in Bacci and Brandi {cf note 3). 15 (p. 228) Cf. the attempted reconstruction by A. Peter, in 'Szepmiivcszeti di Roberto Longhi of Jesus, in the right transept, directly afterwards. At the same time (probably between 1322 and 1326) Simone Martini was working on the frescoes in the at the 13 15 and 13 16. The date of the Madonna is original though damaged and possibly incomplete; according to an earlier tradition it was 1343. The inscription of the Umilta panel is a mere copy, possibly taken from and severity of forms inspired by Giotto. We do not accept the view of C. Volpe {cf note 6), who dates the frescoes on the vault even before the Arezzo altarpiece and divides Pietro's activity in Assisi into 11 Madonna MCCCXL painting (Kleinschmidt, pi. 28). 10 as well as the Uffizi beginning of Pietro Lorenzetti's career (between the Cortona Madonna and the Arezzo Altar). E. Carli, La pittura senese, Milan 1955, p. 84^, dates the Santa Umilta panel 1 3 16, and the Madonna with Angels and MCCCXLI the 1340. In the dates horizontal lines of the 'L's have peculiarly raised tips so that they can easily be confused with the Trecento stylized form of 'V; hence the mistaken readings, an artist he calls the 'Rofcno Master'. 22 (p. 233) A. Grunzweig ('Una nuova prova del soggiorno di Ambrogio Lorenzetti a Firenze intorno al 1320', in Riinsta d'Arte XV, 1933, p. 249) mentions a record 'Ambruogii pictoris de Senis' - without the father's name! - of the year 1321; G. de Nicola, 'II soggiorno fiorentino di A.L.', in Bollettino d'Arte 1922/ 23, II, p. 49$". G. Rowley op. cit. {cf note 20) p. 129. For the Vico 1'Abate Madonna, see Brunetti/Sinibaldi No. 194 (with bibliography).
Pietro 23 234) A. Peter ('Giotto and Ambrogio Lorenzetti', The Burlington Magazine 76. 1940, p. iff.) arrives a date between 1324 and 1327. C. Volpe ('Ambrogio (p. in at Lorenzetti e congiunzioni le fiorentinc-senesi quarto decennio del Trecento', in Paragone No. on states feared. (p. that (vol. II pis 104-120). 234) Ambrogio's concept of space is similar to which we presuppose for Giotto in the second in the scenes Church from the Childhood of Jesus in the sense, counterpart on the 30 'c. 1330'. P- !37j- (p. For a op. cit., numerous attributes the frescoes in 1950-51, sul Buon Governo For the restoration of C. Brandi, 'Chiarimenti pis 153-235. di cf. Ambrogio Lorenzetti', in Bollettino XL, 1955, p. 119ff- According to Brandi the section to the right of the figure of Buon Governo and d' Arte the left part of the view of the restored in the later Treceno. city of Siena were Tyrannia, i.e. Its the Italian city- 1933) p. 130$], dates the it Rowley op. cit., pis 35-37, 39, to the 'Petronilla Master'. The Presentation in the Temple: Uffizi, Floprobably painted for Siena Cathedral, cf Sinibaldi (cf. note 1) p. 189/90. Annunciation: Siena Pinacoteca originally in the Sala del Consistoro in the Palazzo Pubblico. Brandi (catalogue 1933) p. 135^ 32 (p. 236) The perspective would be empirical even if 31 (p. 236) rence; ; Ambrogio had constructed it, for practical reasons, on a uniform converging point; this could not be determined vanishing point, can take it for granted that Ambrogio had not developed for himself the scientific basis of the perspective system of the Renaissance. regarded as a scientifically in the later sense. We 33 (p. 237) R. Nicoli, 'Scoperta di un capolavoro', in E. Carli, I capolavori dell'arte senese, Siena 1946 (not in the second edition of this Toesca, Trecento, p. 590 and work, Florence 1947). pi. XVI. M. S. Setti ('II "Maestro di S. Agostino" e Ambrogio Lorenzetti', in Commentari I, 1950, p. 207) rejects the attribution to Ambrogio, and so does Rowley op. cit. (cf note 20) p. 64JJ. his dating of the frescoes in the late Trecento is, in our opinion, not convincing. ; Rowley excellent collotypes in (catalogue the master's late period. too early, see of government. is our opinion too early, around 1331/32. According to Toesca (Trecento, p. 578) it belongs to 34 235) See also the Rowley little chronology of Ambrogio form wall (p. 235) No. 77, and the Entombment No. 77a, probably the predella belonging to it; from S. Petronilla in Siena. Brandi ; dates the Maesta, in our opinion a left altarpiece, in 234) G. Rowley op. cit. (cf. note 20) pp. 22,ff., S7jf., 21-3, 61-72 (including many details). Rowley (p. in the Thomistic-Aristotelian tyranny of the autocratic rulers that the logical inferences that Peter pis by Ambrogio public welfare as the guiding principle of i.e. the bourgeois republican Lower the chrono(cf. note 23) draws from this undisputed connection, which incidentally has long been noted, are by no means conclusive. Even if the frescoes of the Peruzzi Chapel were done shortly before 1328, as we believe (see p. 186), Ambrogio could have seen them. He could have made repeated journeys from Siena to Florence and back between 1328 and 1332. 26 (p. 234) Cf. p. 228 and notes 15 and 17. cit. Frescoes di 1958, p. 179.^! According to RubinBuon Governo is also a personification commune of the bonum at Assisi). 234) Cf. A. Peter op. (p. the stein the figure of frescoes decade of the Trecento (cf. for instance the Gothic elements in the subsequent development of this style 28 XXI, two surviving stylistic Rowley Art: Taddeo Bartolo in the Palazzo Pubblico', in Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 40/f!) excellent illustrations in 27 Sienese in Lorenzetti and grounds accepts the traditional yet unsecured date of 133 1. It is also uncertain whether these frescoes are connected with the fresco mentioned by Ghiberti on p. 40/41, which filled a whole wall in the cloister of San Francesco and represented scenes from the history of the Franciscan Order, evidently in continuous sequence. The p. 13, house of S. there to one of the choir chapels. G. Sinibaldi (J Lorenzetti, Siena 1933, p. 212/f!, with a bibliography) does not agree that these are identical with the 'storia' described by Ghiberti and consequently does not accept the connection with the date 133 1. G. Rowley op. cit. (cf. note 20), pp. 85, 86, dates the two frescoes (too early in our opinion) c. 1325; cf. note 25 below. Many 25 235) For an iconographical interpretation cf. G. op. cit., p. 99$! and N. Rubinstein, 'Political Ideas 1951, I, (p. Rowley nel were originally in the chapterFrancesco, and were transferred from 24 29 and Ambrogio Lorenzetti (p. 237) F. Mason p. i86ff.,zndin Perkins, in Rassegna d'arte IV, 1904, La DianaW, 1929, p. 26i_/f. G. Rowley, in Art Studies VII, 1929, p. lOlff. G. Mazzoni, 'L'Eva di Monte Siepi', in Bollettino d Arte 1936, p. 149 XXX, (an interpretation of the inscription). Sinibaldi (cf. 191 ff. with further bibliographical references. Rowley (1958) p. 62Jf. disputes any personal note 1) p. participation vol. II, by Ambrogio; good pis 72-81. illustrations op. cit. 363
Notes on the text 35 (p. 287) Rowley (1958) p. 63, pis 78, 79, believed that the original representation was not the Annunciation, but rather an Apparition of St Michael. This interpretation has been nullified by the discovery of the sinopia. Cf. the exhibition catalogue Omaggio a Giotto, Florence 1967, No. 10a, b; pis XVI, XVII. 36 37 (p. (p. 239)M. Meiss, Vanni 239) For Lippo Magazine 98, 1956, p. Orcagna and 11 1 351^ For Niccolo cf. d. M. Abendland. Mittelalters, Vienna 1896, p. 349^".; in Florence and Siena after the 1953. P- 70# attributes the medallions to pp. gff., guild, 9 (p. 10 (p. 245) From the Offner, Corpus, sec. IV, vol. Gronau vol. H, pis (p. 8 (p. op. cit. II in the Good Thief. Magdalen Chapel The latter is in S. Francesco an isolated figure with a halo and the counterpart is Longinus, also with halo and holding a lance (Kleinschmidt pi. 152); all the other figures are saints and apostles. In the crucifix of the Master of the Fogg Pieta (Master of Figline) in S. Croce in Florence at Assisi as 'S(ANCTVS) LATRO'. His (Brunetti/Sinibaldi No. 180) are half-length figures of Longinus, the centurion, and the Good Thief, together with Franciscans and saints on either side of the crucified Christ. The special veneration for the converted heathens could, therefore, have had its (i960). origin in the Franciscan doctrine. 11 (p. 245) Offner, op. to two cit. (cf note 2), attributes the fresco of Orcagna's pupils: the 'Master of the Pente- showing the Pentecost Accademia (op. cit., pi. Vlff.) cost', so-called after the triptych scene, in the Florence and the 'Master of the Santo Offner dates the work Spirito Refectory'. 'after 1370', i.e. after Orcagna's death. 244) Offner, Corpus, IV, vol. I, p. 8. 244) L. Becherucci, 'Ritrovamenti I', shown inscription (cf. in Bollettino d'Artc 33, Offner (Corpus, IV, vol. as of saints, and so was the XVI-XVIc). orcagneschi half of the Trecento, Longinus converted heathens and witnesses came to be treated as the equal first to Christ's sacrifice, I72jf. Offner, Corpus, note 2) p. 43. 5 (p. 243) Toesca, Giotto, (Turin 1941) p. 26. 6 (p. 244) Gronau op. cit. (cf. note 2) pis 45-54; Meiss op. cit. (cf. note 1) p. 14^, pis 11, 51. The Madonna with Four Saints, now in the possession of the New- York Historical Society, is especially characteristic of Nardo's principles of composition (Offner, Corpus, sec. IV, 242) V V28. 3Jf. he is entered in the register as 'Andreas Cionis, uocatus Orchagna\ Cf. Offner op. cit. p. 7. (p. 241) Like Orcagna, Nardo di Cione was admitted to the doctors' and apothecaries' guild between 1343 and 1346; he died in 1365 or shortly after. The Strozzi Chapel frescoes, for which no date has been recorded, have recently been restored with good (p. di 244) L. Becherucci, in Bollettino d'Arte 33, 1948, I, p. 65^], pis to p. I43if. Offner, Corpus, IV, vol. I (1962). Orcagna was admitted between and 1346 to the doctors' and apothecaries' which in Florence was also the painters' guild; results. Maso 'followers of Banco'. IV, vol 1343 364 (p. 239) C. Wolters, 'Ein Selbstbildnis des Taddeo di Bartolo', in Mitt. d. Kunsthistor. Inst, in Florenz VII, already sec. 7 38 M. 1) F. Zeri, Niccolo Tegliacci e Luca di Tome', and the centurion, note 35, 1932, Princeton 195 1, pp. 169, 170; di H. D. Gronau, Andrea Orcagna und Nardo di done, Berlin 1937. Very good stylistic analysis of the Strozzi Altar by R. Salvini, in LArte VIII, 1937, p. i6ff. (cf. V Arte Florence and Siena after 1958, No. 105, p. iff.; M. Bucci, 'Proposte per Niccolo di Ser Sozzo Tegliacci', in Paragone XVI, 1965, No. 181, p. $iff. Meiss, Painting Meiss in in Paragone LX, di 2 (p. 240) K. Steinweg, Andrea Orcagna, Strasbourg 1929. 4 Meiss, Painting his circle Black Death, Princeton 195 1, p. 3 M. problema 'Sul (p. 240) Franco Sacchetti, Trecento novelle, No. 136; printed by J. v. Schlosser in Quellenbuch zur Kunst- gesch. ; the Black Death, see B. Berenson, Studies in New Haven 1930, p. 39 ff.; E. Borsook, 'The Frescoes at San Leonardo al Lago', in The Burlington p. 223 ff. in Rivistad' Arte XVlll, I936,p. H3Jf. Mediaeval Painting, Tomme, see C. Brandi, Ser Sozzo Tegliacci and Luca di 'Niccolo di Ser Sozzo Tegliacci', in I, p. 12 (p. restauri 13 (p. 1948, p. i\ff. 14 (p. e XI, and p. 25, N. 5) 245) Vasari I, p. 600. 245) See p. 1 87. Paatz, Kirchen von Florenz I, p. S9iff. 245) Offner, Corpus, IV, vol. I, p. 43.$"., pi- HI 1-25 ; reconstruction pi. III.
Orcagna and of Death from a horizontal to a vertical oblong. This seems to have involved some constriction, for in the 15 (p. 246) Offner (op. tit. pp. IX, 43) dates the frescoes in Santa Croce after 1361 (the end of Orcagna's activity and probably only shortly before 1368. in Orvieto), 16 (p. The 246) triptych obviously is which had already been group of pilgrims in Francesco Traini's altarpiece of 1345, was divided down the middle. The reverse idea, that the wide expansive representation in Pisa, with its impressive group of beggars, was derived from Orcagna's fresco, carries no process the group of beggars, that the left part of Orcagna's fact a simplified anticipated in a of the version scheme in the Campo Santo suggests that the latter was the earlier work. Orcagna omitted the scene of the Meeting of the Quick and the Dead, and changed the shape of the composition of the Triumph pictorial conviction. The Triumph 12 1 (p. 247) H. D. Gronau, Andrea Orcagna, Berlin 1937, Painted around the end of the 14th C. 9 Gronau op. tit. pi. 21. Probably datable soon middle of the Trecento. The fresco in the Dominican church in Bozen, wliich is similar in theme, approximately contemporaneous; is cf. (p. 247) 10 Coletti in, 70b, pis 71b; text pp. 47 (with other examples, some even riding a horse or an ox). 3 (p. 247) inspiration for this possibly Serie I, vol. II, 2, Rome, cf. I, 11 (p. 306) P. Sanpaolesi, 'Le sinopie del Camposanto di Pisa', in Bollettino d'Arte 33, 1948, p. 34 jf. Camposanto monumentale di Pisa, affreschi e sinopie (Exhibition came from P. Sanpaolesi, which originally meant Golgotha was taken to be the skull of Adam the legend, was buried beneath the U. 248) The skull, to tympanum Strasbourg Cathedral there is a foot of the cross. Mors as the vanquished left in Regensburg Buchmalerei II, (1002-25; demon is on Goldschmidt, 248) Cf. the tomb Florence 1952, Deutsche 13 of Francis of La Sarraz who died 1362 in La Sarraz (Switzerland, Canton Waadt), see H. Reiners, Burgundisch-alemannische Plastik, Strasbourg (p. and dans la 1881, p. Guerry iff. (cf by L. Bertolini, Pisa i960). No. 10. 3°7) The figure was damaged long ago by Pisan urchins throwing stones, and was repeatedlay overit inspired certain features in the last scenes same applies to the fresco of the Anchorites of Thebaid. Cf. G. Dehio, in Goethefahrbuch (published by Ludwig Geiger) vol. VII, peinture italienne, Paris 1950, p. $%ff. 3°5) L. M. Bucci and of Goethe's Faust; the p. 319, note note 6) p. 38/f. For the motif in the north, see E. Male, L'art religieux de la fin du moyen age en France, Paris 1908, p. 388^! Offner, Corpus, sec. Ill, vol. V (1947), p. 26ijf. W. Rotzler, Die drei Lebenden und die drei Toten, Winterthur 1961. 8 (p. 305) E. Dobbert, in Rcpertorium f. Kunstwiss. IV, (P- title (P- painted; 99 (with bibliography). 248) L. Guerry, Le theme du 'Triomphe de la Mort' 1943, pi. 370 same della Primaziale Pisana, text hands in the fire. The temptress is St Alexandra, who is then shown again after her conversion kneeling beside a sarcophague. Cf. E. Carli (cf. note 10) pi. 70. G. Kaftal, Iconography of the Saints in Tuscan Painting, at the pi. 77). by Opera Procacci, Sinopie e affreschi, Florence i960, pp. Soff, 236ff.; pis 4-9, 134-7. 12 (p. 306) To escape the temptation the hermit puts his of the crucified Christ in the Uta-Evangelistar the (p. (published of the west facade of whole skeleton n. d.). Milan 1958. p. isoff.). (p. cf. notes 11, 14. ogue Brandi 1933, cross. In the central 7 d'ltalia, catalogue, Pisa i960); large edition with who, according 6 (Dobbert, 1948. E. Carli, Pittura pisana del Trecento cf. (the place of skulls) 5 Death Women 305) R. Papini, Pisa (Catalogo delle cose d'arte e di Further references pp. 46, earlier, of Seneca's Trojan 8, p. 29). the Allegory of the Redemption, by Pietro Lorenzetti (?) in the Siena Pinacoteca, No. 92 (CatalSiena, 4 The I, (p. From Death of R. Oertel, 'Francesco Traini, Der Triumph des Todes im Campo Santo zu Pisa', in Der Kunstbrief Berlin XXXVIII ff., 84. Cf. Offner, Corpus, sec. IV, vol. 3°5) antichita after the and note (P- note pi. 22. 2 his circle 14 Frankfurt 1886, p. 251. (p. 308) Francesco Traini is recorded in Pisa painter as early as 1321. In addition to the St as a Dominic two panel paintings have survived that can be attributed to him: the St Anna in Princeton, and a half-length figure of the Madonna from San Giusto in Cannicci in Pisa. Pisan manuscript illumination, as M. Meiss has pointed out, was influenced by retable 365
> Notes on ihf text from about Trnini's style Hm the Pisan frescoes. and Dragon, ill' himself; bul of these, worked with Traini this clue it may < St .1 such that likely commission was executed by an already the style of reflect in minor had .1 who assistant, Even without l'isa. be assumed that Traini was closely nected with artistic circles in Emilia, ami espei tally Bologna, The frescoes in the ('.unpo Santo contain unmistakably Bolognese stylisti< elements. These in associations thus go back possibly himself Traini least al as the as f.u wis active tor it.)os; while a in Bologna, and perhaps he took assistants from there E01 the irge ommission in the Campo Santo. 1 Respite tins in H lei ible connection there is, in our opinion, no I 1 1 r< 1 Pisan frescoes as to attribute the ison an unknown otherwise Bolognese a whole to Their master. conformity with Traini's signed St Dominic [345 remains conclusive. This applies not stylistic retable of only the morphological and figurative types, bul also to the construction of the compositions in a dilated fneis one above the other, the ornamental motifs, and the architectural elements in the pictures, to details 1 which recur in the fresco the of 1 Bam, in , some diverging ol hum's own hand bj or were done parti) by assistants must remain open for the tunc being Unfortunately there snub and critical Meiss, ' rhe Problem XV, Bulletin C933, ol 1 1 tncesco p. •>'//.; Beaux- P. si', ( „, >ffher, The Irt Corpus, i\ . in M. cf The . \n Painting after the b\ l rancesco 56/102, i960, p, p)// vol. ; ["recento Painting \i VII, Bulletin sec. ["raini, dm', Madonna [rts Meiss, 'An Illuminated Inferno m\A \l„. ft Meiss, Black Death, p. 171; Meiss, 'A Traini', in Gazette des in no comprehensive found in Pisa. the frescoes to the attribution ol F01 still is tnalysis of the sinopie 1 [965, (196a), p p. Yill conclusions). Foi further attributions Traini panel-paintings to circle, see p. 40//., M. Bucci, An interesting the Inferno, op. cit. contribution which question of dating, Nicholas also is V and to masters of his Paragone Xlll, 1902 (No, in and K. Longhi, V all . [raini were published by also \\. La Diana V, [930, p, mi// cf. Meiss, in The \n Bulletin V\. 1933, pp. 172, 173; G. Paccagnini, 'II Problema dot umentario di Frencesco Traini', in Critico J' \rie \\l\, 11)41), p. \<)[j'. (with P. Nicholas these a master and Traini. [$7ff. The question whetha of The documents concerning [964, p. apparent in the work with the Inferno, to an anonymous bmiliin master ('Maestro padano'), and lor the Anchorites of the Thebaid he assumes a collaboration between this med and drawings are 345) and p. 46 above ('midI, toso. No. 5, pp. 12, Bolognese painter (c. 1360), but not Vitale d.\ Bologna, as Longhi had thought for a while. Likewise M. Bucci, in Camposanto monumentale di Pisa [cf. note 11) p. 46$ ('Maestro del Trionfo della Morte'), with a survey of all research to date. Carli, Pittura pisana (cf. note 10) attributes the Triumph of Death, \\^\ the Last Judgment Thebaid. tn general, Tuscan features are predominant Traini's st\le, and are especially 1 Longhi (Paragone m monumental drawings. 366 of the [nchoritei (with dating soon after century'). R. 13) considers the Pisan frescoes to be the have been done by Traini more is il nimilvr of votive Parma largest <uKI (. A 1330. frescoes in the baptistry in has p. 4 to ; •>. 1 1 if". the iconography of some relevance to the Moham- in J. Polzer, 'Aristotle, in Hell', in The Art Bulletin 46, According to ihis article the anti-Pope appointed (132S-30), by Ludwig ol portrayed among the Damned. The date 1330 would then be the terminus post quern for the fresco. During the ps l'isa followed a conciliaBavaria, is 1 ; towards the Curia and the Guelphs of Florence; since such a polemic representation presupposes that the events of 1330 were still fresh in men's minds, l'ol/er thinks it likeb that the frescoes were painted in the second quarter of the rrecento, tory policy possibly as c.irK as the 1 130s. 15 (p. 308) For the dating sec p. 246. 10 (p, 108) S. Morpuro, 'I e epigrafi volgari in rima del Trionfo della Morn- etc.', in L'Arte II, 1899, p. $iff.
" The end 1 3 i 2 (p. 311) H. Thode, Franz von Assist, 4th edition, Vienna, 1934, p. 53°^f. Offner, Corpus, sec. Ill, vol. VI (1956), pp. 122-35. Van Marie 311) (p. No. III, 124. Offner, Corpus, sec. Marcucci, L. Uff. I dipinti toscani del sccolo 3 (p. is 4 XIV 7 di No. (1965), Firenzc, III, pi. 311) The room adjoining die 'Chiostro Verde' in pi. 13. Jahrb. d. Kunsthistor. Sammlungen Kaiserhauses XVII, Vienna 1896, p. sano O. P., in 77 Rosario 36, p. 2177J. Meiss, Painting 1916 in d. 3 tf.: (ser. Ill, Florence I. The 109-126. fresco. Procacci concludes change in patronage must have a New York 1927, pp. of the Rinuccini Master, the fresco nation in the Temple, is a free copy of Taddeo Gaddi's composition in the Baroncelli Chapel. The drawing in the Louvre in Paris, which is intermediate between these two versions, was possibly done by the Ill) and Siena Rinuccini Master, The scape, York 1962, pp 21, 22), of St Francis in Assisi, on the other hand, has given renewed support for the angels, while the resurrected Christ appeared in Gaddi. In Black Death (1951), p. 312) (p. light radiating from Christ Inst, M. same scene facing Mary Magdalen and standing Andrea da Firenze also depicted this scene, the Noli me Tangere, in the same picture on the right, and the three women are approaching Christ's tomb on the left. the (p. the ground. 313) Milanesi in Vasari I, p. 572. Paatz, Kitchen Caversago near Como, was mentioned as early as 1346 as one of the non-native artists living in Florence. Further see A. Marabottini, Giovanni da .Milano, Florence 1950; M. Boskovits, Giovanni da Milano, Florence 1966; Toesca, Trecento, p. 762$".; Colctti III, p. LXV, pis 126-32; M. Meiss (cf. note 4) pis 27, 36, 37. For the panel-paintings of the master, cf. the exhibition Sforza, catalogue Arte Lotnbarda dai Visconti agli p. I9ff., pi. "XXAlff., and colour Milan 1958, Marcucci, 'Del Polittico di Ognissanti di Giovanni da Milano', in Antichita Viva I, plate (frontispiece); L. spite of the to Taddeo arguments times. 9 Onher, Corpus, sec. IV, vol. Ill (1965). Ray of Light on Giovanni del Biondo and Niccolo di Tommaso', in Mitt. d. Kunst(p. 314) R. Offner, 'A hist. Nos 13-16, 1961, p. 49jf.) ascertained that the painter Giovanni da Milano, who was born in Kunsthist. d. of the Louvre drawing attribution 8 (p. 314) von Florenz I, pp. 564, 655. U. Procacci ('II primo ricordo di Giovanni da Milano', in Arte Antica e Moderna, R. Oertel, in Mitt. advanced by Meiss, the author is inclined to persist in the view that we are dealing with an 'exemplum', i.e. a drawing from the original, much retouched in later the on cf. Florenz V, 1940, p. 236$". (with illustrations). Meiss (in Tintori/Meiss, The Painting of the Life in New illuminates the land- which extends relatively far in depth. In Padua, Giotto had shown only the empty sarcophagus with 6 that this Studies in Florentine Painting, Tauri- vol. A7I occurred before 13 71. The inscription of the Rinuccini family on die gate of the chapel is of that year. This wis probably also the reason for the interruption of the work by Giovanni da Milano. For the Master of the Rinuccini Chapel cf. R. Offner, Allerhochsten P. del sec. 48, 49. 94./J. Borsook pis 35-3S. Surrounded by an aureole, Christ hovers above an open sarcophagus on which sit two angels. after the 5 M. ; 1 Nos (p. 313) According to U. Procacci (cf. note 6), during the restoration of i960 it was discovered that the from There S. Maria Novella was converted in 1566/67 by Eleonore of Toledo into the chapel of St James of Compostella for the Spanish colony m Florence. For the frescoes cf. J. v. Schlosser, 'Giustos Frcsken in Padua und die Vorlaufcr dcr Stanza della Segnatuia', in njf.\ also 7 dipinti toscani 4, p. 2) Guidalotti family below in 4. Van Marie 107; Borsook replica in San Francesco in Pistoia. No. note coat-of-arms of the Rinuccim family was done in tempera, i.e. a secco, with the coat-of-arms of the vol. II/i (1930), pi. Nazionali 311) a (p. Ill, Gallerie 1962, (cf. Brunetti/Sinib.ildi 143. /'/. of the Trecento in Florence Inst, Florenz VII, 1956, p. I73_#* (with index in of works). 10 (p. 314) Ser mercante del Lapo Mazzei, Lettere di tut XIV, edited by C. Guasti, sec. notaro a un II, Florence 1SS0, p. 96. 11 (p. 314) Mazzei, Lettere R. Oertel, in Mitt. d. (cf. note 10), p. 401//" Also V, Kunsthistor. Inst, in Florenz 1940, pp. 241, 242. 314) Painted for Orsanmichele, it was in the neighbouring church of San Carlo dei Lombardi 12 (p. from 1526; in 1781, in the Uffizi; in 1841, in the Galleria dell'Accademia; since 193 1 it is again the high altarpiece of San Carlo. L. Marcucci, 7 dipinti toscani (cf. note 2), No. 66. For Niccolo di Pietro 367
; Notes on the text Gerini, cf. R. Offner, Studies in index of works). For Antonio Veneziano, cf. R. Offner, Studies (cf. note 12) p. 6yff.- M. Salmi, in Bollettino Florentine Painting, New York 1927, p. S^ff. 13 (p. 315) Paatz, Kirchen von Florenz 14 655; Toesca, Trecento, pi. 558. (p. 315) Cennino Cennini, ter R. Salvini, L'arte I. y a" Arte VIII, pp. 563, 654, I, Museen, N. cf G. Gombosi, Spinello Aretino, Budapest 1926; L. Bellosi, 'Da Spinello Aretino a Lorenzo Monaco', chapAgnolo Gaddi, Florence di II libro dell' arte, XVI, 1965, No. 187, p. 18^; further contributions in the same by A. Gonzalez-Palacios in Paragone 1936. 1 5 H. D. Gronau, 'The Earliest Works of Lorenzo Monaco', in The Burlington Magazine 92, 1950, pp. (P- 3 J 5) i&3Jf., 2i7Jf.; also recently L. Bellosi (see 16 316) For Niccolo di (p. 1928/29, p. 433^1; K. Steinweg, in Berliner S. XV, 1965, p. 4Jf. For Spinello Aretino, Studies (cf. note 12), p. Tommaso, cf. note R. Offner, 109ff.\ Offner, in Mitt, des Kunsthist. Inst, in Florenz VII, 1956, p. 173^ (p. 17 16). (with 44#-) and R. Longhi d'Arte (p. 52$). U. Procacci, 'Gherardo Stamina', 316) (p. in Rivista XV, 1933, p. i$iff. 18 (p. 316) Cristoforo Landino (1481) says of Masaccio 'Puro sanza ornato'. 14 Trecento painting outside Tuscany 1 318) See pp. 60, looff., 204. c. 1370; construction (p. 2 (p. 318) Painted cf. O. Morisani, Pittura del Trecento in Napoli, Naples : 1965. guild of St Luke; died 1373/74. Van Marie V, p. 130/f. Toesca, Trecento, p. 677; A. Marabottini Marabotti, 12 in Rivista d'Arte 27, 1951/52, p. ilff. 13 (p. 320) 5 (P- 6 (p. 319) Seep. 352, note 49. 319) See Vasari I, p. 392. 7 (P- 319) Seep. 82. 8 (p. 319) C. Gnudi, Giotto (Milan 1958), p. 193, dates the crucifix between 13 12/13 an d 13 16/17, and thinks likely that it 14 in Giotto's workshop in Meiss, Giotto and Assisi, New York i960, Further illustrations in the catalogue of note 11) pis 70-76. Bonicatti op. cit. pis 19-21. Gioseffi, Arte Veneta XV, 1961, p. njf 320) (p. (cf. 15 (p. 321) Bonicatti op. cit., pi. 69. 16 (p. 321) Coletti HI, pis 18-20; M. Salmi, L'abbazia di Pomposa, it wis done in Rimini itself. 9 (p. 319) D. Gioseffi, 'Lo svolgimento del linguaccio giottesco da Assisi a Padova il soggiorno riminese e la componente ravennate', in Arte Veneta XV, 1961, p. nff.; Gioseffi, Giotto architetto, Milan 1963, pp. 34, 17 (p. Rome 321) Salmi 1936, p. 156/?:, pis XXTV-XXLX. previous note) p. 163. (cf. Another fresco fragment signed by Pietro and dated 1333 has been preserved in Montottone. Catalogue Brandi 1935, Nos 15, 16 and pis 92-96. 18 (p. 321) : The retable (unfortunately lost) of the high altar of by Pietruccio 35, 46ff. the Eremitani church in Padua, signed 319) S. Pichon, 'Gli affreschi di Giotto al Santo di Padova', in Bollettino d'Arte XVIII, 1924/25, p. 26^ see also the photographs Anderson Nos 27143-8. and Giuliano da Rimini, was done in 1324. 'Pietruccio' could possibly be Pietro da Rimini. Cf. F. Flores d'Arcais, in Arte Antica e Moderna 17, 1962, p. 99^; following a reference by F. Zeri, the author attributes (p. 11 (p. 3 19) catti, A critical synopsis of the literature in M. Boni- Trecemisti riminesi, Rome 1963. For other im- to Pietro a sequence of eighteen fresco fragments containing scenes with Christ and the Virgin that portant material on Riminese painting, see Mostra della pittura riminese del Trecento, Catalogo a cura were di Rimini 1935 (with illustrations of the frescoes we have mentioned). Toesca, Trecento, p. jiSff. Coletti III, p. Vlff. S. Bottari, 'I grandi cicli originally in the Eremitani, Museo Civico C. Brandi, 368 M. p. 3, pis 6, 7. Padua, but he does not rule out the possibility that 10 319) Bonicatti op. cit. (cf. note 11) pi. 28; good by Gioseffi, Arte Veneta XV, 196 1, p. nj£ (p. details Brandi 1935 was done 1958, I, C. Volpe, 'Sul trittico riminese del Museo Correr', in Paragone XVI, 1965, No. 181, p. iff. The following work was issued after this book went to press C. Volpe, ha pittura riminese del Trecento, Milan p. i^off. (?), 1947, p. l6ff.\ Toesca, Trecento, p. 690. 3 (p. 318) Van Marie V, pi. 203. 4 (p. 318) In 1346 he was admitted to the Florentine it is Moderna di affreschi riminesi', in Arte Antica e begun 1352 19 (p. and are now in the in Padua. 322) Bonicatti op. cit. (cf note 11), p. 36, According to A. Martini ('Appunti sulla note 60. Ravenna
Trecento painting outside Tuscany Moderna 5-8, 1959, p. 3ioff.) the inscription that has been found, with the date riminese', in Arte Antica e 26 13 14, refers to the construction of the Gothic choir. Martini dates the frescoes in the first half of the 1350 s. 20 (p. 322) Cf. Toesca {Trecento, p. 727) and Longhi (in Proporzioni listed still II, 1948, p. 53). C. Brandi who in 1935 the Mercatello Crucifix as a work of Baronzio (Rimini catalogue, cf. note n, No. 33), distinguished later between 'Giovanni da Rimini' (the master of the crucifix) and Giovanni Baronzio, to whom he attributes the polyptych in Mercatello in addition to his major work, the retable in Urbino (in La Critica a" Arte II, 1937, p. 193). 21 (p. 322) Cf. the crucifix by Giunta Pisano (cf. p. 344, note 15); also E. B. Garrison, 'A Berlinghieresque Fresco in S. Stefano, Bologna', in The Art Bulletin 28, 1946, p. 21 iff. A Madonna from Cimabue's workshop, in S. Maria dei Servi, Bologna (Brunetti/SinibaldiNo. 84). 22 (p. 23 (p. 323) See p. 93 ff.; Brunetti/Sinibaldi No. 108. 323) One of them was Francesco da Rimini, around 1330-40 painted frescoes who note Salmi, 11), in Nos drawings that belong to them. Examples of the Gnudi op. cit. pi. jj and in U. Procacci, Sinopie e affreschi Florence i960, pis 10, 12 (text p. 51). 27 d'Arte XXVI, 1932, (V. 1340')- 24 (p. have been the two the centre panel of they are, they must side-panels of a polyptych, left donna has recently been cleaned of much overpainand in the process was discovered that the golden griffins on her cloak are not original, but were probably added during the Renaissance (Gnudi ting, p. 65). The date 1351 apse, in the decoration of Vitale also participated. 324) (p. 324) R. Longhi, in Paragone I, 1950 (No. 5), p. I3ff., As the name Jacopo recurs frequently in Remnants of figurative paintings of the 12th the Enthroned Christ in the mandorla in the apse is much Romanesque reminiscent of main apse decora- tion north of the Alps (Knechtsteden, Berze-la-Ville). 32 (p. 325) R. Longhi, in Paragone (p. 325) Barnaba da I, 1950 (No. 5), p. isffcan be traced from 1361 until 1383 he was mainly active in Liguria and Piedmont. In 1362 he had already acquired citizenship in Genoa; in 1380 he was summoned from there to Pisa, where he painted a Madonna with eight angels for the Compagnia dei Mercanti. Toesca, Trecento, Modena ; p. 747#- Coletti III, XXXIV# p. Barnaba da Modena polittico di Quaderni della Soprintendenza d'Arte della Liguria, No. Pittura pisana del Trecento 34 (p. 325) Cf. the II, alle P. Rotondi, 'II Lavagnola', in Gallerie ed Genoa Opere 1955. E. Carli, Milan 1961, pp. 21, 22. L. Coletti, Tomaso da Modena, Venice Schlosser, 'Tomaso da Modena und (with 1963 Allerh. Kaiserhauses 35 3, a monograph by in Treviso', in fahrb. If which was the Madonna. The Ma- LXXXLX^ C. have been preserved in the south side-aisle; Salmi (cf. note 30) p. 136 and pi. XV. The motif of in the Bolognese municipal collections, are part of uncertain. main (?) Mostra del Trecento Bolognese', in Paragone I, 1950, (No. 5), p. sff.; and the exhibition catalogue Mostra della Pittura Bolognese del' 300, Bologna 1950. is pi. cit. Gnudi op. cit. pp. 4&ff., p. 68, pi. LXLXff.; according to Gnudi, Vitale could have begun the (p. 31 (p. 325) Toesca, Trecento, p. 734JJ. For Vitale and the other Trecento painters in Bologna, cf. also R. Longhi, 'La work op. in the Bolognese painting, the identity of 'Jacopo di Francesco' is not completely authenticated. 30 (p. 324) M. Salmi, L'abbazia di Pomposa, Rome 1936, p. i7sff.,pls XXXII-LXIII. Gnudi op. cit. (cf. note 27). 323) C. Gnudi, Vitale da Bologna, Milan 1962 (with illustrations, many of them in colour). the same is pis 10, 11. 33 (p. 323) Gnudi op. cit. (cf. note 24) pp. 28ff., 6^jf., pi. XXIXJf. In its present state the panel is fragmentary; originally there were also two small upright figures of female saints on each side. Two of these are now in the Lanckoronski Collection in Vienna. Whether the two panels depicting full-length figures of saints, now Gnudi frescoes at the earliest in 1349. 29 numerous 25 324) which 28 M. p. 249J". (p. (restored) (at 27-9; for the dating see also Bollettino 324) All the frescoes have been lifted off the walls, sinopie are in one time bearing his signature) from the lives of Christ and St Francis in the refectory of S. Francesco in Bologna, now in the Pinacoteca, Bologna. Brandi, catalogue 1935 (cf. (p. some in 1949 and some in 1958 (Gnudi, op. cit. p. 65) and can now be seen in an impressive arrangement, which is very similar to the original, in the Bologna Pinacoteca, together with the surviving monumental d. bibliography). Kunsthist. XIX, Vienna J. v. die altere Malerei Sammlungen des 1898, p. 240^". note 34) pp. 54, 55, does not journey to Bohemia; nor does Toesca, Trecento, p. 753/54. The panel with the Ecce Homo bears Tomaso's signature, but is on the whole badly damaged. The triptych (also signed), the gold of which has been restored, was originally intended for the Chapel of the Relics of St Palmatius in Budnian (p. 326) Coletti op. think cit. (cf. Tomaso made a 369
Notes on the text cit. pp. 51, 52, pis 101 to 103; dateable between 1356 and 1365. 36 (p. 326) The light ochre tone which now predominates was formerly balanced by the light blue, now mostly faded, and other a secco colours. warm pink with The brownish-black flesh tone is painted c. 1360-65, were originally in chapel in Santa Margherita. frescoes, 37 38 327) O. Demus, Die Mosaiken von San Marco Venedig 1100-1300, Baden near Vienna 1935, cit. 46 Donatus with a kneeling pair of donors, in Murano, Dignano: pis 27-34. 40 (p. 328) In the Nativity from S. Maria a Mezzaratta (see p. 323); cf R. Longhi (1945/46) and Pallucchini op. cit. p. 46. Paolo's large polyptych in S. Giacomo Maggiore in Bologna, with the central panel unfortunately missing (Pallucchini p. \xjf., pis 121-127, V) makes it appear likely that the master undertook a journey to Bologna in about 1350. As a source of inspiration for the Gothic stylistic elements and especially for the kneeling angels Guariento must also be considered (see (p. 328) Pallucchini op. 42 (p. 328) For Lorenzo Veneziano: Pallucchini op. 48 (p. ph 41-68, IV-VII. note 43), pp. 23 jf., chapel in the 'Reggia Carrarese', the palace of the Carrara family, is now the assembly hall of the Accademia di Scienze, Lettere On one wall of the room the original fresco by Guariento, has been preserved; these representations from the Old Testament were recently restored (F. Flores d'Arcais, pp. 69, 70, e Arti. decoration, also painted 370 fresco They are and Augustine. adorned the rear wall of the Sala S. Bettini, Giusto de' Menabuoi e I'arte del Padua 1944; S. Bettini, he pitture di Giusto de' Menabuoi nel Battistero del Duomo di Padova, Venice (p. 329) i960 (with 48 colour 50 (p. 329) Bettini op. 330) Bettini op. plates). (i960), cit. H.-W. Kruft Toesca, Trecento, p. 794. ills in text 3-7. (i960), cit. pi 23. note 52) pp. 153, 154, points out that Giusto was the first to diverge from the 51 (p. 330) (cf. traditional principle of representation, cit. (cf. The The 329) Philip, James 329) Pallucchini op. cit., pi. 326; for the late dating, R. Longhi, Viatico per cinque secoli di pittura veneziana, Florence 1946, pp. 46, 47. (p. which the interior as an 'opened-up exterior'. In cit. in Kunstchronik 19, 1966. 329) F. Flores d'Arcais op. (with bibliography). from the lives of SS. (p. 49 pi. 117. polyptych that had four side-panels with full-length figures of saints, formerly in the Kaiscr-FriedrichMuseum in Berlin (burned in 1945). The five-panelled predella with scenes from the life of St Peter is now in the Gemaldegalerie in Berlin-Dahlem (Pallucchini pis 530-538, XXII). 43 (p. 329) For most recent information about Guariento see Pallucchini (cf. note 39), p. losff.; Francesca Flores d'Arcais, Guariento, Venice 1965; cf. also the recension Gsff-' p. 113J?.; F. Flores d'Arcais op. cit. 6i_$~ Trecento, note 39) p. i63Jf. The Enthroned Christ in the Correr Museum is probably the centre-piece of a 44 p. cf. treated many cases, he no longer showed the front limit of the room, but instead allowed the perspective view of the interior to be overlapped by the borders of the picture. This produces the effect of a genuine interior, which we can visualize as a real room. Cf. for instance fesus among the Doctors, and the Wedding at Cana. Bettini (cf. by H.-W. Kruft, (p. 2§ff., d'Arcais. 47 below). 41 cit., p. Maggior Consiglio in the Palazzo Ducale; it was badly damaged in the 1577 fire, and when the room was redecorated it was covered by Tintoretto's canvas of Paradise. The remnants that were removed from the wall in 1903 are on view in one of the adjoining rooms. Good illustrations in Pallucchini and F. Flores Paolo's activity began as early as 13 10 (relief-panel of pis 16-18); altar dossal in the del (p. 328) For the most recent information about Paolo Veneziano, see R. Pallucchini, La pittura veneziana del Trecento, Venice 1964, p. ijff. According to Pallucchini, St Pallucchini op. scenes p. 67. 39 is (p. 329) The bombing in 1944 that devastated the adjoining chapel with the Mantegna frescoes also cf. pis 67, 94, colour pi. 9. (p. in them destroyed the right wall of the choir chapel and the larger part of the apse vault. For the surviving frescoes a 326) Coletti op. cit., 45 a (p. possible date for second half of the 1340s. The contours. A pis 70-84, VIII-X). (near Karlstein); Coletti, op. op. 52 (p. cit. (i960) pis 30, 35. G. L. Mellini, Altichiero e Jacopo Avanzi, 331) Milan 1965 (with comprehensive illustrative material). H.-W. Kruft, Altichiero und Avanzo, Untersuchungen zur oberitalienischen Alalerei des ausgehenden Trecento (thesis, Bonn 1964), Bonn 1966. As regards Avanzo's fresco cycles in Padua, the two completely contrary conclusions. Mellini identifies Avanzo with the Bolognese painter of the Crucifixion panel in the Colonna Gallery in Rome, which is signed 'J ac °bus de ava(n)ciis de share in the authors bononia two reach f.', and him most of the lunette San Giacomo. Kruft thinks attributes to frescoes in the Cappella di he recognizes Avanzo's style in several frescoes in the
Trecento painting outside Tuscany lower zone of the Cappella di San Giorgio, which are makes Hence notable for their advanced principles of composition, and especially in the representation of architecture The controversy is not yet resolved, and the that the name of Avanzo is not mentioned at all space. fact Padua works, and that the secondary sources are contradictory, in the contenporary records of the it difficult to arrive at a satisfactory solution. his identity and artistic origin remain obscure. Cf. also the discussion of Mellini's book by H.-W. Kruft, in Kunstchronik, 19, 1966. 5! (p. 332) For the documents cf. A. Sartori, 'Nota su Altichiero', in // Santo III, 1963, p. 291^ Kruft op. cit. {cf. note 52), p. iff. Photographic sources Colour plates Hirmer, Munich: VII; P. Gerhard Ruf, Assisi: III, XI; Scab, Florence: I, IV, V, VIII, IX, X; Skira, Geneva: II, VI, XII Deutsche Fotothek, Dresden: 84; Fotofast, Bologna: 118; Foto-Marburg: 123; Fototeca Unione, Rome: 10 b; Gabinetto Fotografico Nazionale, Rome: 2, 3a, 10a, Dr F. n, 12a, 12b, 13, i6a, 16b, 18, 19a, 76, 114a; Goldkuhle, Bonn: Black and white illustrations Centrale del Restauro, Alinari, Florence: 3b, 17, 20a, 21a, 29, 35, 36, 37a, Arti Grafiche, 49, 51, 62a, 66b, 74, 80, 82a, 820I, 85, 91b, 100a, 103, 107, 116, 117, 122, 126, 127, 128; Anderson, Rome: 19b, 19c, 20b, 27, 28, 40, 54, 60, 66a, 67, 77, 90a, 94, 97, 98, 99, 101a, 114b, 115; Bencini e Sanscni. Florence: 14a, 14b, 15a, 15b, 47b, 52, 55, 5, 6a, 6b, 7, 8, 57> 58, 59; Brogi, Florence: 9, 22, 23, 24a, 24b, 25, 30b, 34a, 39, 41, 43, 44, 45, 61, 63, 64, 65, 72, 81, 86, 87, 91a, 101b, 102b, 105a, 108, 113a, 113b; Casa Editrice Francescana, Assisi: 46, 47a; Cooper, don: 83 ; De Giovanni, Lon90b Assisi: 48, 50, 82c, 88, 89, Bergamo: 82b; Museo Civico, 1 ; Grassi, Siena: 95; Istituto Rome: 53; Istituto Italiano d'- Musee Royal, Antwerp: Padua; 125 Museo Civico, Tre4; : viso: 124; Reali, Florence: 37b, 93; Sansoni, 21 b; Schwarz, Berlin: 121; Soprintendenza Rome: alle Gal- Florence: 26, 30a, 31, 33, 34b, 42a, 42b, 62b, 68, 69a, 69b, 70, 71 a, 71 b, 73, 75a, 75b, 78, 92, 102a, lerie, 104, 105b, 106a, 106b, 109, no, in, 112; Soprintendenza alle Gallerie, Naples: 79; Soprintendenza Monumenti e Gallerie, Pisa: 100 b; Staatliche Gemaldegalerie, Berlin-Dahlem 91c; University Gallery, Princeton: 38; Villani, Bologna: 119, 120 : 371
; ; Index Aachen cathedral, 14 Albertus, Master, 30-1 Altichiero, 330-3 Andrea di Cione, see Orcagna, Andrea Andrea da Firenze, 31 1-3, 317 Andrea Pisano, 102, 186, 193 Angers Apocalypse, 215 Angers cathedral, 51 Anjou family, 60; see also Robert, king of Anjou Aquileia cathedral, 35 Aretino, Spinello, 316 Arezzo: frescoes, 190; parish church, high altar, 218-9, 22 0, 227, 228-9, 2 3°; San Domenico, Crucifix, 48; work of Spinello in, 3 16 Ariberto da Intimiano, 20 Arnolfo di Cambio, 60 development of style in, 319 San Francesco, 15, 39, 49 etseq., 77-8, 81, in, 188, 195, 206, 221 etseq., 326; Doctors' Vault, 68-9; Lower Church, 100-1 ; St Martin chapel, 205-6, 209; 64. etseq., 73f, St Nicholas chapel, 320 Santa Maria degli Angeli, 39-40 Atri cathedral, 305 Avanzo, Jacopo, 330-1 Avignon, 89, 212, 2i6f; cathedral, 204, 212-3 Papal Palace, 216; school, 9, 214 ; Isola, Madonna, 200 Bamberg Apocalypse, 21 Barberini, cardinal Francesco, 50 Bardi chapel, see Florence, Santa Croce Barna, 215-6 Barnaba da Modena, 325 Baroncelli chapel, see Florence, Santa Croce Baronzio, Giovanni, 322 Bartolo di Fredi, 239, 247 Bellini, Jacopo, 333-4 372 Berlinghiero, 3 8f, 41 Berry, Due de, 213 Bertram, Master, 9 Bicci di Lorenzo, 314 Boccaccio, 248 Bohemia, 326f Bologna, 322-3 San Francesco, 323 Santa Maria degli Angioli, altarpiece, 94, 322-3 Santa Maria di Mezzaratta, 323-4; Santa Maria dei Scrvi, 324; San Salvatore, 323; Santo ; ; Stefano, 323 Boniface VIII, pope, 78, 234 San Salvatore, 18 Bulgarini, Bartolomeo, 239 Brescia, Burgundian miniature painters, 9 Byzantine style and influence, nf, Assisi Badia a Benevento, Santa Sofia, 19 Berlinghieri, Bonaventura, 38 'Benedictine' style, 27 15, 17, 21 23f, 27, 3if, 35 etseq., SS, 57 etseq., 63, 70, 195 et seq., 202 etseq., 238, 325-30 passim Campin, Robert, 229 Carolingian painting, 17 etseq., 21 Carpaccio, 326 Carpineta, Madonna, 328 Castelseprio, Santa Maria foris portas, 16-17 Cavallini, Pietro, 57 et seq., 318; Rome, Santa Cecilia, Last Judg- ment, 58 etseq.; Santa Maria in Trastevere, mosaics, 59-60 Cavallini, school of, 63, 321; Giotto's contact with, 68 technique, 74-5 Celestine III, pope, 29 Cennini, Ccnnino, n, 86, 101, 315 Chantilly Book of Hours, 213-4 Charles IV, emperor, 10, 326 Christ us patiens type, 37 Chronicle (Riccobaldo), 65, 82 Cimabue, n, 40, 44 et seq., 92; Arezzo, San Domenico, Crucifix, 48; Assisi frescoes, 49 etseq., 68; Florence, Santa Croce, Crucifix, 49, 66; Flo- Madonna, rence, Santa Trinita, 44, 48 Madonna with Angels and St Francis, 54, 195; Pisa ; cathedral mosaics, 48 Cimitile, Basilica dei SS. Martiri, 19 Civate, San Calocero and San Pietro al Monte, 31-2 Cologne cathedral, Apostles, 210 Commentarii (Ghiberti), Ghiberti see under Coppo di Marcovaldo, 41-2, 48; Florence, Santa Maria Maggiore, Madonna del Car- mine, 41; Siena, Santa Maria dei Servi, Madonna, 41 et seq. Corso di Buono, 55 Cortona cathedral, Madonna panel, 219, 227 Crevole, Madonna, 196 Cristoforo da Bologna, 325 Crucifixes, painted-panel, 30, 36 et seq., 49, 322 Crusade, Fourth, Daddi, 'Dance Dante, Death, effects of, 35 Bernardo, 192, 318 of Death' theme, 248, 305 9f 13, 89, 103, 242 representation of, see 'Triumph of Death' Decameron, 248 Desiderms, abbot of Monte Cassino, 23 Disegno, concept of, 70, 76-7, 85 Divine Comedy, 10, 89 Dominican doctrine in frescoes, 3 1 1-3 Drawing, see Disegno Duccio di Buoninsegna, 44, 47^ 56, 97, 192, 195 et seq., 203, 219 Eboli, 318 Elias of Cortano, 39, 50 Emilia, 322-3, 325 'Encounter of the Three Living and the Three Dead' theme, 305 Europe as a cultural entity, 12-14 Fabriano, 318 Ferentillo, San Pietro, 29
3 ; Fleury monastery, 14 Florence, 41 et seq., 240 et seq., 310 et seq. Disegno theory, 70, 76-7 Badia altar panel, 81 Baptistry, decoration of, 49, 76, 186 cathedral, 102, 186; St Zenobius Altarpiece, 41 ; Zeno- religious revival, of, 38-9, 49 13 et seq., depiction ; 64 Gaddi, Agnolo, 187, 310, 3i5f Gaddi, Taddeo, 92, 101, 187 Giorgio Loggia del Bigallo, 192 Ognissanti Madonna, 81, 93, 100, 107, 202 28, 32 Gauzlin, abbot of Fleury, 14 Gentile da Fabriano, 313, 318 Gentile da Montefiore, cardinal, Enthroned Madonna, 78, 81 Santa Maria del Carmine, 316 Santa Maria Maggiore, Madonna del Carmine, 41 Santa Maria Novella, chapter house, 3 1 1-3; comparison with Santa Croce, 188; main choir chapel decoration, 244; Rucellai 44, 47f, I95f 240 et seq. San Procolo, Santa Croce, ; Madonna, Strozzi chapel, altarpiece, 233 I03f, 107-12, 185 etseq. Santa Croce, chapels: Bardi, 90,104, 108, 110 etseq., 185 I02f, 186, 218, 228 Ghirlandaio, 244 Ghissi, Francescuccio, 318 Giomata, 73 et seq. Giotto, 9, 16, 64 etseq., 83 etseq., 3 18 analysis of his art, 91-2 work, disegno concept in his 70, 76-7, 85 evaluations of, influence: 8, et 222, 234, 308; Baroncelli, 93-4, i88f, 191, 225; Giugni, 187; main choir chapel, 315; Peruzzi, 90, 104, 107, 108-10, 185 et seq., 206, 234; Rinuccini, 313; Tosinghi, 99, 100, 187 Santa Croce, Crucifix, 49; 11-12 on Cimabue, 60; Pietro Lorenzetti, 219, 225; on Martini, 203, 206; in Florence after his death, on refectory, 191, 311; sacristy, 315 south aisle frescoes, 245 et seq. Santa Spirito, refectory, Crucifixion, 244-5 Santa Trinita, Madonna, 44, 48 N. Europe, 9, 214 monumental style: development of, 93, 108; on a small scale, 98 compared with ; Duccio, i99f product of ; 243 precursor of, Cimabue as, 53 Giotto, works Assisi: San Francesco, 50, 63 et seq., in, 188, 206; Doctors' Vault, 68-9; Isaac Scenes, 63, 67-8, 74; St Francis legend, self-discipline, ; 64f, 67, 69-70, 73, 75, 77-8, 81 Bologna altarpiece, : 185 et seq. Florence, Santa Croce, chapels: Bardi, 90, 108, no etseq., 185 etseq.; Baron- 93-4, 188 Giugni, 187; Peruzzi, 90, 107-10; 185 et seq., 206; Tosinghi, 99, 100, 187 Milan commission, 102 Naples, Castel Nuovo and Santa Chiara, 101-2 celli, ; 185-7, 199, 206, 222, 225, 243, 246 Rimini, possible work in, 81- 2,319 Rome, Lateran, Benediction Loggia, 78, 81; St Peter's, Stefaneschi altarpiece, 97-8 Giotto Exhibition, 1937, 66 Giotto, workshop of, 74, 83, 94, 102-3 Giovannetti, Matteo, 216-7 Giovanni da Milano, 3 1 Giovanni da Muro, 68, 78 Giovanni Pisano, 195, 200-1, 212 97 et seq., Giugni chapel, see Florence, Santa Croce Giuhano da Rimini, 319, 322 Giunta Pisano, 39, 40, 48 Giusto Menabuoi, 329-30 Goldsmiths, and panel-paintings, 30, 41 Gothic style and influence, 47, SO etseq., 60, 63, 195,200, 203 et 216, 239, 328 Gozzoli, Benozzo, 306, 317 Grottaferrata abbey, 57 Guariento, 329 seq., Guido da 94 Florence Badia altar panel, San alia Padua, Arena chapel, 75, 78, 83 et seq., 98, 103, 107 et seq., 240, 315-6; in Italy, 310, 317, 319 etseq., 333; in seq., I93f, ; 206 Gerini, Niccolo di Pietro, 314-5 Ghiberti, Lorenzo, 11, 59, 99, 81, 85, 90, Costa, Enthroned Madonna, 78, 81; Santa Maria Novella, Crucifix, 63, 66-8, 85; Santa Croce, 90, 93-4, 99f, I03f, 107-12, et 213, 222, 225, 227, 311, 315, 317 Galliano, San Vincenzo, 20-2, 240 Palazzo Vecchio, 201 San Carlo dei Lombardi, 314 San Giorgio alia Costa, Madonna, 93, 100, 107, 202; et seq., bius chapel polyptych, 98 Guild of physicians, 233 Ognissanti polyptych, 313 Or San Michele, Tabernacle, santi 73, 75, 77-8, 81, 93, 112 Frederick II, emperor, 13 seq., 85, 90, cathedral, 98, 102; Ognis- Francis of Assisi, St, as leader of 8 1 Siena, 42-3, 196 Guidoricchio da Fogliano, 209-10 373
1 Guillielmus, Master, 30 Hodegetria type, 41-2 Icon-type paintings, 30 Ile-de-France, 51, 201 Inferno (Dante), Monaco, Lorenzo, 315 Siena, Carmelite church, Montepulciano cathedral, piece, 239 Montesiepi frescoes, 237-8 Madonna, 219-20, 227; Duomo, Birth of 228-9; San Francesco, 228 Lorenzo Monaco, 315 Lorenzo Veneziano, 328 Louis of Toulouse, St, 186, 204, 234 Luca di Tomme, 239 Lucca, 36, 38, 41, 316 Lucignano, San Francesco, 247 Opera 242 'International Style', 215, 239, 310, 315, 328, 333 'Isaac Master', Cortona cathedral, Madonna panel, 219, 227 Madonna with. Angels, 229-30 polyptych (SienaPin. Nat.), 220 67 Jacopino di Francesco, 324 Jacopo di Cione, 240, 3 14 Jacopo di Paolo, 325 Johannes, bishop, 14, 22, 28 del the Virgin, Karlstein Castle, 326 Madonna, Latium, 318; as sphere of Roman Lenbach Madonna, 41 II libro dell'Arte, 1 di Dalmasio, 325 Lombardy, as Romanesque centre, 31-2 Lorenzetti brothers, 92, 216, 218 et seq.; Siena Ospedale della Scala, 228, 234 Lorenzetti, Ambrogio, works 236-7 San Procolo A)inunciation, Florence, altar- piece, 233 Massa Marittima, Maesta, 234-5 Montcsiepi frescoes, 237-8 chapel, 236 Seminar Madonna, 233; Palazzo Pubblico, Sala della Pace, 235-6; Sant'Agostino, Madonna with Saints, 237; San Francesco, 234; Santa Petronilla, 236 Vico l'Abate, Sant'Angelo, 374 seq., 196-7, 200, Martini Masaccio, 310, 316 Maso Madonna, 230, 233 Lorenzetti, Pietro, works Arezzo church, high altar, 218 -20, 227-30 Assisi, San Francesco, 221 et seq. Beata Umilta, 229-30 di Banco, 101, 193-4, 3 I(5, 318 Massa Marittima, Maesta, 234-5 'Master of Bagnano', 43 'Master of the Bardi chapel', 185 et seq., 220, 234 'Master of Citta di CastehV, 200 'Master of the Madonna in San Presentation in the Temple, Siena, Archbishop's et 204-5,212-3,230,233, 318 'Magdalene Master', 43 Maniera greca, see Byzantine style Marches, 318 Martin V, pope, 317 Martini, Simone, see Simone influence, 57 Lippo interpretations of, 41-2, 44 Pietro a Ovile', 239 'Master of the Prophet Busts', 63 'Master of the Rinuccini chapel', , 313 'Master of the St George Codex , 214-5 Monte gelista, 55 Lippo, 215 Memmo di Filipuccio, 215 altar- Mosaics: Byzantine, 23; technique, 70, 73 Mount Athos painters, 70 Miinster (Miistair), St Johann, 17 Naples, 60, 89, 101-2, 193, 204, 317-8; Castel Nuovo, 101-2; Santa Barbara, 101-2; Santa Chiara, 102; San Domenico, 204; Santa Maria Donnaregina, 60; Santa Maria Incoronata, 318 Nardo di Cione, 240 et seq., 318 Nazarenes, Nardo compared to, 244 Nepi, Sant'Elia, 28 Nerez frescoes, 35 Neri da Rimini, 319 NiccolodiSerSozzoTegliacci,239 Niccolo di Tommaso, 316 Nicholas III, pope, 52 Nicholas IV, pope, 51, 63 Nivardus, 14, 22 Nuzi, Allegretto, 318 Orcagna, Andrea, 186, 188, 195, 229, 240 et seq., 314 Orcagna, Andrea, works Florence: Or San Michele, Tabernacle, 240; Santa Maria Novella, 240-1, 244; Santa Croce, frescoes, 245 et seq., 308; Santo Spirito, refectory, Crucifixion, 244-5 Pisa, Memmi, Cassino, 18, 23, 27 Montelupo, San Giovanni Evan- Campo wrong Santo frescoes, attribution to Menabuoi, Giusto, 329-30 Mercatello, San Francesco, 322 Middle Ages, later attitudes to, Orcagna, 246, 308 Orsini family, 51-2 Orsini, Matteo Rosso, 52 Orvieto frescoes, 97; Santa 11-12 Milan, as an art centre, 22, 89, 102 Maria dei Servi, Madonna, 42 Ottimo, 89 Otto III, 14
; Pacino di Buonaguida, 311 Padua, 329; Arena chapel, 75, 78, 83 et seq., 98, 103, 107 et Riccobaldo da Fcrrara, 65, 82, Rimini, 319; Sant'Agostino, 320-1; San Francesco, 185-7, !9 2 !99. 20(5, 222, 225, 243, 246, 320, 330, 332; Baptistry, 329; Eremitani, 329; Oratory of St George, Crucifix, 81-2, 319; Santa in Porto, 322 Rintelen, Friedrich, 8 seq., » 332; St Anthony, 319; Scuola del Santo 331-2 Palazzo del Bargello, 102-3 Panel-paintings, 12, 29-30, 36 et seq,, 85, 90, 931, 98-9, 191-2, 196-7, 205, 228-9, 3 22 3 2 7 > Paolo di Giovanni Fei, 239 Paolo Veneziano, 328 Paris, Court at, 215 Pavia, San Giovanni Domna- rum, 32 Perspective, 10, 85-6, 94, 109, 206, 222, 233, 236, 334 Perugino, 97 Peruzzi chapel, see Florence, Santa Croce Pescia, Franciscan church, 38 Petrarch, 89, 214, 305 Piero della Francesca, 190 Pietro da Rimini, 321, 322 Pisa, 36-7, 41, 239, 3i6f Campo Santo, Allegory of Death ; fresco, 73, 245 et seq., 305 etseq., 317; cathedral, 48; Santa Catcrina, 205, 308; cesco, 93 Pisanello, 209 Pisano, Andrea, see San Fran- 3 19 Maria Rinuccini chapel, see Florence, Santa Croce Robert, king of Anjou, 89, 101, 204, 234 Roberto di Oderisio, 318 et seq., San Francesco, 111 Prato cathedral, 315 Pomposa abbey, 321, 324-5 Prague cathedral, 327 Princeton Annunciation, 43 of art in, 56 et seq., 317; influence of basilica decoration, 15-16, 22, 64; Latcran, 63, 78, 81; San Bastianello, 21 ; Santa Cecilia, Last Judgment, 58 etseq. ;SanCle- mente, 19, 27-8; San Giovanni a Porta Latina, 28-9; Santa Maria Antiqua, 16; Santa Maria Egiziaca, 19; Santa Maria Maggiore, 15, 63 Santa Maria in Trastevere, 30; mosaics in, 59, 60; San Paolo fuori le mura, 15, 58-9, 64; St Peter's (old), 15, 58-9, 64; Sylvester chapel, 57; Vatican, 192, 195 et seq., Florence, relations with, 220, 238 Archbishop's Seminar chapel, Madonna, 233 Carmelite church, 219-20, 227 cathedral, 200-1 choir, window in, 196-7; Maesta, 97, 197-8 Opera del Duomo, Birth of the Virgin, 228-9 Ospedale della Scala, 228, 234 Palazzo Pubblico, 201 Guidoriccio fresco, 209-10; Madonna, 42 Maesta, 202-3 ; ; '. Sala della Pace, 235-6 Sant'Agostino, 210, 233, 237 San Francesco, 228, 234 Santa Maria dei Servi: Adoration of the Shepherds, frescoes, 228; 239; Madonna, 41 Santa Maria in Tressa, Madonna, 43 Santa Petronilla, altarpiece, 236 San Pietro Rucellai Rusuti, Filippo, 56, 63 seq., Signorelli, Madonna, see Florence, Santa Maria Novella Sacchetti, Franco, 240 Sacro Speco monastery, 247 St Bonaventure's Tree, 311 'St Cecilia Master', 78 Simone Martini, 47, 92, 202 239, 318 Simone Martini, works Annunciation, 210 Assisi, San Francesco, St Martin chapel frescoes, Avignon San Gimignano, Collegiate church, 215-6 San Gimignano, town hall, Laura Maesta, 215 Sant'Angelo in Formis, 22-7, 28, San Vincenzo al Volturno, 18 Sarzana cathedral, Crucifix, 36 et 205-6, 209 St Gall, illumination, 17 St Zenobius Altarpiece, 41 3of, et seq. a, Ovile, 239 97 Simone da Bologna, 325 190 31, 37, 74, 3 2 5 Raphael, 97, 190 Ravenna, Santa Chiara, 321 Reichenau, Oberzell, 2of et seq., 218 et seq., 3i6f Gothic influence on, 47, 200 57 Rome: development Andrea Pisano Pisano, Giovanni, see Giovanni Pisano Pisano, Giunta, see Giunta Pisano Pistoia: convento del T, 316; Buonaventura, 200 di Siena, 40 ; Romagna, 318-9, 321 etseq. Romanesque art and influence, 27-32 passim, 35 Segna cathedral : portal, 204; vestibule, 212-3, 2I 7 portrait, 214 Naples, Louis of Toulouse panel, 204 Pisa, Santa Caterina, altar- piece, 205 Return of the Young Jesus from the Temple, 21 1-2 Siena: Guidoriccio fresco, 20910; Maesta, 202-3, 2I 5J 375
Sant'Agostino altarpiece, 210, 233 Virgil MS. illustration, 214 Spinello Aretino, 316 Spoleto cathedral, Crucifix, 30-1 Stamina, Gherardo, 316 Stefaneschi, cardinal Jacopo, 98, 212, 214-5 Stephanus (Roman painter), 28 Strasburg, Death of the Virgin, 100 Strozzi chapel, see Florence, Santa Maria Novella Taddeo di Bartolo, 239 Theodoric of Prague, 326 Thode, Henry, 8 Thomas Aquinas, St: as a European figure, 13 idea of beauty, 90-2 Tosinghi chapel, see Florence, Santa Croce Trami, Francesco, 246, 308, 317 Tree of St Bonaventure theme, 311 Tres Riches Hemes, 213-4 Tressa, Santa Maria in, see Siena Treviso, San Niccolo, 325, 327 (Petrarch), 305 'Triumph of Death' theme, Trioiifi 247 et seq. Tuscania, San Pietro, 28 Tuscany, 31, 36 et seq. Udine cathedral, 324 Ugolino da Siena, 200 Umbria, 31, 318 Urban V, pope, 216 ; Titian, Tomaso da Modena, 325-7 Torriti, Jacopo, 56, 63 376 245, 308 Veneziano, Lorenzo and Paolo, 328 Venice, 320, 327 et seq.,; gate- way to Eastern influences, 35; mosaic artists from, 76; Palazzo Ducale, 329; St Mark's .35, 327 Vico l'Abate, Sant'Angelo, Madonna, 230, 233 Villani, Filippo, 11, 103 Vi lleneuve-les- Avignon monastery, 216 Visconti, Azzo, 89, 102 Vitale da Bologna, 323-4, 328 Vladimir, Demetrios cathedral, Last Judgment, 58 Urbania, 319-20, 321 Wenceslas, 10 3 3 if Tivoli, San Silvestro, 29 Tolentino, St Nicholas, 321-2 Vasari, Giorgio, 11-12, 42, 218, Van Eyck brothers, 10, 209, 214, 229 Vanni, Andrea, 239 Vanni, Lippo, 239 Weyden, Roger van Witz, Konrad, 229 Zcnobius chapel, 98 der, 229

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Continued from front flap Though chiefly concerned with sty- considerations, Dr. Oertel pro- listic vides pertinent historical background. The work main and gives a clear idi a of the of lines artistic deve ipment much same time contain at the detailed information abour individual paintings. Since in Germany it was in 1953, published first Early Italian Painting has been accepted as a stan- dard work in its field. This new and completely revised edition, the first to appear in English, takes into account the most recent research and includes not only of recognized illustrations masterpieces, but also of little-known, newly uncovered and restored trea- sures. "Dr. Oertel has brilliantly succeeded in- in giving us a vivid account 01 tinuity and innovation without the unique position minishing Giotto. . . . en • of Dr. Oertel's contribution remain for a long time to come the most reliable handbook on Ita- will from the seventh to the fourteenth century."— The Tim 's Litlian painting erary Supplement (London) The Author: Dr. Robert Ocrtc!, born in Leipzig in 1907, studied lustory, and archaeology at the universities of Leipzig, Vienna Munich, Hamburg, and Freiburg, and received his Ph. D. from thi Uni- art history, versity of Frankfurt. After v in the Museum State in B . rking 1, he served as assistant at the Gerr n Institute of Art History in F ^rence from 1935 to 1939. He was curator of the State Gallery of Pa' Dresden g in 1946, then lecturer at until the University of Freiburg until 1958. From 1958 to 1964, he was curator of the Alte Pinakothek in Munich, returning afterwards Museum in he is now gallery. fessor Berlin. Fra the Among his Lippi Filippo is Free the State wrier of the pictur- director Dr. Oertel at to Berlin-Dahlem, honorary pro- University of other works are and Ear y Italian Painting in Altenburg. Frederick A. Pr acger Publishers New York Printed in • Washington Germany