MEDIEVAL HERALDRY
Some Fourteenth Century
Heraldic Works
EDITED
WITH INTRODUCTION
ENGLISH TRANSLATION OF THE WELSH TEXT
ARMS IN COLOUR, AND NOTES
BY
EVAN JOHN JONES
FOREWORD BY
ANTHONY R. WAGNER
Richmond Herald
CARDIFF
WILLIAM LEWIS (PRINTERS) LTD
19 + 3
Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data
Main entry under title:
Medieval heraldry.
Reprint. Originally published: Cardiff: W. Lewis
(Printers), 1943.
Bibliography: p.
1. Heraldry—Addresses, essays, lectures.
I. Jones, Evan John.
CR21.M43 1983	929.6	78-63502
ISBN 0-404-17149-4
AMS PRESS, INC.
56 East 13 Street, New York, N.Y. 10003
Reprinted from an original in the collections of the Uni-
versity of Michigan library of the edition of 1943, Cardiff.
MANUFACTURED
IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA
То ту
Mother and Father
CONTENTS
Page
Preface	vii
Foreword by A. R. Waoner	x
Introduction	xvii
Llyfr Arfau by John Trevor, and English
Translation	2
Tractatus de Armis by Johannes de Bado
Aureo
Text i	95
Text 2	144
Tretis on Armes	by	John	[Vade]	213
Appendix I: De Insigniis et Armis by
Bartolus de	Saxoferrato	221
Appendix II: Identification of certain
of the Arms illustrated in the book 253
Welsh-Latin Word List	255
Bibliography	2 58
Authorities cited in Text .	.	259
PREFACE
Some years ago, while collecting material in my
research, I came across in manuscript and in print,
texts which, although they were in different languages
and on subjects far removed from each other, seemed to
be the works of one writer. These included portions
of the well-known Eulogii Historiarum Continuatio, a
Welsh Life of St. Martin, a French Metrical History
of the Deposition of Richard II, and a Welsh Book of
Arms.
It seemed to me that the Welsh Book of Arms
deserved attention as an interesting specimen of
medieval Welsh prose: its author claimed that Welsh-
men should read it carefully and master the science
of arms. I set about comparing it with other heraldic
treatises, and I found that it resembled very closely
a work by De Bado Aureo, namely, Tractatus de Armis.
After giving the work careful study, and receiving
encouragement from colleagues and friends, I decided
to present the results of my labours to a larger public,
so that the theories could be tested with reference to
the sources themselves. I hope that the texts will also
be regarded as having literary as well as historical
value.
I have not attempted to give the reader an exhaustive
treatment of medieval works on Arms: that may be
possible in the near future. Here I am concerned
only with those Latin and Welsh works which can be
vii
attributed with a degree of certainty to De Bado Aureo.
I have added an English treatise which the reader will
find to be closely related to the other works. I have
also included the De Insigniis et Armis of Bartolus, long
out of print, because of its importance to De Bado
Aureo.
I wish to put it on record that my interest in heraldry
was stimulated from the beginning by that versatile
and generous scholar, the late Cyril Brett, Professor
of English Language and Literature at University
College, Cardiff. To him I continuously submitted
my theories and presented my difficulties: his advice
and helpful criticism were always designed to encourage
me to further effort. I wish I could have had the
benefit of his ripe judgment throughout the preparation
of this work.
My gratitude is due to Mr. A. R. Wagner,
Richmond Herald, for being so ready to write the
Foreword, and showing such friendly interest in this
book. I wish also to express my thanks to colleagues:
to Mr. G. J. Williams and Mr. L. J. D. Richardson
for faithful reading of script and proof sheets, and many
useful suggestions; to Mr. J. Hubert Morgan for
assistance in the early stages of the work and for
directing me to sources of information. I have also
profited much from discussion with colleagues and
friends.
To members of the staffs of the British Museum,
the Bodleian Library, the National Library of Wales,
the Central Library, Cardiff, and the University
viii
College Library, Cardiff, I desire to return thanks for
their courtesy and for affording me many facilities
during the preparation of this work.
To Mr. T. C. Hart, of Messrs. William Lewis
(Printers) Ltd., I owe thanks for his personal help
and patience while the book was being printed; and
to .the artist responsible for the illustrations I am
particularly grateful.
Lastly I wish to acknowledge the generous award
of £50 received from the University of Wales
(Thomas Ellis Memorial Fund).
EVAN J. JONES.
University College,
Cardiff,
1943-
ERRATA
Plate VI (c)
XV (d)
XXVI (f)
or instead of gules.
above label or.
martlets or.
ERRATUM. Plate XXXIa should be argent Hon rampant tabU.
ix
FOREWORD
By Anthony R. Wagner, Richmond Herald.
The Tractates de Ar mis, attributed in one copy to a
mysterious Johannes de Bado Aureo, is the oldest
known treatise on heraldry by a native of these islands.
That the author was our countryman is shown by his
statement that he wrote at the instance of Richard the
Second’s Queen Anne, since deceased, and by his
reference to the heraldic practice of the King of
England and English lords. But his work, he tells us,
is based on that of a Frenchman, his master Franciscus
de Foveis. Neither Franciscus de Foveis nor his
work has been identified and indeed the only known
treatise on heraldry older than the Tractates is that of
Bartolo de Sassoferrato, also here edited by Mr. Evan J.
Jones.
It might have been thought that heraldic interest
and national pride would have combined to draw
scholars’ attention to this little work, and it is or should
be a matter for some shame that its only previous
editor, Sir Edward Bysshe, has had to wait near on
three centuries for a successor. It was not, Mr. Jones
tells us, that his work needed no revision. In his
volume of 1654 were comprised besides the text of the
Tractates, that of Nicholas Upton’s treatise De Studio
Militari, and of Bartolo’s heraldic work above men-
x
tioned, notes on all three, and Sir Henry Spelman’s
essay on early heraldry called Aspilogia. Whatever its
faults this was a notable and scholarly beginning of
the editing of heraldic source material, for which
Sir Edward might almost be forgiven his change of
allegiance and usurpation of Garter’s place under the
Parliament, were it not that his professional misconduct
after the Restoration brought fresh disgrace and trouble
on his colleagues.
The heraldic part of Upton’s work is an amplified
version of the Tractatus. We might credit Upton
with the enlargement of an older work but for one fact.
A passage in this heraldic section recants certain stric-
tures on the colour Vert, which, says the author, he
made in a youthful work. But just such strictures
are made in the Tractatus so that we can hardly doubt
but that this at least of the Upton additions is the work
of the original author. Bysshe thought to cut this
knot by making the Tractatus an early work of Upton,
but that will not do, if, as seems most likely, Queen
Anne, at whose instance the Tractatus was begun,, died
before Upton was born. We must then conclude that
Upton, in the manner of his age, incorporated in his
book without modification or acknowledgment a later
revision of the Tractatus by its own author.
The more complete solution of this and connected
problems must await the full examination of the text
of Upton which it is to be hoped Mr. Jones will now
undertake. Upton has had a little more attention
from modern scholars than the Tractatus, for “the
essential portions” of a sixteenth century English
translation of his work were edited in 1931 by F. P.
xi
Barnard.1 These “essential portions” do not, how-
ever, include the heraldic part though Barnard was a
good and keen heraldic scholar. There is a reason
for this neglect. The objection modern heralds have
to the Tractatus in all its versions is characteristically
expressed by Oswald Barron.
“From the day,” he says, “when John of Guildford
(i.e. Johannes de Bado Aureo) sat down to write a book
upon heraldry that should follow, in dogma and
tradition, the rules of his most excellent teacher Master
Franciscus de Foveis, our authors have wandered into
waste places. At the beginning they go astray seeking
symbolism and an inward significance in every sign
upon the painted shield. For an example I give you
Nicholas Upton and his work.
“The English antiquary may well mourn the folly
of Nicholas Upton. [Barron here attributes to Upton
himself the heraldic part of the De Studio Militari.\
He was gentleman born, was Nicholas, of that freeborn
blood which was reckoned as our English nobility.
Bred at a university, he followed the wars in France
under great captains, the fighting Earl of Salisbury,
Thomas, Earl of Suffolk, and the renowned Talbot,
not one of whom died in bed. He had seen battle and
siege and skirmish, knightly pomp in war and peace.
When he comes home again after nine or ten adven-
turous years to write a treatise on heraldry, you would
say that here is the man who shall tell us all about the
heraldic practice of the days of Agincourt and Orleans.
1 The essential portions of Nicholas Upton’s De Studio Militari before
1446. Translated by John Blount, Fellow of AU Souls (c. 1500); edited
by Francis Pierrepont Barnard. Oxford, 1931.
xii
“And then you come to his book and find it all a
puzzle without an answer. In his first chapter you
are in a mazy argument over the significance of colours
and what the philosophers say of their generation and
why certain colours are nobler than others. You go on
to the chapters of crosses and bars and bends, of lions
and leopards and hounds and at the last you see the
truth about Nicholas Upton. He did not sit down to
describe to you the practice of that armory which was
any day’s common spectacle in the jousting yard. That
were no task for a scholar’s pen. He was there among
his books of philosophy and natural history to give
you that more precious heraldry which should arise
out of a scholar’s meditations. The men in the street
could blazon bars and bends, but Nicholas Upton and
his fellows can tell them the unguessed meanings of
colour and charge, find strange bearings that were
never on banner or shield and beautiful words for
them all.
“Thus the tradition of the heraldry book is established.
As an Englishman, I like to believe that the follies
which French antiquaries have named as sottises
anglaises were imported goods from over-sea, that the
bad tradition began in foreign parts. But we followed
it lovingly.”
It is true. The Tractatus tells us little about
contemporary heraldic practice and more than once
where it purports to do so is demonstrably in error.
The passage about the bearing of chevrons by clerics
(pp. 64, 130,1 81) bears no sort of relation to any known
practice. Less likely to mislead, because so thor-
oughly fantastic, are such statements as that the King
xiii
of England bears Gules, the colour of fire, because
Anglici are Inglici or igne electi; that singers being
knighted bear swans; that to bear martlets is a sign
that a man is ennobled through his bravery (or perhaps
rather that he is of small substance); or that those who
bear piles do so to show that they have grown rich by
labour. Once our author is constrained almost to
apologize for his own absurdity; for having told us
that to bear lucies is the mark of a rapacious and
oppressive man (for pike are rapacious fish), he feels
bound to qualify this by allowing that there are indeed
some who bear such merely because their name is
Lucy!
It is surprising, therefore, that Barron and others
have thought it worth while to quote the De Studio
Militari as decisive on a heraldic point of some import-
ance where it happens to support their own view, the
passage namely where the writer expresses disapproval
of the opinion that heralds can give arms and asserts
his own view that arms so given are of no greater
authority than those taken by a man for himself. It
would be judicious at any rate to quote on the other
side a passage from the original Tractatus (p. 142): “I
ask then, who can give arms ? And do thou say that a
king, a prince, a king of arms, or a herald can do so, as
saith Bartholus.” It would be relevant too to note
where our author says that such and such an alteration
of arms should be made “cum concilio regis haraldo-
rum,” where he says that a King of Heralds should
assign such and such crosses to one of whom he knows
neither good nor ill, and where he tells of a King of
Arms (with a sense of humour ?) who assigned the
xiv
bearing of a swan to some who were not singers, but
were beautiful and had long necks!
The truth is that while these treatises will disappoint
if we go to them looking for plain matter of fact
accounts of contemporary practice, both by what they
tell us wrong and by much that is irrelevant; yet if we
go to them expecting nothing we shall find, a fair deal
of useful plain statement and a good deal more sugges-
ted or to be inferred. The colour and beast symbolism
which they expound does not interest heralds because
the attempt to import it into heraldic practice failed,
at least in England. Sicily Herald’s Blason des
couleurs suggests that it had a little more success beyond
the channel. But heraldic or non-heraldic this sym-
bolism has its own history to which our treatise has a
contribution to make.
Other of its fantasies may prove less remote from
heraldic actuality than we suppose. Fifteenth century
English heraldry is full of transient and ill-known
eccentricities. It may prove that among them are
legacies from the Tractatus. Till a few years since it
was hardly known that Sicily Herald’s fantasy of blazon
by gems had been seriously used at all in England, let
alone that it was adopted in a quasi-official record of
Henry VII’s reign.
And if English fifteenth century heraldry be little
known, how much less known is that of Wales. The
Welsh text of the Tractatus avows the purpose of
educating Wales in heraldry, and falling there on
virgin soil may well have moulded actual practice in
a way not possible in England where heraldry was well
established and developed. A passage quoted by
xv
Mr. Jones from Lewis Glyn Cothi (p. 1) suggests
what manner of influence may and should be
looked for.
The study of these things is in its infancy. Till it
has gone further, conclusions can be only tentative.
The first need is to make texts and facts available. To
this process Mr. Jones’ present edition is a contribu-
tion, valuable in itself and as a pioneer to show the
way to others.
xvi
INTRODUCTION
Some time after the death of Anne of Bohemia, the
queen of Richard II, there appeared a Latin treatise on
heraldry, under the title of Tractatus de Armisl The
author of this work was lohannes de Bado Aureo. It
was not completed before the year 1394, the year of
the queen’s death, for the author states in his intro-
duction that he had written it at the instance of the
queen lately deceased.2
This Tractatus was printed in 1654 by Edward Bysshe
along with two other heraldic works, viz. the De Studio
Militari of Nicholas Upton, and the Aspilogia of Henry
Spelmann.3 A comparison of the Tractatus and the
De Studio Militari led Bysshe wrongly to suppose that
they were the works of one author, and that the
Tractatus was the earlier effort, which in a corrected and
enlarged form was incorporated in the De Studio.
Bysshe was forced to conclude that Upton had adopted
the pen-name lohannes de Bado Aureoy a name which he
held to be fictitium planed
JB.M. Add. MS. 29901. Tractatus Magistri Iohannis de Bado Aureo
cum Francisco de Foveis in distinctionibus armorum. (Small folio, paper,
fifteenth century.)
aQuoniam de armis multociens in clipeis depictis singulis discernere
inveniatur difficile, ad instantiam igitur quarundam personarum,
& specialiter Domine Anne, quondam Regine Anglie, hunc libellum compilavi.
3Nicholai Vptoni, De Studio Militari, Libri Quattuor, lohan. de Bado
Aureo, Tractatus de Armis, Henrici Spelmanni Aspilogia, Edoardus Bissaeus
E codicibus MSS., primus public! juris fecit, Notisque illustravit. Londini.
Typis Rogeri Norton . . . 1654. Folio.
‘Bysshe’s theory reads thus : Se iuvenem adhuc, ait, librum conscrip-
sisse, quo insignia viridis coloris habuit inhonorata, cuius iam erroris ilium
paenituisset. Quibus ergo verbis animum induxi ut crederem libellum
quern de tesseris gentilitiis nunc public! iuris facio, sub nomine Iohannis
de Bado Aureo, opus fuisse Nicbolai Uptoni, illic enim viridis insignium color
damnatur. Quid ? quod methodus & ipsa etiam verba ubique congruunt.
[Continued on page xviii
xvii
в
Apparently Bysshe had at his disposal two De Bado
manuscripts, one from the library of Le Neve, and the
other from the library of the Heralds’ College;1 is
this latter copy now in the possession of the Society of
Antiquaries ? He also mentions several copies of the
De Studio Militari which were consulted by him.2 It
Continued from page xvii]
Neque ego unquam, vel praeter me alius quisquam, familiam istius nominis,
quae usquam extiterit reperiri potuimus. Fictitium plane nomen esse
videtur, et nisi ille idem Uptonus sit, auctorem hunc inter ignotos babeo.
xDuos huius libri codices habui manuscriptos, quorum unum Bibliotheca
Guilielmi Le Neve, alterum nostra suppeditavit.
There are two copies in the British Museum (Add. MSS. 37526 and 29901).
Both are of the fifteenth century. The former does not mention the name
of the author, and the latter, which agrees more closely with Bysshe’s
printed version, mentions the author as De Bado Aureo. The third copy,
now owned by the Society of Antiquaries, supplied Bysshe with the greater
part of his text and the coloured drawings of the arms. In it the name of
the author is not mentioned. Add. MS. 37526 belonged to Le Neve as is
shown by his arms, arg. on cross sa. 5 fleurs de lys of 1, painted inside the
C of the word Cum in the opening sentence.
Another interesting version is that of British Museum MS. 28791. This
differs from the three already mentioned and approximates somewhat to
the heraldic sections found in the De Studio. (See pp. 144—212) It was
copied in 1449.
Armorum tractatus extractus anno domini millesimo CCCCmo XLIXm0
regnique Regis Henrici Sexti post conquestum Anglie vicesimo octavo,
partim ab illo tractatu edito ad instanciam domine Anne quondam regine
Anglie, secundum tradicionem Francisci, partim ab aliis. (The copyist’s
explanation of the sources is at fault as will be seen by comparison with
De Bado's own introduction.)
aThere are two copies in the British Museum and one (Arundel MS. 64)
in the College of Arms. They all belong to the fifteenth century. The British
Museum copies are Add. MS. 30946 and Cotton MS. Nero, C. 3. Later
transcripts are British Museum Harleian MSS. 3504, 6106, and Trinity
College (Oxford) MS. 36. Bysshe states that he used Cotton MS. and two
copies then in Selden’s possession, as well as one from Le Neve’s library.
The Arundel MS. was one of the Selden copies used by Bysshe. There is
also a MS. at Trinity College, Dublin (T.C.D. MS. 801, E. 1. 7), at present
inaccessible (for security reasons). The librarian, Dr. J. G. Smyly, has
kindly given me this description of it from Monck Mason’s unpublished
catalogue (c. 1814) of Latin MSS. in the Trinity College Dublin Library:
“Liber secundus Nicholai Upton, canonis Ecclesiarum Sarum & Welliae,
de regulis & signis in armis depictis,” cum tabulis armorum “exscripsit
Christopherus Ussher, alias Hibernicus.”—F.st tractatulus iste pars haud
plusquam dimidiae huiusce autoris “De Studio Militari.’’
xviii
appears, however, that he did not seriously apply him-
self to collate his texts; for a clearer understanding of
the significance of the manuscript variants would have
shown that De Bado and Upton could not possibly have
been the same person.
The De Studio Militari as we have it in Bysshe’s
edition is divided into four books: the first is devoted to
military affairs, de militia nobilitate^ the second to
acts of war, de bellis & actibus exercitus in eisdem, and the
third and fourth books to heraldic problems, nobilitas
colorum in armis depictorum, regule per quas colores
Armorum & ipsa Arma clarissime discernuntur. Appar-
ently, when Bysshe saw that these third and fourth
books were to some extent a development of the De
Bado tractate, and that Upton had claimed to have
written the whole of the De Studio, he felt justified in
assuming Upton to be the author also of the De Bado
tract.1 This supposition seemed further justified by a
reference in the De Studio to an earlier version, where
the author expressed regret that, as a young man, he
*Upton was bom about the year 1400. He entered Winchester as a
scholar under the name of Helyer, alias Upton Nicholas. He afterwards
became Fellow of New College, Oxford, and later, though ordained sub-
deacon, he forsook higher orders and entered the services of Thomas de
Montacute, the fourth earl of Salisbury. He fought against the French in
Normandy, served under John Talbot, afterwards Earl of Shrewsbury, and
was with him when he was killed near Orleans in 1428. Upton was later
persuaded by Humphrey, Duke of Gloucester, to renew his studies, and in
1431 he was admitted to the prebend of Dyme in Wells Cathedral. Before
October 2, 1434, he was rector of Chedsey, which he later exchanged for
the rectory of Stapylford. In 1438 he graduated in Canon Law at Broad-
gates Hall (afterwards Pembroke College). He was collated to the prebend
of Wildland in St. Paul’s Cathedral in 1443 ; but he resigned this in favour
of the office of precentor of Salisbury Cathedral. In 1452 he went to Rome
to obtain the canonisation of St. Osmund, the founder of the cathedral.
He died before July 15, 1457, and was buried at Salisbury Cathedral.
(See article sub Upton, by A. E. Pollard, D.N.B.)
XIX
had written an earlier version in which he had made
serious errors {quae sunt veritati contrarid) J
Although Bysshe had consulted six codices2 for his
De Studio^ he did not make any serious attempt at
collation. An example of his failure to see the signi-
ficance of different manuscript readings appears in the
fourth book, pp. 133—46. Here, inserted between
chapters De Leone and De Leonardo, which clearly
belong to the heraldic section, we find fourteen sections
of extraneous matter, which undoubtedly belong to the
De Milicia section. These are
Statuta Henrici quinti tempore guerre.
De ecclesiis & Sacramento Eukaristie.
De personis ecclesiasticis.
Quibus personis tenebuntur omnes obedire.
De vigiliis & gardiis observandis.
De monstris publicis sen ostencionibus.
De turbationibus & clamoribus publicis.
De equitationibus generalibus.
De hospiciis capiendis.
De prisonariis. De terciis. De spoliis non fiendis.
xThe actual quotation to which Bysshe refers reads :
Veruntamen olim, in annis meis iuvenilibus, scripsi in hac materia nimium
sompniando : in qua quidem scriptura fateor me multipliciter errasse, ut
in dampnando colorem viridem, ac multa alia posuisse, que sunt veritati
contraria ; que iam ex certa mea scientia revoco. Utinam omnes copie de
ilia lectione mea extracte mecum essent; quas protestor me antea non
dormiturum, quousque ignibus consumassem.
*hun<^hblici juris facimus ; hortante praecipue, & hoc opus adjuvante
Domino Seldeno, qui mihi in hac re duobus pulcherrimis codicibus MSS.
opem tulit; quorum alterum Matthaeo Haleo, patrii, omnisque juris scientis-
simo, prius datum ab eo mihi exoravit mutuum. Tertium suppeditavit
Bibliotheca Domini Cottoni Equitis & Baronetti, qui Roberti Cottoni
Equitis clarissimi' filius est, tanto patri dignissimus. Quartus erutus est
ex Bibliotheca Guillelmi Le Neve Equestris Ordinis Viri. Aliique duo
eximii mihi ipsi prae manibus erant; quorum praestantior ad aliquem ex
pervetusta & Equestri Lambertorum familia pertinuisse visus est, uti
depicta variis in locis insignia testantur.
XX
De assaltibus. De salvis conductionibus.
De meretricibus ejiciendis.
Quod Johannes Rex Francie fuit verus captivus Edwardi
Tercii.
This mistake is peculiar to one manuscript, viz. BM.
MS. Cotton^ Neroy С. 31; another copy, prepared
by a scribe named Baddesworth in the year 1456, Brit.
Mus. Add. MS. 30946, which was later reproduced by
several copyists,2 avoids this error. There is also a
striking dissimilarity between the introductions in
these two versions. The Baddesworth version reads
thus:
Et quia de pertinentibus ad officium militare, prout in
diversis actibus bellicis in Francia et alibi asseris diversa
me vidisse, et visa in libellum redigi, tuoque desiderio
postulas exhiberi, presenciam igitur tuam precedat mens
iste rudis libellus, qui ex quattuor constat partibus
ordinatus.
In quarum parte prima tractatus de coloribus in armis,
et eorum nobilitate ac differencia : in secunda vero parte
tractatur de regulis et de signis, tarn vivis quam mortuis,
per quos signa in armis et armorum colores clarissime
discemuntur: in tercia namque parte tractatur de
animalibus et de avibus in armis portatis et eorum
proprietatibus : et in quarta parte tractatur de milicia
et eorum nobilitate. Quern quidem libellum ab initio sic
baptizo, volens quod in posterum vocetur, Libellus de
Officio Militari.
Bysshe, following the Nero version, gives the
following introduction:
In prima namque parte tractatur de milicia & nobilitate:
in secunda vero parte de bellis & actibus exercitus in
eisdem. Tercia autem pars ponit nobilitatem colorum in
xThis is the Robert Cotton MS. referred to by Bysshe.
’British Museum Harley MS. 6106 is an imperfect copy of Baddesworth.
Harley MS. 6149 contains only the section De Coloribus. Harley MS. 3504
is also a copy of Baddesworth.
xxi
armis depictorum. Et in quarta ponuntur regule, per
quas colores Armorum & ipsa Arma clarissime discernun-
tur. Quern quidem libellum ab inicio sic baptizo, volens
quod in pos terum vocetur Libellus de Militari Officio.
Thus not only are the contents of Baddesworth’s
copy presented in a different order from that of Nero,
C. 3, but the four books are differently styled.
Baddesworth MS.	Nero MS.
Book i. De Coloribus.	De milicia et nobilitate.
2.	De regulis et signis in De bellis et actibus
armis portatis.	exercitus.
3.	De animalibus et avibus. De nobilitate colorum.
4.	De milicia et nobilitate. De regulis et signis.
The arrangement of the material in the Baddesworth
version is more convincing than that in the Nero copy.
E.g. the scheme adopted by Bysshe in the fourth book
(following the Nero copy) is as follows:
De diversis signis in armis depictis.
De leone.
De regibus Anglie.
De Henrico II. Statuta Henrici quinti tempore guerre.
De ecclesiis .
De meretricibus ejiciendis.
Quod Johannes rex Francie fuit verus Captivus Edwardi
tercii.
De leopardo.
De ariete, agno, apro, aranea, ape, bove, botrace, camelo,
tigride, urso, vulpe, unicoma.
De aquila, accipitre, alieto, arpia, ardea upupa.
De dracone.
De delphinio, de lucio.
The lion and the leopard are taken out of the
alphabetically arranged list of animals, and the
inclusion of the arms of the kings of Britain between
the description of the lion and the leopard is strange,
since the reader has not yet been initiated into the
secret of describing arms.
xxii
The Baddesworth copy maintains a more logical
order:
De leone.
Brutus leonem in armis portavit.
Arma regum Britannie.
Quod Ricardus secundus leones non leopardos portavit.
De leopardo.
De aquila. (Ut leo velut rex, ita aquila velut regina . . .)
Imperatores Romani aquilam portaverunt.
De mustela.
Dux Britannie Minoris portat mustelam.
De perdice.
Scutifer quidam perdices portat.
De delphino.
Dolphinus delphinum portat.
Then follow in strictly alphabetical order the names
of animals, birds, and fishes borne in arms.1
Thus in the Baddesworth copy arms which are
ensigns of dignity have been removed from the others.
The lions, themselves an important charge, were
associated with the kings of England: less important
were leopards and they were attributed to the
English kings: the eagle was the most important of
birds and was associated with imperial dignity: the
Duke of Brittany bore the ermine, and the Dauphin
the dolphin. This treatment is reminiscent of that of
Honord Bonet2 who draws the attention of his reader
JNote the order in the Welsh version of the tractatus (p. 20). The
treatment of the arms of the kings of Britain has there been rightly postponed
until the end. See also note on p. 119.
lL’Arbre des Batailles d'Honore Bonet, publie par Ernest Nys (1883).
See also A. R. Wagner, Heralds and Heraldry (Oxford, 1939), p. 124.
Car il nya qui sent faites et ordonees pour lestat dez dignitez. Si comme
est le seignal de 1’aigle le quel est deputes pour la dignite impeiral, la fleur
de lis pour 1’ostel de France, le leopart pour Angleterre et aussi de tons
aultres dignitez plus petites. Si comme Г ermine pour le Due de Bretaine,
la crois d’argent pour le Conte de Savoie. . . .
Et telles armes purement homme du monde ne doit porter ne mettre en
son hostel ne en sa ville, se non cellui qui est en celle dignite seigneur
principal. Et se auscuns faisoit le contraire il en seroit punis.
xxiii
to the importance of arms which were adopted as
ensigns of dignities, such as the eagle, the fleur-de-lis,
the leopard, the ermine, etc., and maintains that no
man whatever should set up these arms except the
chief lord in that dignity, and that anyone who trans-
gressed that law would be punished.
Equally instructive is the treatment of the falcon
in the two versions. In the Nero copy the falcon is
included in its alphabetical order, but in the Baddes-
worth version it is found in the chapter dealing with
labels borne in arms (De Lingulis sive Labellis}.
Johannes de Bado Aureo could not have been
Nicholas Upton.
It is quite impossible to accept Bysshe’s assumption
that De Bado was Upton, if only on the ground that
Queen Anne had died before Upton was born. Moule,1
rejecting Bysshe’s theory, wrongly quoted De Bado as
De Padoy thus providing a name easily translated into
English, and presenting to students of heraldry a
character named John Guildford. Planche2 speaks of
him as presumed to be one John of Guildford, and who
acknowledges his indebtedness to his master Franciscus
de Foveis, or Franciscus (Francois) des Fossees.3
xThoma8 Moule, Bibliotheca Heraldica Magnae Britanniae (1822), p. 142.
The earliest reference to the name De Vado Aureo known to me is in Stowe
MS. 668, folio ib. Here we find in a late seventeenth century hand the
following :
Traite sur le blazon par lohan de Vado Aureo (Guildeford) et Francois
des Fossees, dedie a Dame Anne, Reine (de Richard 2) d’Angleterre.
The actual treatise, however (folio 52b), in a ? sixteenth century hand,
reads thus: Cy commence le traitie de maistre Jehan de bado aureo auec
ffrancisque des fossees.
'Pursuivant of Arms (1852), pp. 13, 14.
’Sir George Sitwell calls him Francis de Foveis, or Foea (The Ancestor,
No. 1, April, 1902, p. 85). He also accepts John Guildford as the equivalent
of De Bado.
xxiv
FIG. 1
De Badoy then, was not Upton, nor was he neces-
sarily Guildford: and yet this elusive personage was
sufficiently important in the reign of Richard II to be
singled out as a competent writer on heraldry.1 Many
copies of his essay were made from time to time, and
when he himself set to work to prepare a corrected
version of a youthful effort he expressed regret that
he could not recall and burn the earlier copies. It is
not unnatural therefore to assume that the second
De Bado tract found its way into the Upton work,
the De Studio Military and that there it lost its
identity. It is quite possible that the Tractatus
de Armis edited by Bysshe was De 'Bado’s hrst
eftort^ and. that another was wrongly incorpora-
ted in the Upton work. The version which is
preserved in Add. MS. 28791 is fuller than that
printed by Bysshe, but not as full as that included in
Upton. We therefore cannot now distinguish finally
the first and second efforts: nor can we tell what
changes, if any, were made when the second tract
found its way into the De Studio.
The Welsh Tractate.
There is also a Welsh version of the De Bado trac-
tate,2 and its study will throw light on the riddle of the
authorship. The oldest copy of this Welsh treatise
belongs to the Jesus College Collection.3 Sir Thomas
^uoniam de armis multociens in clipeis depictis singula discernere
inveniatur difficile, ad instanciam igitur quarundam personarum, et
specialiter Domine Anne, quondam Regine Anglie, hunc libellum compilavi
(Bysshe, p. 1).
’The Latin version in Add. MS. 28791 closely resembles the Welsh
version, and is certainly a later effort. This version has been reproduced
on pp. 144-212.
’Jesus College MS. 6. See Historical MSS. Commission Reports on
Welsh MSS., Vol. II, p. 37. Unfortunately both the beginning and the
end of the treatise are wanting.
XXV
Wiliems, a learned cleric and lexicographer, refers to a
version of this treatise which he had seen in the White
Book of Hergert! Unfortunately this book was lost
by fire in 1840.2 Wiliems does not mention when this
treatise was copied into the White Booky but he main-
tains that the White Book itself was written many years
before his day—at least a hundred and thirty-two
years before. Thus the tractate might have been
written as early as 1462.3 We cannot therefore from
manuscript evidence discover the date of the composi-
tion of the original work. Nor have we much infor-
mation about the author of this Welsh treatise, for it is
in one manuscript only that we have any mention of
xLlyfr Gwyn Hergest.
*In Stowe MS. 669, folio 17, there is a note, written, according to
O’Connor (Bibliotheca MS. Stowensis, Vol. II, p. 537), in the hand of Charles
Williams Wynne, stating that the work “is a transcript of part of the
White Book of Hergest, a folio MS. on vellum, containing a large collection
of Welsh poetry, heraldry, and history, compiled in the reigns of Henry VI
and Edward IV by Lewis Glyn Cothi, who himself was a Welsh poet and
served under the Earl of Pembroke, to whom and to his brother many of
his poems are addressed. The original was in the Wynnstay collection and
was unfortunately destroyed by fire when in the hands of Mackinley the
binder in 18(40).” It is not clear whether the writer of the heraldic treatise
was the author or the copyist; but we must, of course, assume that the
time of writing the White Book is the latest date to be assigned to its
composition.
3See British Museum Add. MSS. 31055, 126: Ac velly у teruyna у
Beibl, sef Crynnodeb talvyrh or hen Beibl yn amgyphret yn dalgrwnn
у prif istoriae or unrhyw. Ac a scriuennwyt alhan or hen Ihyver G(wynn) о
H(ergest) oedh wedy r argraphu yn dec ar vemrwn er ys lhawer о vlynydh-
oedh, cant. 32. mlynedh or lheiaf. . . .
(Thus ends the Bible, which is a concise precis of the Bible, containing
the chief narratives of the same briefly stated, and copied from the White
Book of Hergest, itself written in a fair hand on membrane many years ago,
at least one hundred and thirty-two years ago.)
Thomas Wiliems here refers to the general composition of the White Book.
In Peniarth MS. 229, p. 217, we have a list of the works presumably as they
appeared in the original work, and if we can assume that the several works
were entered in chronological order, we can also assume 1462 to be the
approximate date of copying the heraldic work, since it immediately follows
the Welsh Bible.
XXVI
him by name as Sidn Trevor,1 and in this instance we
have to rely on the accuracy of the copyist’s testimony,
unless additional supporting evidence is forthcoming
from other quarters.
It is singularly unfortunate that the opening and
closing pages of the Jesus College MS. are wanting.
If, however, we can accept the testimony of Cardiff
MS. 50, we must search for a writer named Sidn Trevor
who flourished some time before 1462, and who was
sufficiently well versed in heraldic matters to write
such a work. Three persons appear as possible
claimants for the honour, and their claims have already
been the subject of some discussion.
(1)	Sion Trevor Hen2 of Bryncunallt (oi.? 1493, ?4).
(2)	Sidn Trevor of Wigginton, grandson of (1).
(3)	Bishop John Trevor, also known as leuan Trevor, the
second bishop of St. Asaph of that name (pb. 1410).
Professor Ifor Williams put forward a case for the
consideration of the first claimant when he rejected
Bishop Trevor as the author of a Welsh Life of
St. Martin and of this Welsh heraldic treatise.3 A close
study of these two books and of Professor Williams’
theories may therefore profitably occupy our attention.
Buchedd Sant Marthin (The Life of St, Martin).
From Mostyn MS. 88 we learn that a John Trevor
wrote a Welsh Life of St. Martin.4 This is a close
1Llyfr yw hwn a elwir yn iaith Gymraeg Llyfr Dysgread Arfau, a Sidn
Trevor a’i troes o’r Llading a’r Ffrangeg yn Gymraeg, a Hoell ap Syr Mathe
a’i hysgrifennodd, oedran Krist mil a ffumkant ac un a thrigaint. Cardiff
MS. 50. (See also p. 3.)
’Sidn Trevor Hen = John Trevor Senior.
’See Bulletin of Board of Celtic Studies, Vol. IV, 1929.
4Mostyn MS. 88. John Trevor a droes у vuchedd honn or llading yn
gymraec a Guttun Owain ai hysgrifennodd pan oedd oed Krist Mil СССС
LXXXVIII о vlynyddoedd yn amser Hari Seithved, nid amgen у drydedd
vlwyddyn о goronedigaeth yr un Hari.	[Continued on page xxviii
xxvii
translation of a mediaeval Vita consisting of selections
from Sulpicius Severus’ Vita Sancti Martini, and from
his Epistulae and Dialogi, and from the Historia Regum
Francorum of Gregory of Tours. The author of The
Antiquities of Shropshire attributed this work to Sidn
Trevor Hen:1 Professor Williams rightly noted that
the parish of St. Martin (Llanfarthin), near Oswestry,
was close to the home of this Sidn Trevor. It is not
enough, however, to rely on the unsupported testimony
of the author of The Antiquities* or on the fact that
Trevor lived near Llanfarthin. Furthermore, there
are serious difficulties in the way of accepting this
assumption.
i. The writer of the Welsh Life was clearly a Latin
scholar, yet no such scholarship has been attributed to
Sion Trevor Hen by Gutun Owain, or by any of his
contemporaries.
2. Latin scholarship was not so common at this time
among the laity in Wales as to warrant its being passed
unnoticed by contemporary poets. Even Gutun Owain,
who was sufficiently interested in grammatical studies to
copy a Welsh version of a simplified Donatus, displayed a
complete ignorance of Latin.
Professor Williams also put forward Sidn Trevor
Continued from page xxvii]
(John Trevor translated this Life from Latin into Welsh, and Gutun
Owain copied it in the year 1488, in the reign of Henry VII, in the third
year of his reign.)
According to Meyrick (see Dwnn’s Heraldic Visitations, II, p. 328),
Sidn Trevor Hen died in 1494 (?). John Griffith {Ped., p. 254) and Lloyd
{Powys Fadog, IV, pp. 78, 86) put the year of his death as 1493. The
Visitations of Shropshire (II, p. 465) record his death as having taken place
in 1486-7. (See Bulletin of Celtic Studies, Vol. I, 1929, p. 41 ; cf. also
Peniarth MS. 127. p. 15.)
aT. Farmer Dukes, 1844, The Antiquities of Shropshire (Eddowes,
Shrewsbury). The reference to Sidn Trevor reads thus : “a.d. 1488, John
Trevor, a gentleman of an estate in this parish, translated the Life of
St. Martin out of Latin into Welsh” (p. 316).
xxviii
Hen’s grandson as a possible claimant.1 He is Sidn
Trevor of Wigginton. “But I cannot,” says Professor
Williams, “in spite of all that has been noted above,2
maintain that the question has been settled regarding
the two Sidn Trevors, the grandfather and the grand-
son, until we have place and opportunity to deal with
the genealogies in more detail, and to determine how
long Gutun Owain lived.” Williams had discovered
a poem written by one Morys ap Howel ap Tudur, in
which it was recorded that Sidn Trevor о Wigynt (of
Wigginton) was a man of the wisdom of Solomon, one
who knew how to blazon arms, who was learned in the
Chronicle and the Bible, and who had a perfect know-
ledge of all the arts.3
Such a formidable list of accomplishments deserves
the closest attention, for a scholar thus endowed might
well have essayed to translate ipto Welsh selections
from Severus and Gregory, and he might have written
a Welsh book on heraldry. But there is an insur-
mountable difficulty in our chronology: this Sidn
Trevor could not possibly have written the Llyfr Arfau^
a copy of which appeared in the White Book of Hergest,
Ч.е. ’Sidn Trevor of Wigginton.
20nd ni fedraf, er у cwbl a nodwyd uchod, honni fod у cwestiwn wedi
ei setlo rhwng у ddau Sion Trevor, у taid a’r wyr, nes cael gofod a chyfle
i drafod yr achau yn fanylach, a phenderfynu hyd oes Gutun Owain.
Bulletin of Celtic Studies, V, i, p. 44.
3synwyr sydd sonier j sion
sel(y)f a fryd absalon.
kornici a wyr kryno i gyd
ir bobl hyf ar beibyl hyvyd.
a dysgrivio dysg reiol
arveu’n iaith ar a vv yn ol.
pa le i nodi planedav
nas gwyr bron yscwi(e)r brav
perffaith yw seithiaith sion
xxix
It is hardly likely that he was born before 1440: and
there is no special reason for attributing to him the
Buchedd Sant Mar thin, a transcript of which was made
in 1488.
Sidn Trevor of Wiggin ton was the grandson of Sidn
Trevor Hen, who died according to one authority as
early as i486, but according to others as late as 1494.
Assuming that he was 70 years old when he died, he
would have been born somewhere around the year
1416.1 If we allow only twenty years between the
births of Sidn Trevor Hen and his son and grandson,
then the grandson was born somewhere about the
year 1456, and would be no more than 6 years old in
1462, which is a fair estimate of the date of writing
the Llyfr Arfau into the White Book.
Sidn Trevor of Wigginton might well have inter-
ested himself in heraldry, for in his day this study had
acquired a distinct popularity.2 But that he had
studied heraldry is not sufficient evidence: that he
could not have written the Llyfr Arfau is obvious.
There remains the third claimant in the person of
leuan, or John Trevor, Bishop of St. Asaph. Chevalier
1 According to Peniarth MS. 127, p. 1$, Sidn Trevor Hen died on
Friday, December 6, 1493. “Oed Crist pan vu varw John Trevor ap
Edward ap Dd. 1493, Duw Gwener, у vi*1 dydd о vis Racvyr.”
In this calculation the earliest date has been considered. Even if the
later date 1493-4 were accepted, it would not be possible that the grandson
wrote the heraldic work.
2Lewis Glyn Cothi had copied out the Llyfr Arfau into the White Book,
He himself was interested in matters heraldic, and frequently used heraldic
terms in his poems (see p. xlix). Gutun Owain, too, had undoubtedly
learned much heraldry during his period of training as a bard, and like
other bards of his day he copied out heraldic tracts and genealogical
references. Most of the Welsh poets of the sixteenth century were interested
in heraldry.
XXX
Lloyd1 notes that there were two bishops of St. Asaph
who belonged to the very well known family of Trevors,
namely leuan ap Llywelyn ab leuaf ab Adda ab Awr
of Trevor, and leuan ab lerwerth ddu ab Ednyfed
Gam of Pengwern, or, to trace his descent through
his mother, leuan ab Angharad daughter and co-heiress
of Adda Goch2 ab leuaf ab Adda ab Awr.
leuaf ab Adda ab Awr
___________________I___________________________
I I I I I I
Dafydd Hywel Llywelyn leuaf leuan Adda Goch
_____________________I 	I	
III________________________________________________________I .
leuan Gwenhwyfar Angharad=lerwerth ddu Gwenllian
(Bishop of = Dafydd ab |
St. Asaph) | Ednyfed Gam leuan II
|	(Bishop of
Edward	St. Asaph)
Sion Trevor Hen
Life of Bishop Trevor.
From this table it is seen that the second Bishop
leuan was nephew to the first bishop and himself uncle
to Si6n Trevor Hen. Of his date, place of birth,
and early life, no facts are known. Nor is it known
where he received his education; but his training for
the Church must have been long extended, for he was
a Doctor of both Civil and Canon Laws. He actually
comes to notice first in 13 8 6 as precentor and prebendary
of Wells.3 These offices he seems to have held until
13934 although he was absent from this country during
XJ. Y. W. Lloyd, Tbe History of. . . Powys Fadog . . IV, p. 135.
2Per bend sinister ermine and ermines, lion rampant or, bordure
gobonny argent and gules pellaty counterchanged. See illustration
XXVI c.
^Calendar of entries in tbe Papal Registers relating to Great Britain and
Ireland {Calendar of State Papers^ IV).
4John Le Neve, Fasti Ecclesiae Anglicanae . . I, p. 170.
xxxi
the years 1390—5. In November, 1389, he received
4‘Provision of a canonry at St. Davids with reservation
of a prebend, notwithstanding that he had a canonry
and prebend at Wells, together with the precentorship,
and at St. Asaph, and has this day received provision
of canonries with expectations of prebends in Llan-
ddewibrevi and Abergwili in the diocese of St. Davids.”
Trevor was a person of some importance as early as
1389, for in that year he with two others had been
entrusted with the temporalities of the see of Hereford.1
On March 2, 1390, Trevor was elected by the
Chapter of the Cathedral Church of St. Asaph to the
vacant see of that diocese, and he received royal sanction
to go to Rome to secure the Papal confirmation of his
election.2 The vacancy had occurred in December,
1389. When he arrived in Rome he found that one
Alexander Bache had already been appointed by the
Pope: Trevor thereupon decided to stay in Rome as
“Auditor of Causes of the Apostolic See, and Papal
Chaplain.” He seems to have made good use of his
stay at Rome, for in November, 1391, he received
the emoluments of the parish of Meifod and its chapels
valued at 300 marks, as well as the dignity of a canonry
at Lincoln; and in November of the following year he
obtained permission to resign or exchange his
benefices.3
In August, 1394, the see of St. Asaph again became
vacant by the death of the bishop, and again Trevor
was elected by the chapter. This time he was able to
obtain the confirmation of his election by Pope
1 Calendar of tbe Fine Rolls {Calendar of State Papers), July 9.
zRotuli Parliamentorum, Ш, p. 274.
3Calendar of. . . Papal Registers, IV.
xxxii
Boniface IX. On April 9 of the following year he
obtained the royal licence to accept, and he received
the temporalities of the see on July 6 and the spirituali-
ties on October 15.1 His consecration took place at
Rome in October. On becoming bishop he gave up
his canonries and prebends of St. Davids and Llan-
ddewi Brefi, and, presumably, his precentorship and
the prebend at Wells.2 Before leaving Rome he had
secured a faculty to grant dispensation “to six persons
of his kindred to hold benefices with cure, even
of an elective dignity .”3
Almost immediately on his return to England he
took a prominent part in political affairs; and he was
sent by Richard II on a mission to Scotland in the
company of John of Gaunt and other nobles. This
journey is the theme of lolo Goch’s cywydd to Bishop
Trevor.4 His name is also included with those of
Edward Duke of Albemarle and John Earl of Salisbury
as the Commissarii chosen in 1398 to treat for pax
perpetua with Scotland, and on April 5, 1399, he was
chosen with those same two noblemen and others to
punish the Scots for violation of treaties.5
In 1399 Richard embarked upon his ill-starred
expedition against the Irish, and he found himself
away from his kingdom when Bolingbroke after landing
at Ravenspur raised forces against the Crown. Richard
landed at Pembroke and hurried to North Wales, where
he had hoped to find the Earl of Salisbury at the head
of the men of Cheshire and loyal Welshmen to oppose
'Rotuli Parliamentorum.
Calendar of. . . Papal Registers . . November, 1394.
^Calendar of. . . Papal Registers^ 12 Kai. Mai.
4H. Lewis, T. Williams, and I. Williams, Cywyddau lolo Gocb ac ErailL
'•Rotuli Scotiae.
xxxiii
the invader. It is not known whether Trevor went
to Ireland with Richard: we know that he deserted his
king in North Wales, and that on August 16, 1399,
he was appointed chamberlain of Chester, Flint, and
North Wales by Bolingbroke. This appointment was
later confirmed by Bolingbroke as king on November 1.
Apparently Trevor accompanied Bolingbroke and
Richard on the journey from Chester to London, for
at Lichfield on August 24, “in the presence of Henry
duke of Lancaster” he received the royal seals from the
king.
He was a member of the parliamentary commission
which pronounced the sentence of deposition on the
king. This sentence was even possibly composed by
him, and it was read by him in full parliament.1 This
same parliament was angrily rebuked by Trevor for
praying the king to refrain from lavish grants and
especially from giving grants which were supplied by
the Crown, maintaining that liberal grants added to
the dignity of kings. He was sent to Spain in 1400
as ambassador to announce Henry’s accession to the
throne of England, and in the same year he accom-
panied the English army to Scotland. It appears that
the men of Chester and the Welsh followers of Owain
Glyn Dwr were annoyed with Trevor for the part which
he had played in Richard’s dethronement, and, while
he was in Spain or on the expedition to Scotland, his
palace and three manor houses were destroyed, and
the cathedral church itself was badly burned.2 The
parish church of Llanfarthin near Oswestry was
burned at this time. In May, 1401, by a mandate
xRotuli Parliamentorum, III, p. 424; Cbronicon Adae de Usk, p. 327.
*D. R. Thomas, The History of the Diocese of St. Asapb.
xxxiv
“in commendam,” there was granted to him by the
Pope, for life or while bishop of St. Asaph, “the church
of Meifod with its annexed churches of Welshpool
and Cegidfa in his diocese, the value not to exceed
300 marks ... he being unable to maintain his episcopal
state with the fruits of his church of St. Asaph, which
has recently suffered very great loss on account of
wars and tribulations in those parts.” In June he
was granted the income of the church of Mold.1 *
During the next few years Trevor’s loyalty to
Henry IV was severely tested. Himself a Welshman,
he realised that the policy of parliament in the quarrel
between Glyn Dwr and Lord Grey of Ruthin was
unjustifiable. Consequently he earnestly warned par-
liament not to drive the Welshmen to revolt by treating
them harshly; but he was told that parliament was not
at all concerned with the bare-legged rascals (de scurris
nudipedibus se non curare)? Trevor was appointed the
Prince of Wales’s deputy in 1402, and on April 22
the Prince made him his lieutenant for Chester and
Flint. He came at the head of ten esquires and forty
archers to the king’s muster before Shrewsbury and
probably fought on the winning side at the battle of
Shrewsbury, July 23, 1403.3
Whatever were Trevor’s motives, he joined Glyn
Dwr probably late in 1404, and from 1405 until his
death in 1410 we find him working wholeheartedly in
the Welsh cause. Adam of Usk notes that he crossed
over to France twice to raise forces for Glyn Dwr.
1 Calendar of. . . Papal Registers,
*Eulogium Historiarum sive Temporis (Rolls Series, HI, p. 119).
•J. E. Lloyd, Owen Glendower (Oxford, 1931), pp. 123-5 >	sub
Trevor, John.
XXXV
Consequently his goods were seized by the Crown
and his see declared vacant, though his successor was
not appointed until 1410. In 1405 he was sent by
Glyn Dwr to co-operate with Northumberland, and,
after the failure of the rising in the north, Trevor and
Northumberland fled to Scotland.1 As late as 1409
he was known as episcopus praetensus2 He died in
1410 on a visit to France and was buried in the
infirmary chapel of the Abbey of St. Victor.3 Adam
of Usk’s statement that Trevor died “trans Tiberym”
is untrustworthy, for Adam was himself an exile at the
time, and he quotes no authority for his statement.
In the British Museum there is a list of books which
once belonged to a John Trevor, bishop of St. Asaph;4
but these almost certainly belonged to Bishop Trevor I,
who held the see from 1346 to 1357.
Trevor was a scholar, a warlike prelate, and a keen
man of affairs. He was interested in heraldic matters,
and we find that on November 6, 1389, a commission
was granted to the Earl of Salisbury and four others
including Trevor to examine a cause brought before
the court of chivalry.5 There is clearly a case there-
fore for considering Bishop Trevor as a possible
author of the Welsh Llyfr Arfau. His claim to be
the writer of the Buchedd Sant Marthin is also attrac-
tive, because we read in The Antiquities of Shropshire
that “the Bishop of St. Asaph had a seat in this parish
(i.e. St. Martin’s) in the right of the church, which
^ordun, Scoticbronicon, II, p. 441 ; Liber Pluscar densis, ed. by
F. J. H. Skene (Historians of Scotland, Vols. VII, X), I, p. 348.
‘Thomas Rymer, Foedera, VIII, p. 588.
’Browne Willis, A Survey of the Cathedral Cburch of St. Asapb; Le Neve,
Fasti Ecclesiae Anglicanae, I, p. 70.
♦Add MS. 25459, folio 291 ; vide D.N.B., sub Trevor.
^Calendar of Patent Rolls (Calendar of State Papers'). See also p. xliv.
xxxvi
was burned down by Owain Glyn Dwr in Henry IV’s
time, and never since repaired by any of the prelates
of that see.” Here is a real motive for writing the
Life of the patron saint of a church that was so closely
attached to the Bishopric of St. Asaph.
The De Bado Tractate and the Welsh Llyfr
Arfau.
No account of the Welsh heraldic work will be
complete without a comparison with the De Bado
treatise, which it resembles very closely.1 Yet, if the
Welsh text is considered as merely a translation of the
Latin text, serious difficulties immediately arise,
because Trevor, far from acknowledging any indebted-
ness to the De Bado treatise, actually claims an origin-
ality for his own effort. He maintains that he con-
sulted, not one single Latin work, but several Latin
and French ones. “I have essayed,” says he, “to
translate from Latin and French into Welsh, portions
of the works of various authors, (who have written) on
this subject, so as to stimulate Welsh readers who may
be unskilled in other languages, to pay attention to
this science of arms, and to make enquiries lest it be
entirely lost.”2 This clearly implies that the Welsh
work is not a translation of the Latin treatise, which—
a significant fact—was written by a contemporary.
Was Bishop John Trevor no other than lohannes de
Bado Aureo himself ?
Especially of the version found in British Museum Add. MS. 28791.
Compare the Welsh text or the English translation with the Latin on pages
I to 94, and pages 144 to 212.
*Mi a ymkenais droi о Ladin a Ffrangec mewn iaith Gymraec gyfraim
0 waith amravaelion awduriaid or gelvyddyt honn, megis i deffro hynny
ddarlleodrion Kymraec ar ni bwynt ddysgedic mewn ieithoedd eraill, i
ymwrando ac i ymwybod ac i ymgeisio am gelvyddyt arveu. . . .
xxxvii
Certain events in the life of Trevor suggest that this
theory can be maintained. He was certainly well
known to Queen Anne, and just before he left England
for Rome in 1390 he had taken part in an important
heraldic case. During the years 1390—5 he was away
from this country: if he had contemplated writing the
tractate while he was at Wells, and did not complete
the task until his return to England, we have a clear
explanation of the reference, in the introduction of the
work, to the death of Queen Anne. The treatise is
more than a description of arms: it contains interesting
references to works on natural history, and it reflects
wide knowledge of medieval law. All these specula-
tions however would have more weight if the name
John Trevor could be satisfactorily equated with the
Latin name lohannes de Bado Aureo. John and leuan
are obviously the same as lohannes*! the difficulty
appears in the interpretation of De Bado.
In a poem attributed to lolo Goch a contemporary
of Bishop Trevor we find the bishop referred to as
hil Awr (of the stock of Awr).2 As son of Angharad
who was daughter and coheiress of Adda Goch, he
^here appears to be no reference to the bishop as Sion	and
Professor Lewis maintains that Sidn and leuan are not interchangeable.
“Sylwer mai leuan yw enw’r Esgob, nid Sion, fel у dywaid Mr. Evan J.
Jones, Mediaeval Heraldry, 12. Ni chymysgid у ddau enw, er eu bod ill
dau’n dod 0 lohannes, leuan yn uniongyrchol i’r Gymraeg, a Sidn drwy’r
Saesneg, mwy nag у cymysgir Evan a John heddiw.” (See Cywyddau lolo
Goch ac Eraill, second edition, note on p. 353.) Yet Syr Rhys in a poem
addressed to Guto’r Glyn spoke of Yr Abad Sion and leuan Abad in the
same poem, and Tudur Aled in the same one poem spoke of leuan ap Deicws
as Sion.
2H. Lewis, T. Roberts, and I. Williams, Cywyddau lolo Goch ac Eraill,
p. 82.
xxxviii
could claim the dignity of hilAwr and trace his descent
from Awr the Lord of Trevor.1
The first suggestion that occurs is that Ab Adda ab
Awr might suggest to a whimsical mind the name
De Bado Aureo: at least Awr and Aureus present a
similarity in sound. Du Cange doubtfully suggests
that badus=amphorae species: thus, if we write the
possible equivalent tun for badus^ and remember that
names ending in -ton were frequently represented by
the rebus tuny we have another possible explanation
for De Bado Aureo.2, The Welsh word for town is tref\
and thus, since town can be represented by the rebus
tun^ we can also equate De Tref-or with De Bado Aureo.
Bishop Trevor, who could speak French fluently and
was a Latin scholar, must have been aware of the
punning possibilities of his Welsh name.
Fox-Davies makes it clear that the rebus never
had an heraldic status.3 “The rebus in its nature
is a different thing from a badge, and may best be
described as a pictorial signature, the most frequent
^ruffudd Hiraethog, in Peniarth MS. 126, p. 37, shows the importance
of the Trevor family in the following entry : “Jhon Trevor (i.e. John Trevor
Hen) ap Edward ap Dafydd a Gwenhwyfar v[erch] Adda Goch ap leva ap
Adda ap Awr . ap Tudur Trevor.
2badus=species amphorae=M.E. tonne. Cf. M.E. toun. Tref or=
tref aur=oppidum aureum: oppidum (town) recalls badus=tun. If we can
accept the possibility that Trevor may be represented by a rebus, a golden
tun, then we have another to add to an already interesting list of rebuses.
E.g. Bishop Beckyngton (Bishop of Bath and Wells), a later contemporary
of Trevor (1390-1465). Fire beacon planted in a tun, together with T
(in stained glass window at Wells Cathedral and Lincoln College, Oxford).
Abbot Robert Kirkton. A church and pastoral staff on a tun (at Peter-
borough Cathedral).
Thomas Conyston, abbot of Cirencester. Comb and a tun (Gloucester
Cathedral).
Hugh Ashton (d. 1522). Ash tree issuing out of a tun (St. John’s,
Cambridge).
Bishop Langton (1500). A musical note issuing from a tun (Westminster
Chantry).
•A. C. Fox-Davies, Complete Guide to Heraldry, 1925, p. 455.
XXXIX
occasion of its use being in architectural surroundings,
where it was constantly introduced as a pun upon
some name which it was desired to perpetuate. The
best-known and perhaps the most typical and charac-
teristic rebus is that of Islip, the builder of part of
Westminster Abbey. Rebuses abound on
all our ancient buildings, and their use has lately come
very prominently into favour in connection with the
many allusive book-plates, the design of which
originates in some play upon the name.”
Rebuses and canting arms were not at all strange
to the writers on heraldry: a later contemporary of
Trevor, Bishop Thomas Beckyngton, had, as we have
seen, a rebus design, and this, by an interesting
coincidence, can still be seen at Wells Cathedral.
The Welsh poet Simwnt Vychan (pb. 1606) used the
Welsh word twnn to signify a cask, and he thus
describes the arms of a Croxton family in Cheshire:
Kroxtwnn о swydd Garlleon. Mae yn dwyn arian, ac
аг у ffess о ssabl dau twnn о aur, Rwng tair kroes groessoc
ssangedic or ail, dwy uwch у ffess ac un is i law.1
(Croxton of the county of Chester. He bears argent,
and in the fess sable two tuns or, between three cross
crosslets fitchy of the second, two above and one below.)1
Canting arms, and similarly, rebuses, are not always
immediately obvious, and unless early forms of the
names pictorially represented are appreciated, the
allusive connection may be missed. The De Rupe
family of Pembroke, for instance, bore as their arms
an allusion, not to a rock, but to a roach, and they bore
gules, 3 roaches naiant in pale argent?
Cardiff MS. 4. 265, folio 141 v. See fig. la. Papworth gives /«5 az.
So also Smith, The Vale Royall of England, pub. by Daniel King, 1656,
p. 103.
2Note also illustration XXI d.
xl
It might be urged against this theory that before we
can equate De Bado Aureo with Trevor we must trans-
late from Latin into English and from English into
Welsh. Some little time later than Trevor’s day one
William Middleton was known by the Welsh transla-
tion Gwilym Canoldref: he at least would have exper-
ienced no difficulty in picturing his Welsh name
allusively by means of a tun rebus. In the year 1571
a printer named John Awdely used as his printer’s mark
a very complicated and intriguing cryptogram, the
appreciation of which demanded some knowledge of
Hebrew and not a little ingenuity in solving puzzles.
His mark was “three interlocked crescents with the
word 4V in the centre, and between the horns of the
crescents the word ‘’‘РЗ appearing three times.
This delightful puzzle has been treated in The
Bulletin of Celtic Studies.1 Here is a summary of
the findings. If we write down the words and
we have the beginning of a phrase found in Psalm
Ixxii, 7. The next word in the psalm is ГГР (moon),
nr	= until the moon be no more.
Now, forgetting for the moment that we are dealing
with Hebrew words we can read the letters as
AdBeli or AdVeli or OdVeli (Audely). Again, if we
substitute for the Hebrew word Ya-re-ach (moon)
1 Bulletin of Celtic Studies, Vol. Ill, May, 1927, pp. 294 ff.
xli
found in the psalm, another word meaning moon,
Isvanah, we shall have Le (Ь) = by (author-
ship}, thus making
Levanah = By levan, By leuan, By John.
Thus the cryptic representation can be deciphered as
By John Awdely.
When once it has been admitted that punning
devices are favoured, there are no limits to the vagaries
of the imagination. Thus there seems no reasonable
objection to the reading of lohannes de Bado Aureo as
John TrevorЛ
The Occasion of the Writing of the Tractatus.
In the year 1385 an English army under the king in
person invaded Scotland,2 and among the banners
displayed on this occasion were those of Sir Richard
Scrope, first Lord Scrope of Bolton, and of Sir Robert
Grosvenor, a knight of the Palatinate. Their arms
were azure, a bend or.3 A dispute followed, and
the matter was referred to the Court of Chivalry which
consisted normally of the Constable and Marshal of
England (or their lieutenants), and nobles, knights,
and learned clerks. Among these on this occasion
1E. Griffin Stokes, in his edition of Epistolae Obscurorum Virorum
(London), 1909, quotes an interesting example of the use of translation for
providing a pen name. “Johann Jager, afterwards known to the world of
letters as Crotus Rubianus (or Rubeanus) was born at Dornheim in 1480.
His Latinised name at first was lohannes Venator. Crotus Rubianus is
‘decidedly enigmatical until we remember that Dornheim is thorn-home, and
Crotus appears in the De Re Rustica of Columella as a synonym of Sagittarius.’
A far-fetched cognomen was in those days an indication of sound
scholarship.” See introduction, p. lx.
2See Chancery Miscellaneous Rolls, bundle 10, No. 2, edited by Sir N.
Harris Nicolas, 1832 (The Scrope and Grosvenor Controversy, privately
printed, 1832). See also “The Grosvenor Myth” by W. H. B. Bird in
The Ancestor (April, 1902, No. 1, pp. 166 ff.).
ad’azure ove une bende d’ore. For note on his arms, see p. xliv, n.
xlii
were the Duke of York and the Earl of Salisbury.
A tremendous array of evidence was produced on either
side and some of the evidence was claimed to have
dated from the time of King Arthur.1
Scrope brought forward the more numerous and
more distinguished array, leading off* with John of
Gaunt, Roy du Chastell de Lyon, due de Lancastre.
Other deponents on his side were Le Counte de Derby,
afterwards Henry IV, Sir John Holland, the Earl of
Northumberland, Sir Henry de Percy, and Geoffrey
Chaucer. Grosvenor’s witnesses were drawn chiefly
from the two counties palatine, but among them were
several men of rank, including Owain Glyn Dwr.
In 1389 the Duke of Gloucester, as Constable, gave
his sentence in favour of Scrope, but granted the
defendant Grosvenor permission to bear the same arms
with a bordure argent.2 The decision was interpreted
by Grosvenor as a defeat, and he appealed to the king
as Fountain of Honour, who promptly appointed
commissioners to rehear the case; and barely a year
afterwards he gave the sentence in person, confirming
the Scrope title to the arms with costs against the
defendant, and annulling the Constable’s grant of the
differenced coat on the ground that a plain bordure
was not sufficient difference for a stranger in blood.3
The king assigned to Grosvenor new arms, azure a
^ee note 1 on p. xliv.
*lez ditz armes ove un playn bordure d’argent.
8Nous considerantz q’ tiel bordure n’est difference sufficeant en
armes entre deux estraunges & d’un roialme, mes taunt toulement entre
cousyn & cousyn privez de sane. . . .
xliii
garb or, which his descendants have since borne
unchallenged.1
This case naturally attracted the attention of all
the nobility of the land,2 and Trevor, who had not
yet left for Rome, almost certainly found a special
interest in it. It is noteworthy that both parties were
well known in the Welsh border, and in the evidence
much matter concerning early British history was
examined. It was also natural for other families to
make enquiries into their rights to their arms, and in
the Calendar of Patent Rolls (Richard II), under the
date November, 1389, we read of a commission
summoned to enquire into the rights of two families in
Devon to a certain coat of arms. Trevor, then
precentor at Wells, was one of the judges.3
English Treatise on Arms.
There is also a short English treatise on arms which
belongs to the late fourteenth or early fifteenth century.
Its contents are disappointing. The British Museum
has two copies, B.M. Add. MS. 34648 and Hari. MS.
6097, and there is another copy in the Bodleian
Library, Bodl. Land. Misc. 733.
х5угг Robart Grofenor. Mae yn dwyn assur, ysgub wenith о aur
(MS. D. 141). See XXIX c.
Mention was made among the depositions of a third claimant of these
arms, Thomas Carminowe, an esquire of Cornwall, who carried his claim
back far beyond the Conquest to the time of King Arthur.
2An earlier case considered by Commissioners appointed by the
Constable Thomas of Woodstock, Duke of Gloucester, known as the Love!
v. Morley case, is described by Mr. Wagner in his book Heralds and Heraldry,
PP- 21-3.
3The Commission was granted to the Earl of Salisbury, Lewis de Clifford
knight, Richard Sturry knight, Master Roger Page, Master John Trevaur,
doctor of laws, to bear and determine the appeal of John Dynham knight of
Devon in a cause in tbe court of chivalry before John Lakenhytb knight and
John Peyto knight supplying the places of Constable and Marshal of England,
in which cause William Asthorp knight was plantiff and tbe said John who now
petitions tbe king defendant.
xliv
The catalogue of the British Museum, after quoting
the opening words of Add. MS. 34648, says: “The
translator’s name suggests that of John ‘de Bado
Aureo,’ but the tract is quite distinct in matter from
the latter’s Tractatus de Armis (also grounded on
Franciscus de Foveis), which was printed by
Sir Edward Bysshe in 1654. Daliaway {Science of
Heraldry, 1793, p. 151) mentions John Dade1 in con-
nection with a translation from the Latin of Franciscus
de Foveis; but whether as the actual translator, or as
the scribe of a particular MS., is uncertain.”2
Three possibilities suggest themselves. The first
is that John Vade, as we must now call him, was the
actual writer of this tract and that he acknowledged
his debt to Franciscus de Foveis, as did the author of
the Tractatus de Armis. The second possibility is that
the name Vade came into being through the influence
of the name De Vado. And there is the third possi-
bility that even the word Vade is incorrect: we have
no original to decide the issue. Did Trevor write
this English version ? Was it written by someone
who was influenced by the Tractatus ?3
гРог the opening words see p. 213. The writer calls himself John.
The obvious errors in the manuscript make it clear that we have not the
original copy.
2The date of this MS. is given as fifteenth century ; but the original
tract might be contemporary with that of De Bado. The late Professor
F. P. Barnard, while not rejecting the Trevor theory put forward here,
believed that De Vado might have been used for De Bado. He had
examined the Bodleian MS., and, writing to me in 1931, he said: “The
author of this tractate is given in the Bodleian Catalogue as John Dade :
on looking at the MS. I found it was Г, i.e. a V read erroneously as Z>, so
we have there Vado. I got Nicholson, the then Librarian, to correct it.”
This MS. has been deposited in a place of safety for the duration of the war,
and therefore cannot now be consulted.
•For the text, based upon the two B.M. manuscripts, see pp. 213-220.
xlv
Other Works attributed to Bishop Trevor.
Bishop Trevor seems to have preserved an anonymity
with regard to other compositions. An examination
of these works will throw further light upon the life
of Trevor; but since the whole problem has been dealt
with in fair detail elsewhere,1 a brief summary must
here suffice.
To the TLulogium (Historiarum sive Temp oris)2, edited
by F. S. Haydon in the Rolls Series, there are appended
two Continuationes^ the former treating the history of
England from the year 1364 till the year 1413. The
editor had failed to trace the author of this Continuation
but he noticed that it had been written by a reliable
historian who wrote good Latin. A careful study of
the work discloses that certain portions were not written
by the author of the main part, that certain remarkable
coincidences appear in the events recorded in the work
and in the life of Trevor himself, and that some of the
events noted were of peculiar interest to Welshmen
and to Trevor in particular.3
If Trevor was the author of this Continuatio we have
at our disposal an account of the Welsh risings against
Henry IV written by an eyewitness who had been
'Vide Speculum, Journal of Mediaeval Studies, XII, p. 197, and XV,
pp. 464 et seq.
*Eulogium (Historiarum sive Temporis), Cbronicon ab Orbe Condito
usque ad annum Domini M.CCC.LXVI, a Monacbo quodam Malmesburiensi
exaratum. Accedunt Continuationes duae, quarum una ad annum M.CCCC.
XIII, altera ad annum M.CCCC.XC perducta est. Rolls Series (1863),
No. 9.
’Lacunae in the text agree with the time when Trevor was away from
this country : Trevor’s defence of the Welsh in his speech in Parliament
is recorded here and nowhere else. The work also contains a full treatment
of Glyn Dwr’s rebellion and of the interest shown by the Minorites in the
reported escape of Richard II to Scotland. Trevor was interested in all
these, and was an adherent to the Welsh cause in 1405.
xlvi
closely attached to the king. Perhaps the unhappy end
of Trevor’s ecclesiastical and diplomatic career as a
fugitive in France explains the oblivion into which he
and his works have fallen.
The theory that the De Bado Tractate was written by
the author of the Continuatio is strongly supported by
an examination of the Latinity of both works. In both
there appear certain mannerisms which are significant:
the Latinity is good, the author had a feeling for style,
and there is in both a lively appreciation of the value
of words. Yet there is a marked tendency towards
circumlocution and the duplication of words, e.g.:
ut venire t	et juvaret prudenter et astute ejecit et
civitates ac castra . . . cepit.
villas invenientes muratas, sine hello, sine lucro,
redierunt.
decretistae vero et legistae, sedebant.
corrigere et castigate.
laboribus et expensis.
et petiit et promeruit.
omnia plena lumine, omnia referta dulcedine.
Videbantur quasi mixta terrena coelestibus, humana
conjuncta divinis, et quasi in scala Jacob, angeli descend-
entes et ascendentes in illis sacris videbantur.
Redit ad piscium piscatorem piscator egregius hominum.
Die ergo pontifici quae tu vidisti et audivisti.
The above quoted passages are taken from the
Continuatio. Though the De Bado tractate deals with
an entirely different subject, the same love of dupli-
cation of words is evident here.
(a)	Quoniam de armis multociens in clipeis depictis
singula discernere et describere sequens in parte
dogmata ac traditiones excellentissimi Doctoris et
praeceptoris.
(b)	Item leo transiens per loca aspera ungues intra
pedem contrahit et recondit, nam illis pro mucrone utitur,
et ideo infra carnositatem ipsas abscondit et eis parcit
mirabiliter, ne ledantur aut ebetentur.
xlvii
(г) Leo habet anelitum fetidum et infectivum, morsum-
que mortiferum et venenosum, maxime quando est
rabidus.
(d) Nam predam quam capit (sc. aquila) nisi nimia
arcetur fame, sola non ‘-comedit, ymo aliis avibus earn
sequentibus communem tribuit et exponit.
(e) Sanguinem animalibus ab eo occisi primo bibit
et lambit et deinde residuum discerpens membratim
dividit, devorat et deglutit. Predictarum proprietatum
et conditionem multe bone sunt et eciam multe male.
(/)	. iste color fuit a Deo missus per angelum Karolo
Magno regi Francorum, tanquam pro subjecto et
fundamento suorum armorum.
(^) Cui (sc. Yvor) successit nepos suus Rex Yne, qui
nutu divino non quasi Brito set quasi Saxo, in Regem est
coronatus et unctus.
Other compositions have now been tentatively
attributed to Bishop Trevor,1 namely, the Tra'ison et
Mort de Richard II\ a French metrical history of
Richard’s invasion of Ireland and of his capture,
deposition, and death. This poem has generally been
attributed to a Frenchman named Croton, but there
are grave objections to the Cretan authorship, and
strong reasons for suggesting the author to be Trevor.
If, then, we can assume that Trevor wrote the
Continuatio and the Tra'ison, and that he was lohannes de
Bado Aureo, we shall not be far wrong in allotting the
works in the following chronological order:
Tractatus de Armis (I) prepared for Queen Anne before
Trevor left for Rome, and completed soon after his
return in 1395.
Tractatus de Armis (II) written some time later, a copy
of which found its way into the works of Upton.
Continuatio written apparently in the form of a diary
during his active career, and discontinued while he
was a fugitive.
1See Speculum, XV, iv, 1940, for a treatment of the Tra’ison and
certain letters and ballads attributed to Creton.
xlviii
Buchedd Sant Marikin written possibly while he was
bishop of St. Asaph.
Llyfr Arfau probably composed when he had renewed
his interest in Welsh affairs, and almost certainly when
he was bishop of St. Asaph.
^raison, Letters and Ballads, apparently written to induce
the French to help Glyn Dwr against Henry IV. This
seems to be Trevor’s last literary effort (if the Trevor
authorship can be maintained).
The Use of Heraldic Terms in the Works of
Iolo Goch and Lewis Glyn Cothi.
Bishop Trevor was a contemporary of lolo Goch:
Lewis Glyn Cothi wrote during the years 1455—8 5.1
The latter copied out the Llyfr Arfau into the White
Book of Hergest, and he appears to have taken a very
special interest in heraldry. From the use made of
heraldic terms in the compositions of these two poets,
we may judge that much progress was made in the
study during the first half of the fifteenth century,
lolo Goch has but few references to coats of arms,
though his quotations show an acquaintance with the
science. Describing Sir Hywel of the Axe (Syr Hywel
у Fwyall) and his shield and standard, he says:
Ac ystondardd hardd hirddu
Yn nhal twr, da filwr fu,
A thri blodeuyn gwyn gwiw
O’r unllun, dail arianlliw.
(And a fair standard long and black on the top of the
tower—a noble warrior is he—and three fair white flowers
of like form with silver white petals.)
1 Stowe MS. (British Museum). See also Panton MS. 17, and Add. MS.
31055, 126.
xlix
Sir Hywel’s arms were sable, chevron between three
fleurs de lys argent.1
In his poem addressed to Roger Mortimer lolo
assumes the title of herald. “It is timely/’ says he,
“and I am the herald, for you to bestir yourself to
bring fame to completion. What meaning—allow
me to explain—can be found in your fair coat of
arms ?” lolo then refers to the blazoning of Morti-
mer’s shield and mentions the four colours found on it:
Pedwarlliw pedair iarlleth
Sy dau, pwy piau pob peth :
Asur sydd yn dy aesawr,
larll Mars gyda’r eurlliw mawr ;
Sinobl ac arian glan gloyw
Im yw’r ysgwyd amrosgoyw.2
The poet’s association of the azure colour with Ireland
(1. 107), gold with France (1. 83), gules (sinople) with
Wales (1. 98), and argent with England, is fanciful.
Lewis Glyn Cothi.
We find in the poems of Lewis Glyn Cothi an
admission of interest in the study of history, and
science. He is proud of his mastery of the Chronicles
Un the same poem (see lolo Goch ac Eraill, p. 32) the poet describes
the sable field and the three fleurs-de-lis argent in Sir Hywel’s pennon :
Myn Beuno, mae’n ei benwn
Tri ffiwr de Us oris erw
Tn у sabl nid ansyberw.
2The arms of Roger Mortimer, Earl of March and Ulster, according to
A. C. Fox-Davies (Л Complete Guide to Heraldry, 1925, p. 137) were quarterly
1 and 4, azure three bars or, on a chief of the first two pallets between two
base esquires of the second, over all an inescucheon argent (for Mortimer),
2 and 3, or, a cross gules (for Ulster).
Fox-Davies illustrates from Mortimer’s seal and adds that the arms are
“sometimes but not so correctly quoted barry of six.”
Mr. Wagner in his Historic Heraldry of Britain, p. 51, quotes the blazon of
the Parliamentary Roll thus : Sire Roger de Mortimer, barre de or e de azure
od le chief palee les corners geroune a un escuchon de argent. (Barry, a chief
paly and corners gyronny, or and azure, an inescucheon argent.)
1
and his knowledge of genealogy;1 and an examination
of his work will show his undoubted skill in this
direction. Sometimes he shows a fondness of relating
the immediate and distant ancestors of his patrons;
at other times he emphasises rather the blazons and
compares the qualities of the warriors with those of
the charges borne by them. The following examples
will illustrate the poet’s skill in using heraldic terms
and in incorporating genealogy and heraldry into his
work. In an elegy composed in memory of Gwladys the
daughter of Sir Dafydd Gam and wife of Sir William
ap Thomas of Raglan Castle we have a description of
the family tomb and an allusion to the family arms
which were party per pale azure and gules 3 lioncels
rampant argent (xxix,
Ysgrin ar gysegr о Went
Sy dy arglwyddes dwy—Went:
Pond teg paentiad у gadair !
Pinagls val pen Eglwys Vair.
Main beryl, nawmil yn wyn,
Marmawr a mwy о ermin.
Bedd yr holl Vonedd yw vo
Oil, a grown dwal Lloegr yndo.
Y mae’n gorwedd mewn gweryd
Draw’n у bedd draian у byd.
I See his poem to William Sidn (or ? William Egwad) printed in Lewis
Glyn Cotbi (Oxford), 1837, p. 315. The poet makes known his intention
of being present at an anniversary festival kept in honour of the patron
saint Egwad, and he anticipates the welcome he will find at William Sidn’s
house. He further alludes to their custom of reading historical works and
old love tales and of examining pedigrees.
Darllen art arall yn well
Darllen ystoria wellwell.
Hanes, drwy’r siens a drig,
Achau’r ynys a*i chronig;
A’r hengerdd ar hyn о gov,
A rhieingerdd o’r hengov.
li
Yn seren ar ben у bedd
Y rhoed i gadw enrhydedd,
Maes glas val cledd Pandrasus
А'т llew Ur ar lliw о lus.1
In a poem addressed to Sir Richard Herbert of
Colebrook the poet alludes to the shield and badges of
that family, thus:
Mae trillew arian yn ei vaner,
Tri rampawnt ar lawnt wrth reol R :
Dyrneidiau saethau rivedi’r ser
Yw ei vaedys ev wedi saver.2
The poet frequently refers to the reputed founder
of the patron’s family, and his allusions are both varied
and pleasing. An example is found in his treatment
of the arms of Hywel ap Dafydd ap Goronwy of
Gwernant in Cardiganshire who bore the arms of
I P. 3. For a full description of the tomb of Sir William ap Thomas and
his lady, see Some Account of tbe Ancient Monuments in tbe Priory Churchy
Abergavenny, by Octavius Morgan (1872), pp. 41-56.
2 L. G. Cothi’s poems, p. 67. See also Morgan’s account of the tomb
of Sir Richard Herbert, op. cit., p. 56. Describing Richard’s statue,
Morgan (quoting Symonds) says : “He is in long black hair, under his head
a helmet surmounted by the crest, on a wreath, a bundle of arrows, or.”
The arms of his wife, Margaret, from “Gough’s MS., were in her esocheon
at her head, ‘three ravens proper, sa.’ ” (See Morgan, op. cit., p. 57.)
Cf. Churchyard’s poem :
Yet buryed was as I have said
In sumptuous tombe full well.
His wife, Dame Margret, by his side
Lyes there likewise for troth *,
There armes as yet may be tryed
(In honor of them both),
Stands at their heads three lyons white,
He gives as well he might
Three ravens blacke in shield she gives,
As daughter to a knight :
A sheafe of arrowes under head
He hath as due to him;
Thus there these worthie couple lye
In tombe full fine and trim.
See Morgan, op. cit., p. 16.
lii
Cadwgan ab Elystan, viz. quarterly i and 4 gules
lion rampant regardant or, 2 and 3 argent, 3 boars’
heads couped sable, tusked or, langued gules.
Tarian Elystan val ia
Iddo hon a ddihuna :
Ac ynddi’n meistroli’r drin
Ben baedd yn erbyn byddin.1
(The shield of Elystan, whose brilliancy is like that of
glittering ice, will be renewed by him, and in his shield
the boar’s head facing the foe to master the battle.)
Most of the Vaughans of Breconshire bore, sable,*
three boys' heads couped at shoulder argent* crined or* each
having a snake entwined around neck azure (Fig. 1, c).
They also traced their descent from Einion Sais, whose
arms were argent* three cocks gules* crested and wattled or
(Fig. 1, d). Glyn Cothi thus alludes to the armorial
coats of Sir Thomas Vychan of Tre Twr:
Y gwr gwinau sy gar i Gynog,
A gorau ydyw о Garadog :
1P. 215. Compare the following further references to Elystan and
Cadwgan:
(л) Cavas griffwnt mewn cyvoeth
Llawdden a’r vwyall ddu noeth :
Arwedded mewn targed tan
Lew о aesdalch Elystan (p. 221).
(He received the griffon of Llawdden (as augmentation ?) by means of
his bare baneful axe. Let him show on his fiery target a lion from the
shield of Elystan.)
Llawdden bore gules, griffon segreant or (XXVIII c).
(£) Yt Davydd, gwinwydd gwlad Gynan, mae rhad,
Ab Maredudd Vychan :
Dyro i bawb 0 dri ban
Val ustus, arvau Elystan (p. 251).
(Thou Dafydd, Vine of the land of Cynan, son of Maredudd Vychan, art
blest. As justice give to all around you the (rule of) the arms of Elystan.)
This Dafydd ap Maredudd Vychan of Glyn leithon bore Elystan 1 and 4,
and Cadwgan 2 and 3, adding a chevron between the boars’ heads (XXIX f).
liii
Aed ar uchelwaed аЧ dri cheiliog,
АЧ dair neidr rhiv drwy weundir havog ;
A’i darian lydan, ddyledog drevtad,
A’i dai o’r winwlad hyd ar Wenlog.1
Thus he describes his coat of arms, alluding to his
broad (well blazoned) shield, and to his wealth of land
and his possession of many houses. The poet identi-
fies the three snakes with Sir Thomas’ three sons, and
in a later poem written in honour of the three brothers
he says:
Tri meib syr Tomas, hyt trwy Aman, Vydd
Vab Syr Rossier Vychan.
Tair neidr tua’r un oedran,
Tri barr у nt hwy о ryw Bran?
The poet alludes to the descent from Llywarch ap
Bran of Dafydd Goch of Stepleton Castle in the
following lines:
Dyrchav dy vaner Davydd :
Er Mair dwg i Gymmry’r dydd ;
A Hew a thair bran Llywarch
Ab Bran i bob rhai yn barch.
Maes arian sy’th deirbran di,
Cwpl du val Capel Dewi. (p. 144).
(Dafydd, raise thy banner. For Mary’s sake bring
success to Wales, with lion and Llywarch ap Bran’s three
ravens respected by all. Thy three ravens have a field
of silver and a black chevron like Capel Dewi.)
Possibly Dafydd Goch bore a lion as crest the arms
of Llywarch were argent^ chevron sable between three
ravens proper bearing ermine spots in their beaks (1, £),
Gruffudd ap Nicolas of Newtown was descended
from Urien Rheged, Gwr yn benaig 0 Urien^ and he is 2
2See also (1 d) the arms of Morgan ap Sir Dafydd Gam, which are
(l) Einion Sais, (2) Bleddyn ap Maenarch. Glyn Cothi wrote an elegy in
memory of this Morgan (p. 5).
’Reading from Jes. MS. 111.
liv
reported by the poet as being ready to give his son
Owain the arms of Urien and also a white lion.
Gruffydd ev a rydd dair о vrain, unlliw,
A llew gwyn i Owain.
Urien’s arms were argent, chevron sable between three
ravens proper. When this same Owain became
governor of Kidwelly castle the poet called him the
earl descended from Urien, and lion from the stock of
knights of old.
larll hir vo’r llew о Urien
A llew о hil yr ieirll hen.
The poet alludes to Trahaearn ab leuan ap Meurig’s
descent from Ririd Vlaidd and Adam of Gwent in the
following lines:
О Wynedd у mae iwch ennill
О ddwy Went arvau’n un ddull,
Tri phen saeth a aeth uwch oil
Tri phen blaidd un wraidd yn well.1
Especially interesting are the following lines taken from
Glyn Cothi’s cywydd to Morgan ap Thomas ap
Gruffudd ap Nicolas of Abermarlais.2
Ban ddel saith iaith i leithon
О vlodau iarll val у don,
Teirbran yt Vorgan a vydd,
Griffwnt Tomas ap Gruffudd ;
Tair saled cyvled a’u cad,
Yntau’r llew’n mlaen tair lleuad :
A’r Saeson ddynion bob ddau
A ymladdant am wleddau.
Morgan’s arms are represented as quartered, but since
he includes three ravens, a griffon, three helmets, a lion
and three crescents, it is not clear how the arms were
quartered.
1P. 97. The arms of Ririd Vlaidd were argent, tbree wolves' beads erased
on a pile vert, or, vert, tbree wolves' heads erased argent. Those of Adam of
Gwent were argent, on a bend sable tbree pbeons of tbe first (I e).
«Р. 146.
lv
To a poet like Glyn Cothi who had studied the
Welsh version of the Tractatus, and who knew the
arms assigned to the founders of Welsh families, the
mention of an ancestor would be almost equivalent to
describing the family arms. Rhys ap Sidn of Glyn
Neath claimed descent from Collwyn ap Tangno and
Einion and lestyn ap Gwrgant (xxxi,/):
Aur lin a aeth ar Lan Nedd
Oedd lin urddawl о Wynedd :
Llin у mab о berllan Mon,
Llwyn gwin Collwyn ac Einion,
Ac о lestyn a’i gastell
О Wrgan, gwr ugain gwell.1
Eihipn Efell (if this is the Einion intended), is reputed
to have borne Party per fess sable and argent, lion rampant
counter-changed of the field armed and langued gules, and
lestyn ap Gwrgant bore gules, three chevrons argent.
Similarly he implies that Gruffydd ap Nicolas’s arms
were argent, chevron between three ravens proper, when
he said
Chwannog wyv ei ddarogan
Gwr yn benaig о Urien.2
(Eager am I to prophesy of the hero who claims descent
from Urien.)
In the same poem, Ode to Gruffudd ap Nicolas of
Newtown, the poet mentions that Gruffudd will present
his son Owain with the three ravens (of Urien) and
with a white lion (as crest ?).
Gruffudd ev a rydd dair о vrain unlliw,
A Hew gwyn i Owain.
l“That line of descent which found its way to the Vale of Neath was
the noble line of Gwynedd. There was the line that is traced from the
orchard of Mona, the vine of Collwyn and of Einion. And there is another
from lestyn ap Gwrgan a mighty man of castle fame” (p. 83, “Cywydd i
Rys ap Sion о Lyn Nedd”).
*P. из-
Ivi
Singing to this same Owain after his appointment M
governor of Kidwelly Castle the poet calls him /Йе &Ж
descended from Urien.
larll hir vo’r llew о Urien,
A llew о hil yr ieirH hen.1
At other times the poet pays special attention to
blazoning, as may be seen from the following lines:
Adwaen dorri’r pen, gwerth punoedd i dlawd,
Am Fflwr d’lis brenhinoedd :
Tair saled ar darged oedd,
A thri edn a tharw ydoedd.2
The poem is an elegy to Edmund the earl of Rich-
mond,3 the brother of Jasper Tudor and son of Owain
Tudur (Owen Tudor). Edmund’s arms according
to the editor of Lewis Glyn Cothi were France and
England quarterly, a bordure azure charged with fleur-de-
lis and martlets or.4 Jaspar Tudor bore France and
England quarterly, bordure azure, charged with martlets
or.5 But according to the poet the earl of Richmond’s
shield was charged with fleurs-de-lis, three helmets,
three birds, and a bull.
A MS. sketch in Cardiff College, Salesbury Library,
thus describes Henry Tudor’s arms :
Party per pale (l) quarterly, (i) France and England
quarterly with bordure azure charged
with fleurs-de-lis or, (2) sable, chevron
ip. 138.
’P. 493, “Marwnad Emwnt larll Rismwnt?’
’Edmund of Hadham.
•P. 493, footnote.
’Fox-Davies thus comments upon the arms of Jasper Tudor:
“Although the uncle of Henry VII, Jasper Tudor had no blood descent
whatever which would entitle him to bear these arms. His use of them
is very remarkable?*
Ivii
between three salleds argent, (3) gules
Saracen’s head erased (Marchudd),
(4) azure, lion rampant argent.
(2) quarterly France and England with
bordure componey argent and azure.1
Another device adopted by the poet is to address a
hero or allude to him by the charge borne in arms:
Cymer di, gwyr Cymmry d’ach,
Y Vran yn dy gyvrinach.2
(Welshmen know thy stock (—he addresses Jasper
Tudor) ; take the raven into thy confidence.)
The raven here referred to is Sir Rhys ap Thomas.
He was related to the Tudors; and on his mother’s side
he, like the Tudors, claimed descent from Ednyved
Vychan. His arms were those of Urien Rheged, viz.
argent, chevron bet. three ravens sable. Tudur Aled
thus praised Sir Rhys ap Thomas:
Trecha un draw ’n trychu’n у drin
Tair bran, ond Duw a’r brenin.
(The most powerful amongst those who slew in the fray
next after God and the king was he whose arms were the
three ravens.)
From these illustrations, and from the fact that
Glyn Cothi actually copied out the Welsh Llyfr Arfau,
we can appreciate the interest taken by poets and
warriors in heraldic subjects. The following passage
taken from Glyn Cothi’s poem to Rhys ab Einion
is an interesting use of heraldic terms:3
Yspeiniau Rhys ab Einion
A oera Sais yr oes hon.
Un some manuscripts the three heads in a field of gules (Ednyfed
Vychan) replaces the three salleds in Henry Tudor’s arms. For a descrip-
tion of Owain Tudur’s arms see 7be Poetical Works of Dafydd Nanmor, ed.
Roberts and Williams, p. 35.
‘P. 478.
ap. 271.
Iviii
Gwrda a gystadla dau
Yw’r du ieuanc o’r Deau.
Gorau dau vaen ger dwy vil
Heb liw burw, sabl a beril.
Du yw nos hav dan у syr,
Du yw’r vemagl drwy varnwyr.
Deuliw’n benav a gavad,
Du a gwyn, os Duw a’u gad—
Y du oil, os deallwn,
Sain Ffranses a hoffes hwn.
Guls a gwyrdd a glas i gyd,
Du sy well wedi у syllid.1
Dyall er eurad wellwell,
Duw a wnaeth у du yn well.
Tecav lliw dan ffurfaven
Du ar wr, ond llwydaw’r en.
Ni chair hael i ’mravaelu,
Na dewr, na doe th, ond o’r du.
(Thus we are told that Einion’s darts will cause terror
among the English. This young warrior from the south
will successfully contend with any two. The poet then
refers to the black colour. The summer night under the
stars is black, and black is St. Veronica’s napkin. There
were two chief colours, namely black and white. If we
understand aright, it was black that was beloved of
St. Francis. Though there are other colours such as gules
and green and blue, nevertheless the best colour is black.
Even though gilding were employed, yet God made black
the best of colours. For man the best colour under
heaven, except the greying of the chin, is black. There
is no generous, no brave, no wise, except what is from
the black colour.)
Rhys ab Einion’s arms were argent^ on a cross sable
five crescents or, in dexter canton a spear head gules
e"). We have here possibly a reference to Rhys’
swarthy complexion: but we certainly have an allusion
to the black cross, and to the addition of golden
crescents, an ornamentation added by Gruffydd ab
1See note on p. 94.
lix
Elidr, knight of Rhodes, his ancestor, who thus
recorded the capture by him of five banners charged
with Turkish crescents. Of all the colours seen on
Rhys’ shield black, the colour of the cross, is the most
honourable; and white, the colour of the field, is next
in importance. This fanciful treatment of the colours
is quite in keeping with the spirit of the Llyfr Arfau.
Glyn Cothi alludes in his poems to the following
Welsh chieftains:
Einion Sais (Fig. I d), arg. chev. between 3 cocks gules.
Elystan Glodrydd (xxix,/), gules, lion ramp, regard, or.
(Sometimes 1 and 4, gules lion ramp. reg. or. 2 and 3,
47g. 3 boars’ heads couped sable.)
Cadwgan ab Elystan, the quarterly arms attributed to
Elystan.
Bleddyn ap Maenarch, (1) az. wolf pass. arg. with 3 spear
heads in mouth. (So Simwnt Vychan.) (2) Sable, chev.
bet. 3 spear heads arg. imbrued gules.
Maredudd Bwl (xxvin, e), arg. bull pass, sable.
Moreiddig Warwyn (Fig. I c), sable, 3 boys’ heads, necks
entwined with snake azure. (Simwnt Vychan gives the
field gules.)
Collwyn ap Tangno (xxx, e), sable, chev. bet. 3 fleurs-de-lis
arg.
Adam of Gwent (1, e), arg. on bend sable 3 spear heads of the
first. ? sable chev. bet. 3 spear heads imbrued gules.
(Cf. Bleddyn ap Maenarch.)
Rhirid Vlaidd, vert. chev. bet. 3 wolves’ heads erased arg.
lestyn ap Gwrgant (xxxi,/), arg. 3 chevrons gules.
Bleddyn ap Cynvyn (xxvin, b), or, lion ramp, gules.
Braint Hir, vert, cross flory or.
Ednyved Vychan (xxxi, J), gules, chev. arg. bet. 3 English-
men’s heads.
Marchudd (xxix, d), gules, Saracen’s head, erased.
lx
Gwenwynwyn (xxx, d), gu^es’> lion’s gamb erased or.
Brochwel Ysgithrog (Fig. I f), sable, 3 nags’ heads arg.
Owain Brogyntyn (xxxi, d), arg. lion ramp, sable (? bend
gules).
Hwva ap Cynddelw, gules, chev. bet. 3 lioncels ramp. or.
Gwaethvoed (xxvn,/), vert, lion ramp. arg. imbrued gules.
Llywelyn ab lorwerth, quarterly or and gules, 4 lions
passant guardant counterchanged.1
Sandde Hardd (xxvn, d), vert charged with broom slips or,
lion ramp, of 2.
Urien Rheged, arg. chev. between 3 ravens.
The soldier poet and grammarian, Wiliam Midleton
(r. 1558—1660), has left us an interesting example of
Welsh blazons, written in the restricted metre of the
awdl (ode). The occasion was the death of Catherine,
Countess of Pembroke,2 daughter of the Earl of
Shrewsbury, and wife of Henry Herbert, Earl of
Pembroke. Midleton was at this time serving under
the Earl.
JSee Wagner, A. R., Historic Heraldry of Britain, p. 13.
‘‘No contemporary authority, but the attribution of the coat to Griffith,
Llewellyn’s son, who died in 1244, by Matthew Paris (Corpus Christi,
Cambridge, MS. 16, folio 169 ; Walpole Society, Vol. XIV, Pl. XVII), and
by several Rolls of Arms . appears sufficient warrant. Of these early
authorities, however, two (Matthew Paris supra cit. and St. George’s Roll)
give lions passant instead of leopards, but Camden’s and Planche’s Rolls
give leopards, and this form, being that now used for Wales, is here adopted.
Yet another thirteenth century roll (Walford’s) gives lions rampant, and
the arms were borne thus by Owen Glendower. Camden’s Roll blazons :
‘Prince de Gales I’escu esquartele d’or et de gules a quatre lepars de I’un en
I*autre,’ and Walford’s ‘Liewellin ap Griffith escartelle d'or et de gules iv Icons
de I’un et Г autre’.”
Note, however, that as son of Gruffydd Vychan, Owain Glyn Dwr earlier
would bear, paly argent and gules, lion rampant sable. Mostyn MS. 149 :
“Owen Glyn Dyfrdwy, M(aes) arian a gowls, llew ramp, sable, a’i arfau 0
gowls.” His mother Elen was daughter and coheiress of Thomas ap
Llywelyn ab Owain . . Rhys ap Tewdwr. Rhys ap Tewdwr’s arms were
gules, lion ramp, bordure indented or.
*The Countess died in 1575.
Ixi
Some passages are extremely difficult to translate:
the portions which concern our study will however
show the poet’s interest in coats of arms.1
Hir oes del ini i herst a luniant,
oi heurfyd wedi i harfaii dodant,
у maes о assiir piir i parant,
lliwier о rym parch, Hew dr rampant,
ewig о mwythig maethant ar gyhoer
gwawr llu о radloer ag iarll Rudlant.
A maes о Geuls meys i galwant,
llawer sy eilwaith llew dr saliant
wedi mesuraw daw maes ariant,
bendaii о geiils, band da i gwelsant ?
trydydd, pedwerydd a dorrant gwaedfrith
tair ysgub wenith, ffrith a ffrwythant.
Barwaes gwyn a glas a gwmpassant,
о fartles ddeg geuls ydd anrhegant.
a maes a eurwyd о mesiirant,
a siff о assiir a ddeinturiant,
iirddassol siriol faes ariant eilwaith,
del gael hapiiswaith deiilew geiil passant.
Siwel trwy irwaed salteir ariant,
a bend о geuls band da i galwant,
rhwng chwe martled unlliw, a ledant,
ffret geuls, ar faes or, da cydgordiant,
rhodder llew banner, henwant о sabl,
a geul yn у dabl glan a dybiant
(The funeral hearse2 has been painted (with coats of
arms), and then shields are put on it.—A field of azure
xMarwnad a gant Wiliam Myddylton gwr bonheddig yw arglwyddes
feistres, Catrin iarlles Penfro, a merch i iarll у Mwythig, lie i mae ef yn
disgreuo i harvau hi yn orchestol.
(An elegy sung by William Middleton, gentleman, to his Lady Catherine,
Countess of Pembroke, and daughter of the Earl of Shrewsbury, where he
shows his mastery in the blazoning of arms.)
See Barddoniaeth neu Brydyddiaetb gan Wiliam Midleton^ ed. G. J.
Williams. Cardiff, 1930.
fA frame of wood placed on the bier over the coffin, and over which
the pall was thrown. (For an interesting account of such a hearse and of
funeral arrangements in Wales in 1647, see Arcb. Camb.3 Vol. VI, i860,
PP- 24, *5-)
Ixii
. and a lion or rampant,—a daughter of Shrewsbury
is she and a descendant of a noble lady, and of the Earl
of Rutland. And a field of gules, as it is termed
. . . and a lion or salient: then a field of argent and bends
of gules : then in a field of red three sheaves of wheat
Barry of white and blue surrounded by ten red
martlets ; a golden field with a chief of azure indented :
then the dignified and pleasant field of silver with two
lions of gules passant. A jewel in the blood-red field
and a saltire argent, and a bend of gules between six
martlets of this same colour, a fret of gules in a field of
gold,—they harmonise well. Let there be added a
lion half sable and gules
The coats here recorded may for the most part be
identified:
(i)	Azure, lion rampant or (Belesme).
(2)	Gules, lion salient or (? within border engrailed)
(Talbot).
(3)	Argent, bend gules (Talbot).
(4)	Gules, 3 garbs argent (Comyn).
(5)	Barry arg. azure, orle of ten martlets gules (Falence).
(6)	Or, chief indented azure (Fitz Walter).
(7)	Argent, 2 lions pass, gules (L’Estrange).
(8)	Argent, saltire gules (Neville).
(<)) Argent, bend betw. 6 martlets gules (Furnivall).
(10) Or, fret gules (Ferdon).
(11) Argent, lion rampant party per fess gules and sable
(Love tot)
The Countess was grand-daughter to the Duke of
Rutland (or, 2 bars az., chief quarterly az. gu.: in first
and fourth quarters 2 fleurs de lys, in second and third
a lion pass, guard., all or).
Copies of the Llyfr Arfau.
The oldest extant copy of the Llyfr Arfau is that of
Gutun Owain, and was written in the latter half of the
fifteenth century.1 It is most unfortunate that Lewis
^esus Coll. MS. 6.
Ixiii
Glyn Cothi’s copy, which had been preserved in the
White Book of Hergest, was destroyed by fire in 1840
when it had been entrusted to the bookbinder
Mackinley.1 In the Stowe Collection at the British
Museum there is a version which is claimed to be a
transcript of the White Book copy, written circa 1620,
but the spelling is certainly not that of the original.2
The next oldest copy is that of Syr Thomas ap leuan
ap Dafydd,3 and was transcribed somewhere about the
year 1510. Then follow two copies by Hoel ap Syr
Mathe, one written in 1557, and the other in 1561.4
Two more copies which appeared about the same time
have survived and are now in the Peniarth Collection.
One has been dated as 1544—65 by Gwenogvryn
Evans,5 and the other as circa 1566.6
Gruffudd Hiraethog (floruit 1540), though interested
in heraldry,7 does not appear to have made a copy of
this Llyfr Arfau, but his pupil Simwnt Vychan
(ob. 1610) has left behind a beautiful copy, which is
now in the possession of the Cardiff City Library.8
Wiliam Llyn, who was Simwnt’s contemporary, has
left us some crude pen-sketches of arms, and these show
his acquaintance with the Llyfr Arfau? Another of
JSee Edward Owen’s catalogue of MSS. relating to Wales, Part IV,
pp. 823-4.
2See Panton MS. 17, 68-74, for ^st °f contents of the White Book.
3Pen. MS. 127. He is also known as Syr Thomas ap leuan ap Deicws.
•Llanstephan MS. 46 (1557), Cardiff MS. 50 (1561).
5Pen. 177.
•	Pen. 147.
’Gruffudd Hiraethog made use of Peniarth 177, and he has left ample
proof of his interest in genealogy and in heraldic matters. His description
of coats of arms found in church windows display a sound knowledge of the
subject. See Peniarth 134, 135.
•	Catalogued as Cardiff MS. 4.265.
•	Peniarth 136, pp. 427-82.
Ixiv
Simwnt’s contemporaries was Wiliam Cynwal. He
affixed to his cywyddau the arms of the patrons for
whom he composed his works.1
The Text.
The manuscript versions mainly adopted for this
edition are those of Gutun Owain, Jesus MS. 6, and
Peniarth 127 from the pen of Syr Thomas ap leuan
ap Deicws.2 All the other early versions have been
consulted and important variant readings recorded.
The presentation of Welsh texts still involves serious
difficulties. It seems best to give all the earliest version
from the Gutun Owain copy, and where that version
fails, to supplement from Peniarth 127, the next
earliest copy. No attempt has been made to harmonise
the spelling in the borrowed passages, but modern
punctuation has been adopted to facilitate the reading.
An English translation has been prepared for the
convenience of those who cannot read Welsh; but,
although it is not possible to do more than suggest
the literary style of the writer in this translation, the
treatment of the subject matter will be accessible for
a comparison of this Welsh version with the Latin ones.
Lastly there has been added Bartolo di Sassoferrato’s
charming little tract De Insigniis et Armis to which
reference is made frequently by De Bado. Two MSS.
have been consulted, together with Bysshe’s printed
version and the printed editions of Hauptmann and
Feschius. The differences in the readings are very
slight, and the attention of the reader will be drawn
only to the more serious variations.
JMostyn III.
^Fortunately there is little difference between the spelling in the two
main sources.
Ixv
E
Illustrations.
The two Latin texts and the Welsh version differ in
the order in which the several arms are recorded.
Consequently, and because of the exceptional cost of
reproducing these in colour, it has been found necessary
to arrange them according to a colour scheme, with
as little violation of their order as possible. These
have been numbered and lettered, and distributed
throughout the book. Bysshe’s engravings and the
sketches which have appeared in the manuscripts have
been carefully considered in the preparation of these
illustrations.
Ixvi
LLYFR ARFAU
John Trevor
The following references apply to the Welsh MSS. consulted in the compilation
of the Text.
A.	Peniarth MS. 127.
B.	Cardiff MS. 50=3.11.
C.	Mostyn MS. 113.
D.	Cardiff MS. 4.265.
E.	Llanstephan MS. 46.
F.	Jesus MS. 6.
G.	Peniarth MS. 147.
Footnotes are represented by index numbers thus l, •.
Variant readings are found immediately below the text and
translation.
LLYFR ARFAU
Llyfr yw hwn a elwir yn iaith Gymraeg Llyfr
Dysgread Arfau, a Sidn Trevor a’i troes o’r Llading
a’r Ffrangeg yn Gymraeg, a Hoell ap Syr Mathe a’i
hysgrifennodd, oedran Krist mil a ffumkant ac un a
thrigaint.1
Llyma lyfr о Ddisgriad Arfe о waith Hoell ap Sr
Mathey i Vorgan Elvael, die Sept, anno 1557-2
Megis3 i darparodd yr holl gywaethoc Dduw o’r
Nef, pann greodd pob peth yn yr oes gyntaf o’r byd,
bod henweu ar ddynion, val i gellid adnabod pawb i
wrth i gilydd, velly yn yr ail oes a’r drydedd, pann
amylhaodd у bobl ar у dday[a]r, a chyvodi tervysc a
rryveloedd yn eu plith drwy valchder a chenvigen,
wrth i naturiaetheu a’i harvereu yr ordeiniwyd ac i
nodwyd i ryvelwyr ac i wyr enrrydeddus arwyddion
arveu y’w dwyn, val i gellid adnabod [pob] un ohonynt
hwy a’i etiveddion Rac arall drwy yr arwyddion hynn:
cans i bawb у noded arwyddion arveu wrth i natur-
iaetheu hwynt a’i harvereu yn ddrwc yn gystal ac yn
dda; eithyr rrai ni wyddit arnunt na da na drwc, ac
8 Megis i darparwyd drwy yr holl gyfoethog Dduw ar ddechreuad у
byd vod henweu B. Megys у darparwyd yn yr oes gyntaf o’r byd vod
D, E.
12 ar у ddaiar wrth у llavuriaethau i kyvodes rryvel a thervysc yn i
plith B.
16 val i gellid drwy hynny ydnabod pawb, velly yn yr oesoedd eraill
gwedi diliw pan amlhaodd у bobl yn у byd a chyvodi terfysg a Ryf[el]oedd
* MS. B.
« MS. E.
• The text adopted here as far as page 6 is that of Peniarth MS. 127,
distinguished as MS. A. Afterwards, with the words rraid yw ym west,
the reading of Jesus MS. 6 (MS. F) is taken.
2
PLATE I
PLATE II
BOOK OF ARMS
This is a book which in Welsh is called Llyfr
Dysgread Arfau (a book of description of arms).
Sidn Trevor translated it into Welsh from Latin and
French, and Hywel ap Syr Mathau wrote it in the year
of our Lord one thousand five hundred and sixty one.
This is a book dealing with the Description of Armsy
the work of Hywel ap Syr Mathau, [written] for
Morgan Elvael, 5to die Sept., 1557.
Even as when, in the first age of mankind, Almighty
God ordained when he created all things that men
should have names, that they might be distinguished
one from another, so also in the second and third ages,
when the inhabitants of the earth increased in numbers,
and when strife and wars arose in their midst through
envy and pride, arms were ordained and assigned to
warriors and gentle folk to be borne by them according
to their natures and customs, so that they and their
heirs might be distinguished from others by these
charges; for charges were appointed to all according to
their nature and their customs whether good or bad:
but there were some of whom nothing good or bad was
known, and for these there was granted the use of
yn i plith i hordeiniwyd ac i noded y’r Ryfelwyr ac i’r gwyr dwedi’r ymddyr-
chafel mywn rragor anrrydedd ac urddas arwyddion ac arfau i’w dwyn, val
i gellid ydnabod pawb onaddunt E.
17 a pheth a gyvodes hynaif pob dygiawdr val i bu deilwng i ddwyn
arveu milwriaeth, ai dewrder, ai doethineb, ai kyfoeth bydol, ai petheu
eraill, gann vod pawb о blant Addaf ar ddechreuad byd yn un radd A, E.
(This is repeated later.}
18 arwyddion от. A.
18 harvereu yn у byd yn ddrwg yn gystal B.
3
i’r rrai hynny i Roed kroeseu a chypleu a phalisseu a’r
vath hynny, megis i treithir yn eglurach Rac Haw.
Ac am hynny gweddus a Reidiol oedd i bob gwr bon-
heddic urddasol о genedlaeth Gymry wybod yr arwydd-
ion a berthynai iddo y’w dwyn yn ddieniwed i bawb,
a medru i dosbarth a’i disgrio yn iaith Gymraeg megis
mewn ieithoedd eraill, Rac myned у gelvyddyt honn
ar arveu hevyt ar gyveiliorni ymysg у genedlaeth,
megis у mae yn debic о eissieu ymarver ohoni yn iaith
у Bryttanieid ar ni bont ddysgedic mewn ieithoedd
eraill: cans drwy arwyddion arveu i gellir adnabod
pob gwr bonheddic a’i rywiogaeth i gann i gilydd, a
pheth a gyvodes i hynaif megis i bu abyl i ddwyn arveu,
ai kydernyt, ai amylder kenedl agos, ai dewrder, ai
doethineb, ai kyvoeth, gann vod pawb о blant Addaf
ar ddechreuad у byd yn un radd.
Wrth hynny mi a ymkenais droi о Ladin a Ffrangec
mewn iaith Gymraec gyfran о waith amravaelion
awduriaid o’r gelvyddyd honn, megis i deffro hynny
ddarlleodrion kymraec ar ni bwynt ddysgedic mewn
ieithoedd eraill i ymwrando ac i ymwybod ac i ymgeisio
am gelvyddyd arveu, hyd nad el oil ar gyveiliorni: a
lie gwelont vai yn hynn о waith i wellhau a’i ychwanegu
o’r neb a’i mettro yr hynn a vo anghwbl, gann vod yn
haws gwellhau no llunio: ac am vod iaith Gymraec
mor anaml na cheffir ohoni ddigon о eirieu perthynol
7 hyd nad el ar gyfrgoll ymysc kenedlaeth Kymry, megis i mae yn
debig о wall gwyr о ddysg, ac yn enwedig у prydyddion, [o] eissiau ymarfer
ohoni yn yn iaith ni B.
17 Ac am vod yn weddus ac yn angenrreidiol i bob gwr a hanfio о
vonedd a ffriflwythau wybod a chydnabod yr arwyddion a berthyn iddo i
ddwyn yn ddianiwed i bawb, a medru i dysgrio a’i dyall, wrth hynny, mi
a ymkenais droi nei dreiglo о Ladyng a Ffrangec E.
19 awduriaid eraill о bethau perthynol i’r un gelvyddyd E.
19 megis i kyffro hynny у darllewyr neu’r darlleodrion kymraeg ar ni
bont dysgedig mywn ieithoedd eraill, i ymgais ac ymwybod am ddisgrio
4
crosses and chevrons and pales and such charges, as
will be treated more clearly later.
Wherefore it was both proper and necessary that
every gentleman of noble birth of Welsh stock should
know the charges which he could rightly bear without
hurt to anyone, and be able to classify them and
describe them in Welsh as in other languages, lest this
science of arms be lost to the people of this age, as
seems likely to happen through lack of use in the
language of the Britons who may be not well versed in
other tongues: for by coats of arms can each gentleman
be recognised and his family distinguished, and the
reason for the elevation of his ancestor to allow him to
bear arms, whether it be prowess, or numbers of
near kinsmen, or bravery, or wisdom, or wealth—
for in the beginning of the world all Adam’s children
were of one grade.
Wherefore I have essayed to translate from Latin and
French into Welsh portions of the works of various
authors who have dealt with this art, that my
effort may awaken Welsh readers who may not be
conversant with other tongues, to pay attention to this
study of arms and to seek further knowledge, lest it be
entirely lost; and where they may see fault in this work,
that whoever is capable may enlarge where there is a
lack, and improve where there is need: for it is easier to
emend than to plan original work. And since the
Welsh vocabulary is so meagre that it lacks words
arfe a’r gelvyddyd hon, ac i ddysgu i dyall a’i dosbarth, ac i vedru i disgrio
mywn Gymraeg megis mywn ieithoedd eraill E.
22 rrag myned у gelvyddyd hon ar gyveiliorn ymysg у genedloedd ac
yn enwedig yn iaith Gymraeg megis у mae yn debig [o] eisie ymarfer ohoni
yn yn iaith ni: ac am vod iaith Gymraeg mor anaml na chair ohoni . . .
rraid vydd . . . E.
25 llunio neu varnu no gwneuthur E.
5
i’r gwaith newydd hwnn, rraid yw ymwest1 ar ieithau
eraill lie bo hi diffygiol, megys ydd ym mewn petheu
eraill, ас у mae pob iaith ar i gilydd.
Ac yn gyntaf ni a draethwn pa amser a pha achos
gyntaf yr ymarferwyt о arveu: yr ail pa liwie sydd
weddus i dwyn a pha liw sydd bennaf: у trydydd pa
ryw arwyddion a ddygir mewn arveu a pha rai o’r
arwyddion hynn ysydd bennaf, a pheth a arwyddok-
aant; ac yn ddiwaethaf oil dysgu disgrio a dosbarth
arveu, ac ydnabod yr arveu a dduc brenhinoedd у
Bryttaniaid о Vrutus hyd at Gydwaladr Vendigaid у
brenhin diwaethaf o’r Bryttaniaid, a llawer о arveu
brenhinoedd у Saeson.
Arveu gyntaf a ymarverwyt о honunt wedi dwfr
diliw pan ymddangoses у bwa nevol pedwar Hiwioc yr
hwnn a elwir ennvys, ac a ymddengys gyverbyn a’r
haul drwy gymwl wybren dywyll. A’r pedwar lliw
hynn a geffir o’r pedwar defnydd i gwnaethbwyt pob
creadur о honunt, nid amgen tan, awyr, dwr a daiar,—
у koch o’r tan, у rrudd o’r wybyr, у gwyrdd o’r dwr,
a’r du llychwin o’r ddaiar. Ac er bot dechreuad arveu
yn yr amser hwnnw, ni vawr ymarverwyt ohonynt hyd
pann ddoeth gwyr Groec i ymladd a Chaer Droea i
ddyal kribddeiliad Elen vannog: ac yna i kymyrth
gwyr у dinas o’r gwaet brenhinol amravaelion liwie
i Raid yw ymwest A. (MS. F is here followed up to page 34.)
4	ieithoedd A.
4	Pedwar peth i mae rraid traethu, nid amgen, yn gyntaf pa amser a
pha achos . . . i ddwyn mywn arfau, ас 0 radd pob un onaddunt, a’i ragorau,
a pha achos i mae gwell un lliw na’i gilydd, у trydydd pa ruw arwyddion
E.
5	yn ail pa liw ysydd weddus A.
7	a pha rai. . . ysydd bennaf A, от. F.
9	oil A. disgrio yr arveu a’i dosbarth A.
1 MS. F, folio 142.
6
pertaining to this new study, it behoves us to borrow
from other languages where there is a lack in Welsh,
just as we do in other matters, and as every language
borrows one from another.
And first of all we shall state when and why arms
were first borne, and secondly what colours are seemly
to be borne, and which are the most important, and
thirdly what charges are borne in arms and which of
these charges are noblest and what is their significance;
and lastly we shall learn how to classify and describe
arms and recognise the arms which the kings of the
Britons bore from Brutus to Cadwaladar the blessed,
the last of the kings of the Britons, and many of the
arms of the kings of the English.
Arms were first borne after the time of the Flood,
when the heavenly four coloured arc appeared, which
is called the rainbow, and which is visible against the
sun through a dark cloud. And these four colours
are produced from the four substances from which
are made all created things, namely, fire, air, water,
and earth; the red colour from the fire, the ruddy
colour from the sky, green from water, and dusty black
from the earth.
And although the origin of arms may be traced to
this time, yet they were not much used until the time
when the Greeks came to fight against Troy, to
avenge the rape of Helen of the spot. It was then that
the Trojans of royal blood adopted distinctive colours so
9	ac ydnabod . Saeson A, от. F.
14	Kyntaf amser у ducpwyt arveu wedi dwfr diliw A.
18	geffir B, gymer E, F ; a’r pedwar defnydd i gwnaethbwyt pob
kreawdr ohonynt A.
19	tan a dwvyr, awyr a dayar A.
23	i ddyal vannog E ; i roi sidge wrth Droya vawr i ddyal krib-
ddeiliad Elen vannog E.
7
amdanunt, megys у gellid oddiar у kaere i hadnabot
hwynt a gweled eu digoniant a’u gwrhydri yn у rryvel.
A lie yr oedd у lliwie yn pallu am nad oedd ddigon
ohonunt у rroesant yn amravel yn у lliwie llun aniveiliet
pysgod, adar a phethe eraill.
Am ragoreu lliwieu weithion. Pa liw ysydd
anrrydeddusaf ? Noter geirieu Bartholws1 yn у
llyfr a wnaeth о beintiad arveu, a’r hyn a ddywaid у
philossoffer yn i lyfr De Sensu et Sensato, pan yw pob
11 iw rrai a ragora rrac i gilydd yn un о ddau vodd, ai
i vod yn urddassach ohonaw ehun neu achos i vod yn
kyfrannu yn vwy neu yn llai о liw gwyn. Ac os у
modd kyntaf, nid oes ond dau liw arbennig, nid amgen,
gwyn a du. Ac er bod Bartholws yn taeru mae ysgeil-
ussaf lliw yw du, gweddus yw kynnal yn ol у philos-
soffer, a ddywaid pann yw dau liw pennaf yw gwyn
a du; canys o’r ddau hynny у gwnair drwy gelvyddyt
bob lliw kanolic. Ac o’r ddau hynn pennaf ac urddas-
saf yw’r gwynn о blegyt tri achos. Y kyntaf yw i vot
ef yn rowndwal pob lliw, ac ef a ellir i droi i bob lliw
kanolic a than ganolic: yr ail yw о blegid na ellir rroi
gwrthwyneb union i liw arall onid iddo ef, a’i wrth-
wyneb ef yw du: a’r trydydd achos yw herwydd nad
oes liw o’r byt a ellir i weled kynn bellet a chyn amlyket
a’r gwyn. A hevyt lliw gwynn a arweddokaa goleuni,
a gwrthwyneb goleuni yw tywyllwc, yr hwnn a
i mal i gellid E.
2 a’u gwrhydri E.
3 a lie idd oedd у lliwie . . . i rroessant ymravaelion yn у lliwie hyn,
aniveiliaid ac adar a physgod a ffethau eraill, megis i noded uddunt wrth
i harferau a’i gwrhydri E.
6-14 Am ragoreu . . . dau liw pennaf B, D, E. (The paragraph in A and
F begins thus : Dau liw bennaf ysydd, nid amgen, gwyn a du.)
1 The MSS. frequently read Bartholomeus for Bartholus.
8
that they might be recognised from the walls, and their
deeds and prowess in combat noticed. And where
colours failed because there was not enough of them,
they introduced into the colours the forms of animals,
fishes, birds, and other things.
And now to examine the differences in colours.
Which colour is the most honourable? Let
attention be paid to the words of Bartholus in his book,
De Armis Pingen dis, and also to what the Philosopher
says in his book, De Sensu et Sensato, that every colour
surpasses another in one of two ways. Either it is
intrinsically nobler, or else it is so because it contains
in a greater or less degree the white colour. If we
adopt the first, then there are but two chief colours,
namely white and black: and although Bartholus
maintains that black is the most inferior colour, it is
seemly to accept the view of the Philosopher who says
that the two chief colours are white and black, because
all mediary colours are formed artificially from these
two, and of these two colours the nobler is the white,
and this for three reasons: firstly, because it is the
foundation of all colours, and it can be converted into
every mediary and submediary colour; secondly,
because white is the only colour that has a direct
counterpart, and its counterpart is black: thirdly,
because no other colour can be seen as far away and as
clearly as white. And this colour signifies light, and
the opposite of white is black which is less honourable
7 Noder geiriau Bartholomeus my[w]n llyfr E.
io my[w]n un о ddau vodd E.
16 a ddowaid pan iw dau bennaf iw gwyn a du E.
19 tair achos E.
21 canoledic a than ganoledic E.
22 ond iddo ef A.
24 a chyn amlyked E.
9
arweddoka du, ac ysydd lai i urddas noc ef, megys i
dywait [y] ffilosoffyr yn i lyvyr De Sensu et Sensato,
mae pob gwrthwyneb a roer yn emyl i wrthwyneb,
eglurach vydd a mwy yr ymddengys: a hynny a ellir
i ddyallt drwy’r ddau liw hynn a’i welet yn eglur.
Am liw du bellach. Lliw du, megys i dywaid
Arestotles, yw diddymiat у gwynn, val у mae chwer-
wedd yn diddymu melysrwydd: canys gwynn yw
dechreuad lliwie val у mae melyster yn nechreuat pob
bias. Ac ef yw peth a ellir i welet, ac a arweddoka
tywyllwc, a hevyt a vriw golwc dynion pan vo ef yn
dra dwfyn, megys i gellir i ddyalld drwy у rrai a voont
yngharchar yn hir mewn lie tywyll. Pan ddelont allan
ychydic a welant, ac velly у mae owduriaid yn i varnu
ef yn lliw о urddas ymysc у lliwie, ac val у mae ef yn
wrthwyneb union i’r gwyn, a bod hynny yn un o’r
achosion i varnu’r gwynn yn bennaf, velly у mae’r
gwynn yn wrthwyneb union iddo yntau; a pha liw
bynnac onid gwynn a weler о bell, du a thywyll i gwelir.
Ac velly у mae awdurieid a naturwyr yn i varnu ef yn
ail liw pennaf о urddas ac anrrydedd.
Am liwie kanolig bellach dowetter. Lliw assur
sydd bennaf lliw kanolic a nessaf о urddas at у lliwieu
a ddywetpwyt uchod, ac ef ysydd liw yn dechreu о
wynn ac yn dirywio mewn du, a’r lliw hwnn sydd liw
i lai о urddas na’r gwyn a’r un philosopher a [d]dowaid mai pob
gwrthwyneb yn ymyl i wrthwyneb a roer eglurach vydd E.
2	De Sensu et Sensato F, от. A.
4	eglurach a mwy yr ymddengys A.
6	Am liw du bellach E.
8	yn ddiddymiad melyster E.
9	yn ddechreuad A, E.
io Ac ef yw F, A’r lliw du hwnn yw A, a’r lliw hwn arweddoka
tywyllwch ac a vriw E.
12	dra thywyll neu ddwfn E, yn dra dwfn A, dwfyn F.
12	vwynt A, vont E.
19	du a thywyll i gwelir F, vydd i welediad A.
IO
PLATE III
PLATE IV
than white, as the Philosopher says in his book, De
Sensu et Sensaio, that if two things which have opposite
qualities are placed side by side they stand out more
clearly, and this can be understood and clearly seen
from these two colours.
Further concerning black colour. Black
colour, as Aristotle says, is the destruction of white,
just as bitterness is the destruction of sweetness: for
white is the beginning of colours, just as sweetness is
the beginning of every taste. And this black colour
is something that can be seen, and it represents dark-
ness. It also hurts men’s eyes when it is very intense,
as may be appreciated from the experience of those
who have been in prison for a long time in a dark place:
when they come out they see little. And thus authors
judge it to be an honourable colour; and as it is a direct
opposite to white—and since this is one reason for
considering white to be the chief colour—so is white
the opposite of black, and whatever colour other than
white is seen from a distance it appears as black and
dark. Thus authors and naturalists deem it the
second chief colour in rank and dignity.
Further concerning mediary colours. Azure
is the chief mediary colour and next in dignity to the
colours above mentioned. This colour beginning
from white degenerates into black, and it is a heavenly
colour because it signifies the air which is a receptacle
20	ac velly у mae . . anrrydedd E.
25 mywn du ac a ellir i wneuthur o’r ddau liw hyn drwy gyfansoddiad
messurol heb gynhorthwy arall o’r byd, a lliw assur ysydd liw nefol fac] a
gyfflybir i’r awyr, yr hon sydd dderbyniad a chartref у goleuni a’r tywyllwch,
a’r lliw hwnn i mae Ovydd yn i gyfflybu i vaen a elwir Addamas^ kans у
maen hwn ysydd a lliw assur arno : achos paham i mae Ovydd yn i debygu
i vaen addamas^ am vod Diascorides yn dowedud mae hwn ysydd vaen о
gariad a chymod, a’r lliw hwn a’i natur yn vwyaf dim a ddwg kariad E.
I I
nevol, cans ef a arwyddoka yr awyr, yr hwnn sydd liw
derbyniwr у goleuni a’r tywyllwc: a’r lliw hwnn у
mae Ovydd yn i debygu i vaen glas a elwir adamas^ am
vod Diascorides yn dywedud mae hwnn ysydd vaen
о gariad, kymod, a chytundeb i nattur. Y lliw hwnn
yn vwyaf dim a ddwc cariad, val у mae yr un Ovydd
yn i dystiolaethu mewn llyfr a wnaeth о gariad val
hyn yn dywedud:
Palleat omnis amans : hie est color aptus amanti,1
sef yw hynny, “Bid las pob serchoc, cans hwnn ysydd
liw gweddus i serchogion.” A hynn ysydd eglur mewn
rrai a vont yn caru yn vawr, a’r galonn yn oeri ac yn
sychu drwy vygydarth: ac i iachau hynnyy geilw nattur
у gwres natturiol о eithavoedd у knawd i’r tu mewn i’r
corff, ac a edy yr eithavoedd yn las, achos tyniad у
gwaed twymyn i wrtho.
Ffranciscus ysydd yn galw’r lliw hwnn yn urddassol,
ac yn i debygu i hayarn, cans hayarn a arwyddocka
kydernyd, ac a choron hayarn i coronir yr Emerawdr о
vlaen pob mettel arall, achos gweddu iddo Ragori Rac
pawb mewn kydernyd, megis i gallai gynnal heddweh
a chyfiawnder, a chosbi anllywodraeth ac anosbarth.
Hevyd у lliw hwnn a ddanvoned ddwywaith o’r nef i’r
ddayar gann Engylion: nid amgen, у waith gyntaf val
i kair yn ysgrivenedig yn Speculum His tori ale, pann
gyvoded Mercurius sant o’i vedd i ladd lulian Apos-
tata, (amherawdr rrufen), i due angel iddo gyda phob
arveu eraill darian assur a chroes vlodeuoc a phedwar
Rosyn о aur (XXIV a): a’r ail waith i danvones Duw
9 В, E, F, от. A, D ; Palleta F, Paleat E.
12 karu yn vawr ac ysbrydoedd у galon yn bwrw’r gwaed naturiol i
wrthynt drwy vygydarth meddyliau ac uweheneidiau trymion, ac i iachau
у galon ai magu i geilw nattur . . . E.
1 Ars Amandi, III, v, 129.
12
of both light and darkness. And this colour is
likened by Ovid to the blue stone called diamond,
because Dioscorides claims that it is by its nature a love
stone and the stone of reconciliation and fellowship.
This colour more than all others is caused by love, as
the same Ovid testifies in the book which he wrote
about love in these words:
Palleat omnis amans hie est color aptus amanti,
which means, “Let every lover grow pale, for this
colour best becomes lovers.”
This truth appears plainly in the case of those who
love intensely: their hearts grow cold and are dried up
by evaporation: and to cure this defect nature summons
the natural heat from the extremities of the flesh into
the body and leaves the extremities blue because of the
abstraction of the warm blood from them.
Franciscus calls this colour honourable and likens it
to iron, for iron signifies strength and it is selected in
preference to other metals to crown the Emperor
because he should excel all others in strength, that he
might maintain peace and justice, and punish anarchy
and disorder.
This colour, too, was sent on two occasions from
heaven to earth by angels: the first time as may be seen
in the Speculum Historiale when Saint Mercurius was
raised from his grave to slay Julian the Apostate, the
Emperor of Rome, an angel brought to him with all
other armour a blue shield charged with a flory cross
and four roses of gold: the second time God sent to
19 amherawdr rrufen E, a choron hayarn E.
23 o’r nef i’r Uawr ac i’r ddaiar hon E.
27 amherawdr rrufen E.
13
gann angel i Chiarlys vrenin Ffraink gidag arfe eraill
darian assur a thri fflwr ddylis о aur (XV c), ac ymhob
un o’r ddwywaith hyn yr assur oedd rowndwal a maes
yr arfe, ac yn rragori rrag yr aur, ac velly у mae yn
eglur vot у lliw hwnn yn bennaf ymysc yr holl liwie
canolic a than ganolic.
Am liw euraid weithian. Lliw euraid sydd ail liw
canolic о achos urddas у metel, yr hwnn у mae yn
debic iddo, ac ysydd ddisgleiriach ac urddasach no
meteloedd eraill; ac ef a arweddokaa uvydd-dot a
boneddigeiddrwydd. A’r lliw hwnn у mae’r gyfraith
yn gwahardd na bo neb a’i gwisgo eithyr tywyssoc.
Hevyd у lliw hwnn a’r metel a gyfflybir i’r haul, yr
honn ysydd bennaf o’r planedau, ас у mae pob planet
yn kaffel i goleuni i wrthi. Ac er bot rrai yn dywedud
i kaiff pob lliw i ragor wrth yr hynn i bo yn arweddokau,
a bod у lliw hwnnw yn bennaf oblegid bod yr aur yn
bennaf metel, ni all hynny vot yn wir; canys о ddau
beth wynion i keffir a’i liw, a phob metel arall, nid
amgen, o’r sulf[f]ur gwynn1 [ac] arian byw; a’r
sulf[f]ur sydd dat meteloedd, a’r arian byw yw’r vam:
ac am hynny rraid yw bod у lliw gwynn, yr hwnn у
mae ef yn dyvot ohono, yn bennaf.
Hevyd у lliw hwnn a gair mewn modd о un o’r
Iliwieu ysgeilussaf, nid amgen noc o’r gwyrdd, yr hwnn
sydd liw danganolic, canys у dail a’r llysiau, pan vo
lleithrwydd ynthunt mewn amser haf a vyddant
i laris A, Chiarlys F, Siarlys E.
i	gidag arfe eraill E.
2	ac ymhob un . . . rrag yr aur E.
6	canoledic a thann ganoledic A.
7	Am liw... weithian E. The headings throughout are taken from E.
9	yn anrrydeddusach a disgleiriach . . . E.
1 Bartholomeus, De Proprietatibus Rerum, XVI, 4, calls sulphur rubeus.
PLATE V
(с)
(d)
(<•')
(О
Charles king of France by an angel a shield of blue
with three fleurs-de-lis of gold together with other
armour: and on both these occasions the foundation
and field of the arms was azure, and this was superior
to the gold. Therefore it is clear that this colour is
the chief of all mediary and submediary colours.
Now CONCERNING THE GOLDEN COLOUR. Golden
colour is the second mediary colour because of the
dignity of the metal which is like it, and it is more
resplendent and nobler than other metals. It signifies
obedience and gentility. This colour, too, is forbidden
by law to anyone to assume except to a prince. This
colour, too, and the metal, are likened to the sun which
is the chief planet, and all planets derive their light
from it. Furthermore, though some say that every
colour is distinguished by what it represents, and that
this colour is the chief colour because gold is the chief
metal, this cannot be true, because it and its colour are
gotten of two white substances and every other metal,
namely from white sulphur1 and quicksilver. Sulphur
is the father of metals and quicksilver is the mother of
metals. Therefore, white colour, of which this colour
(gold) is derived, must be the chief of colours.
Again this colour in a way is produced from one of
the least important of colours, namely from green,
which is a submediary colour: for leaves and herbs,
when they contain moisture during summer, are green,
12	ysydd waharddedig yn у gyfraith syvl i neb i wisgo namyn i
15 cael A.	[dowyssog E.
15	dywedud F, barnu E.
19	о ddefnyddiau gwynion E.
20	sulphur iw dat E.
21	iw mam meteloedd E.
23	i magwyd ef ohono E.
24	a gair neu a wneir E.
25	ysgeilussaf E, issaf F.
4
F
wyrddion, a’r gaiaf, pan vo oerni yn dechrau meistroli
a’r lleithrwydd yn sychu, yn lliw’r aur neu velyn yr
ant: ac er hynny, oblegyt yr achosion kyntaf a ddywet-
pwyt uchod, a llawer о achosion eraill ac a vyddai
Ryhir i vynegi, ydd ys yn i gynhwysso ef yn ail lliw
canolic; canys у metel a phob un o’r chwech metel
arall sydd yn perthynu mewn rryw naturiaeth [i] un
o’r saith blanet, nid amgen, Plwm i Sadwrn, Copyr
i lau, Haiarn i Vawrth, Aur i’r Haul, Ysten i Wener,
Arian Byw i Vercher, ac Arian i’r Lleuad.
Ac val у dywaid Alanus, De Planctu Naturae, saith
vaen gw[e]rthvawr a gymerant i lliwie a rryw natur-
iaethe gan yr un planedeu, nid amgen, Addamas gan
Sadwrn, Ates gan lau, Amatistes gan Vawrth,
Carbonklus gan yr Haul, Saf[f]ir gann Wener,
lacinthus gann Verchyr, Perl gan у Lleuad: a thrwy’r
main gwyrthvawr hyn у bydd rrai о veistrolaeth yn
dysgrio arveu.
Am liw coch bellach. Lliw coch yw’r trydydd
lliw kanolic ac ysydd yn union о bellder rrwng eithav-
oedd gwynn a du, megys i dywaid у philosoffyr. Ef a
wna afles i lygaid dynion megys na allwynt adnabot
lliwie eraill gystal, lie bo’r goleuni yn disgleirio arno ef;
ac am hynny у bydd brethynnwyr sylltai1 yn crogi
brethyn coch uwch ben i ffenestri, val na allo у prynwyr
adnabod rrywiogaeth у lliwieu: a’r lliw hwnn sydd
hevyd waharddedic ynghyfraith sivyl i wisgo heb gan-
i wyrdd F, wyrddion E.
2	yn meistroli ar у lleithrwydd F, yn dechrau meistroli . E.
5	a vyddai . . . vynegi E.
6	canys у metel E, F, achos у metel A.
9	lau F, Jupiter E ; Vawrth F, Vars E ; Sul F, Haul E ; ysten A, F,
efydd E ; Wener A, F, Venus E.
1 Syllty= brethyn deuban, brethyn du. (Vide p. 94.)
16
and in winter, when the cold has the ascendancy, and
the moisture has been dried up, they become golden or
yellow in colour. Nevertheless, for the first reasons
stated above, and many other reasons which it
would be tedious to relate, this colour is adjudged to
be the second submediary colour. For the metal and
each of the six other metals are related in certain ways
to one of the seven planets, namely, lead to Saturn,
copper to Jupiter, iron to Mars, gold to the Sun,
tin to Venus, quicksilver to Mercury, and silver to the
Moon.
And as Alanus said in his De Planctu Naturae, seven
precious stones take their colours and certain charac-
teristics from the same planets, namely, the diamond
from Saturn, the agate from Jupiter, amethyst from
Mars, carbuncle from the Sun, sapphire from Venus,
jacinth from Mercury, pearl from the moon. And it
is by means of these precious stones that some show
their skill in blazoning arms.
Further concerning the red colour. Red is
the third mediary colour, and it lies precisely midway
between the extremities white and black as the Philo-
sopher says. This colour hurts men’s eyes so that they
cannot recognise other colours equally well where the
light shines upon it, and thus sellers of black cloth
hang a red cloth above their windows so that the
buyer cannot distinguish shades of colour; and this
colour is forbidden by civil law to be worn without
18	F, у bydd rrai a geissio rragor veistrolaeth yn disgrio arfe E.
20	ac yssydd union A , о bellder yn tervynnu rrwng eithavoedd E.
23	allont A ; lie ni bo’r goleuni yn towynnu arno E.
24	syllty A, sylltai E.
25	brethynneu cochion A, E.
26	ydnabod rragorau lliwie E.
17
iad, eithyr i dywysoc: a’r neb a wnelai yn erbyn у
gyfraith honn, torn ei benn o’r achos. A pham i
trevynwyd у lliw hwnn i dywysoc mwy no gwynn neu
ddu neu assur neu aur? Oblegid у lliw hwnn a
arweddokaa creulonder, a thywysoc a wedda iddo vod
yn greulon yn erbyn i elynion ac i gosbi anllywodraeth;
a phob anivail creulon gwyllt a vo yn ymborth ar gic
a gwaed aniveiliaid eraill ysydd ddigasoc ac ofnoc rrac
у lliw hwnn. A’r lliw hwnn у mae brenhinedd Lloegyr
о lin Wiliam Bastart yn i ddwyn yn i harve, ac o’r
trydydd Edwart hyd heddiw у maen[t] yn dwyn yn
chwarteroc arve Ffraink gyd ac arveu Lloegr (IX c).
Am liw gwyrdd weithian. Rrai sydd yn chwanegu
lliw arall at у lliwie a ddywetpwyt uchod, nid amgen no
gwyrdd. Lliw gwyrdd yr hwnn у mae rrai yn tybiet
panyw kerddor oedd у dygiawdr kyntaf, a gwedi hynny
rroi arve iddo. A hynn у mae Bartholus yn i dystio-
laethu. Ac am vod rrai yn Lloegr ac ynghymru yn
dwyn у lliw hwnn yn i harve, ni wedda ysgeuluso nac
ef na’r dygiawdr.
Achos paham na chynhwysir у lliw hwnn ymysc
lliwie arve mewn hen amseroedd? Canys chwith oedd
ganthunt ac anweddus osot tri amravel ar liwie drwy
ddywedud val hyn, “O’r lliwieu, rrai ysydd bennaf
ohonunt ehun, rrai ysydd ganolic, a rrai danganolic.
Lliwie pennaf ynt gwynn a du: lliwie canolic ynt assur,
aur, coch: lliwie danganolic yw gwyrdd a’r gyfryw od
2	torn ei ben a’r achos a pham F, torn ei ben o’r achos E.
3	tervynwyr A, trevynwyt F, trefnwyd E ; i dywysoc F, от. A.
7	ar a vo . . aniveiliaid eraill E.
9	A’r lliw hwnn . . . Lloegr, от, E.
13	Am . weithian E.
16	kerddor nei wr digrif llawen kellweirus E.
17	Bartholomeus all MSS,
21 A pham A.
22 amser A ; ossod A.
27 a’r kyfryw A ; a’r lliwie eraill о byddant E.
18
permission, except by a prince; and whoever trans-
gresses may be executed.
And why is this colour ordained to a prince more
than white or black or blue or golden colour? Because
this colour represents cruelty, and a prince ought to be
cruel towards his enemies, and it behoves him to
punish disorder. And every cruel wild animal that
lives on flesh and blood of other animals hates and fears
this colour. This colour, too, is borne by the kings
of England in their arms, from the time of William the
Bastard, and from the time of Edward the third until
the present day the kings of England bear quarterly
the arms of France and England.
Now concerning green colour. Some would add
yet another colour to those above noted, namely, green,
which as some suppose was borne first of all by a
minstrel, and afterwards he was granted arms. Such
is the testimony of Bartholus; and since there are
people in England and Wales who have this colour in
their arms, we must not neglect it or its bearer:1 Why
was the colour not included in the list of colours at
first in the olden days? Because it was felt strange
and unbecoming to include three varieties of colours,
and they said, ‘ ‘ Some colours are chief by virtue of their
own qualities, others are mediary, and others sub-
mediary. The chief colours are white and black, the
mediary colours are blue, gold, red; submediary
colours are green and similar colours if there be any.”
1 Vide illustrations XXVII b, c, d, e. In Historic Heraldry of Britain,
A. R. Wagner, we have the following instances of green used in arms :
Plate II 8, William the Marshall, Earl of Pemb., Party per pale or
and vert a lion rampant gules; Plate V 23, Roger Bigod, Earl of Norfolk
(d. 1306), Party per pale or and vert a lion rampant gules; Plate VIII 29,
Piers Gaveston, Earl of Cornwall (d. 1312), Vert six eagles or.
19
oes.” A’r lliw hwnn a elwir danganolic о achos na
ellir i wneuthur o’r ddau liw bennaf, nid amgen, gwynn
a du, ond o’r lliwie kanolic assur ac aur wedi’r gymysgu
i gyt. Ac am hynny i gorvydd i alw ef yn lliw
danganolic.
Am arwyddion mywn arfe. Gann ddarvod traethu
am liwie a gradde pob un, bellach mae traethu o’r
arwyddion a ddygir mewn arveu, ac o’r arwyddion
urddasach yw у rrai byw no’r rrai marw, ac o’r rrai
byw urddasach yw у rrai gwrw no’r rrai beinw. Ac
am hynny gweddus yw traethu o’r aniveiliaid gwryw,
ac yn gyntaf o’r llew.
Cans pennaf anivail anrresymol yw, ac urddasaf a
dewraf ymhob perigl: canys pan helier ef nid ymgudd
ac ni ffy i leoedd ynial kadarn, namyn eiste ar vaes
golau val i galler i welet, ac ymbaratoi i aros ac am-
ddiffyn ef ehun. A phan vriwer, ef a adnebydd yn
anrryvedd у kyntaf a gyffyrddo ac ef ymysc pawb, i
ladd, neu yntau a leddir. A phan vo yn marw, knoi
у ddaiar a wna, a gollwng dagrau o’i lygaid. A’r
anivail hwnn ysydd anivail tra charedic, canys ef a
edwyn ac a gar у neb a wnel Iles iddo. Cryfder у llew
sydd yn i ddwyvron, a’i glefyd yn i benn. Ac у mae
ef mor wressoc ас у bydd arnaw byth glevyd a elwir
kryd kwartan. A hynny drwy natur у mae ef yn i
oddef i ddofi i greulonder a’i lid. Pann gysgo, egoret
vydd i lygaid.1 Dyn nis lladd ac nis bwyty eithyr
6 E.
7	am liwie arfe a gradde pob un [ojnaddunt a’i rragor . . . E.
8	arwyddion ysydd weddus a pherthynol i dwyn mywn arfe E.
io benniw E.
13	urddasaf F, urddasach other MSS.
15	eistie E.
18	ydnabod yn anrryvedd a wna у kyntaf a gyhyrddo ac ef E, yn
anrryvedd E, gyvarffo A.
1 Leo dormiens apertos habet oculos (Neckam, De Natura, cxlviii).
20
And this colour is called submediary because it cannot
be produced from the two chief colours, but from the
mediary colours blue and gold mixed together, so that
it must be called submediary.
Charges borne in arms. Now that we have dealt
with the colours and their grades we must proceed to
discuss the charges borne in arms, and of these charges
those which are animate are of greater dignity than
those which are inanimate, and of the living charges
males are of greater dignity than females. Therefore
it is proper to begin with a treatment of male creatures,
and first of all the lion: for the lion is chief of brute
creatures and it is the most dignified and the bravest
in the face of all dangers. When it is hunted it does
not hide itself, nor does it flee to well-protected desert
places, but it sits in an open space so that it may be
seen, and there it prepares to await the enemy and
defend itself. When it is wounded it recognises
amazingly the one who has struck him first from
among the attackers, to slay him, or be itself slain.
When it dies it bites the earth and weeps. This
animal is very kindly, for it recognises and loves anyone
who treats it well.
The lion’s strength is in its breast and its weakness is
in its head. And it is so charged with heat that it
always suffers from a disease called the quartan ague.
And this disease it endures naturally in order to control
its cruelty and wrath. When it sleeps its eyes remain
open.1
20 gillwng E.
23	a’i glevyd E, yn i ddwyvron ac yn i benn A, F.
24	Ac у mae ef . . . lid E, от. A, F.
26	Pann gysgo у llew, a’i lygaid yn egored i kwsg E.
27	nis lladd E, ni ladd A, F.
21
rrac tra newyn, ac val i dywaid Arestotles, mae i esgyrn
ef kyn galetet ас у daw tan ohonunt о churir i gyt
megys o’r callestr, ac nid oes onid ychydic ver ynddunt.
Pan litio’r llew, kuro a’i benllinin у ddayar a wna, a
phan vwyha i lid i kur ac ef i gefn. Mewn mynydd-
oedd a lleoedd uchel i trie, ac oddyno, pann welo i brae,
i rrua yn uchel, a’r rruad hwnn a ofna pob anivail ac a
bair iddunt sevyll yn syth i aros gorchymyn ac ewyllys
eu brenin. A’r praidd a ddalio kywilyddus vydd
gantho i vwyta ehun, ac am hynny у bydd llawer о
aniveiliet ac a vo naturiol ganthunt ymborth ar gic yn
kalyn у llew dan obeithio o’i haelioni ef gael kyfran o’i
weddill. Pan ymlanwo ef unwaith yn dda у bydd heb
vwyt ddeuddydd neu dri, ас о gorvydd iddo ffo pan vo
Hawn, ef a gymell у bwyt i vynu o’i voly tua’i wddwf,
ac a’i tynn allann a’i ewinedd megis у bo ysgyvnach i
ffo neu i ymladd. Y llew ysydd anivel hir hoedloc, a
phan gychwynno, i droet deheu a symut yn gyntaf val
i gwna у kamel, a phan vo ef yn kerddet mewn lie garw
karegoc, ef a dynn i ewinedd о vewn i draet rrac i
briwo neu i pylu, canys o’r rrai hynny yr ymarfer ef
megys gwr o’i gleddyf. I’r llew у mae anadl brwnt,
a’i vrath ef sydd varwol a gwenwynic, yn enwedic pann
vo mewn kynddaredd.
Dwyn llew mewn arveu a arwyddokaa dewrder,
creulonedd a chedernyd a boneddigeiddrwydd a hael-
ioni; a hynny о naturiaethe a chyneddfau da у llew.
5 a phan vwyha . . . gefn E.
7 у lief honno A, F, у rruad hwnn E.
12	kanllyn E.
12	kyfran o’i hymborth ar i weddill E.
14	dau ddydd A.
14	gorvydd arno ffo E.
15	ymgymell E. tua’i voche E.
17	neu i redeg E, neu i ymladd A.
22
The lion does not kill man nor eat him unless hard
pressed by hunger, and as Aristotle says, its bones are
so hard that if they are struck together fire issues as
from flint, and there is but little marrow in them.
When the lion is enraged it strikes the ground with its
tail, and when its anger increases it strikes its back
with its tail. Its home is in mountains and high
places, whence when it sees its prey it roars mightily;
and all animals fear that roar which causes them to
stand still and await the bidding and will of their king.
And the prey which it takes it is ashamed to eat alone
without sharing it. Thus many beasts which are by
nature carnivorous follow the lion in the hope of
partaking of its bounty the food which remains over
for them. When once the lion has fed well it remains
without food for two or three days; and if it is com-
pelled to flee immediately after feeding well it disgorges
the food from its belly to its throat, and then it pulls out
the food with its talons in order to be lighter for
running or fighting.
The lion is a long-lived creature, and when it walks it
moves first its right foot just as the camel does; and
when it walks over rough stony places, it withdraws
its talons into its feet to avoid breaking or blunting
them: for the lion uses its talons as a man does his
sword. Its breath is objectionable, and its bite is
venomous and deadly, especially when it is rabid.
To bear a lion in arms signifies bravery, ferocity,
might, gentility and liberality, and these are derived
from the good natures and qualities of the lion.
21	yr ymarfer ef mywn rraid D, gleddef F.
22	anadl brwd E.
26	creulonder A.
27	a haelioni E, от, other MSS., a chyneddfau E.
23
Eisioes o’r kyneddfau uchod mae rrai yn dda a rrai
yn ddrwc, ac am hynny mewn dosbarth a disgread
arve rraid yw ymoglud yn gall beth a ddyweter am у
llew.
Dowetter bellach am y llewpart. Llewpart sydd
anivel creulon ac a gair mewn gordderchiad rrwng
anivel a elwir pardus a’r llewes val у dywaid Ysidorus.1
Anivel chwannoc i waet yw, a lliw brith arno megys i
dad. Eithyr pa vodd yr adweinir у llewpart i wrth у
llew? Mae Bartholus2 yn dywedut pa le bynnac у peint-
ier у llewpart brith vydd a’i ddwyvron yn llwm, a’r llew
a vydd a’i ddwyvron yn vlewoc. A rrai a ddywaid i
gwedda peintio’r llew ac wyneb kyflawn iddo,3 a’r llew-
part a banner wyneb. A phe gwir у rreol honno ni ellit
peintio llew yn ddywal ac yn greulon, a hynny ysydd
yn erbyn у gyfraith, canys у gyfraith a vynn beintio
pob anivel yn у modd creulonaf a gwylltaf ac aruthraf.
Dwyn llewpart mewn arve yw arwydd bot у
dygiawdr neu’r kymerwr kyntaf wedi’r gael mewn
gordderchiat о wraic gwr arall, ac ef a ellid dywedud
i gweddai i’r abadau mawr ddwyn llewpardiaid a
mulod yn i harve; canys yr aniveilieid hynn, a rrai eraill
ar a gair rrwng aniveiliet о amravel natur a rrywiogaeth,
sydd uddynt offer i gydio ac nid oes na gweithred nac
arver. Velly mae i’r abadau goronau a baglau ac
offer esgobawl eraill, ac er hynny nid yw’r weithret
na’r arver.
2	a disgread E only.
3	mogelud E.
5	Dowetter . . . llewpart E.
1 Isidore, Etym.^ XII, ii.
a Bartholomeus in all MSS.
’The same beast is in one position (rampant) a Lion, and in another
(passant guardant) a Leopard. This, no doubt, is merely for convenience.
Wagner, Historic Heraldry of Britain, p. 18.
24
Nevertheless, of the qualities already referred to, some
are good and some are bad, and therefore, when classify-
ing arms, care must be exercised with regard to what is
said about the lion.
The leopard. The leopard is a savage animal, and
it is begotten adulterously of an animal called the pard
and the lioness, as Isidore1 says. It is a bloodthirsty
animal and it is speckled like its father. But how is the
leopard distinguished from the lion? Bartholus2 says
that wherever the leopard is portrayed it is spotted*
and its breast shows no hair; but the lion is portrayed
with shaggy breast. Some also maintain that it is
proper to paint the lion with full face,3 and the leopard
side-faced. If this rule were correct it would be
impossible to paint the lion fierce and cruel, and that
is contrary to law, for the law maintains that every
creature should be painted in its most cruel, fierce, and
terrible manner.
A leopard borne in arms signifies that the first to
bear it or assume it was born out of wedlock, and was
the son of another man’s wife. And it can be main-
tained that great abbots might well bear leopards and
mules in their arms, for these animals, and those which
are begotten of beasts of unlike natures and species,
have genital organs without the power to use them.
Similarly abbots have their crowns and pastoral staffs
and episcopal gear; but they have not the right to use
or exercise them.
15 ac yn greulon E.
yn erbyn у gyfraith lie ddys yn erchi peintio . . . E.
17 pob F ; ac aruthraf E.
21 llewpardiaid a mulod E, Uewpart F.
23 a gaffer rrwng E.
22, 27 arver E, other MSS. arveu.
26 esgobaidd E.
Pardus. Pardus sydd anivel tra buan a mannau
gwynnion arno megis pantera. Chwannoc yw i waet
ac ar un naid i bydd varw. Nid oes amravel mewn
lliw rryngtho a’r pantera namyn gwynnach yw mannau
у pantera nor eiddo ef, a chwanogach yw no dim i
vwyta tom dynion: ac am hynny у bydd helwyr yn
crogi tom dynion ymric prenne val pan dringo ef i’r
pren у gallont i ladd. Yr anivel hwnn yn erbyn natur
a rrywiogaeth a gydia a’r llewes, a rryngthunt i kair у
llewpart, mal i dywedpwyd o’r blaen.
Dwyn pardus neu bantera mewn arveu yw arwydd
vod у dygiawdr kyntaf о rywiogaeth gaeth, ac am
hynny у dywedir, “Er pelled i dycker yr aval i wrth у
berllan ef a vynaic у bias a’r golwc ar ba rywiogaeth
brenn i tyvo[dd].”
Am y karw bellach. Arestotles1 yn i wythved
lyfr a wnaeth о natur aniveilied a ddywaid mae’r karw
ysydd anivel gwych. Carw sydd anivail heb ddim
o’r bystyl ynddo, ac ymysc yr holl aniveiliet gwylldion
doethaf yw: cans ef a bair o’i ddoethineb a’i vwriat i’r
ewic vwrw i helain [neu i lo] mewn lie kadarn diar-
ffordd lie ni bo tramwy dynion. Wedi hynny ef a’i
dwc hwynt i le ni bo ond un ffordd i ddyvot i mewn,
canys yno i gallant ymgadw rrac pob anivail ar a geisio
ddyvod atynt. Hevyt osgle i gyrn a vynaic i oedran :
canys pob blwyddyn у tyf un osgl iddo, hyd pan vo
4	namyn bod yn wynnach mannau у pantera D.
7	i vrig pren E ; gallant A, D, gallont E, F.
io mal... o’r blaen A, от. F ; a rryngthun у kair у llewpart, ac o’r ddau
hyn i mae yn dwyn i henw E.
13	i wrth у berllan E, от. A, F.
15	tyvo F, tyvodd A.
16	E.
1 Aristotle, Hist. Animal. IX, 5, 61 ia ; VI, 29, 578Ч
26
The Pard. The pard is a very swift animal and it
has white spots like the panther. It is blood-thirsty
and it ends its life in a jump. There is no difference
between the pard and the panther in colour except that
the panther’s spots are whiter. It is pre-eminently
fond of eating man’s excreta, and for that reason
hunters hang the excreta in branches of trees so that
they can kill the pard when it climbs the tree. This
creature, contrary to nature, unites with the lioness
and from them is begotten the leopard (and from these
two it derives its name), as has already been said.
A pard or panther borne in arms signifies that the
first to assume it was not free born, and thus it is said,
“However far the apple is taken from the orchard, its
taste and its appearance will indicate the kind of tree
on which it grew.”
Now concerning the stag. Aristotle1 says in his
eighth book which he wrote about the nature of
animals that the stag is a handsome creature. It is an
animal free from choler, and of all wild animals it is
the wisest; for in its wisdom it causes its hind to give
birth to its young in a protected place away from the
traffic of men. Then it leads them back to a place
which has but one entrance, for there they can keep
away from every animal that may seek to come near
them. The branches of its antlers declare its age, for
every year one new branch grows until it is advanced
19 mae kymhennaf ynifail yw’r karw ymysg yr holl ynifeiliaid gwylldion,
ac nid oes dim bustl ynddo E.
22 lie ni bo Cf. the Latin version. Read lie bo ? nei i lo E, от.
A, D, F.
24 ar a geisio . . . atynt D.
26 hyd pan . . oedran E.
27
ymhell mywn oedran,1 a phob gwanwyn у syrth i gyrn,
ac yna i bydd ef wedi’r ddiarvu, ac yno o’i synnwyr a’i
ddoethineb ni chwennych ef ymladd a neb hyt pan
dyvo i gyrn a dyvot arve newydd iddo.2
Dwyn karw mewn arve yw arwydd vod у dygiawdr
neu’r kymerwr kyntaf yn dlawt yn i ieuengtid a thyvu
golud iddo, a hevyt i vod yn ddoeth mewn rryvel, ac
nid megis anghall cyrchu i elynion heb arve a digon
о gedernyt.
Am vaedd bellach. Baedd, megis i dywaid
Bartholomeus3 ac Ysidorus, sydd anivail tra chreulon,
kenvigennus, ac am hynny lie peintier kenvigen, ef
a beintir gwr ar gevyn baedd yn i ladd ehun. Ac у
mae ef kyn greulonet megis yr ysgeulusa i vywyt ac i
kyrch ef yr heliwr a’r hychwaiw, ac i lladd neu yntau
a leddir.
Dwyn baedd mewn arve a arwyddoka rryvelwr kryf,
dichellgar, kenvigennus, yr hwnn ysydd well gantho
varw no chadw i vywyd drwy ffo.
Weithian am ddwyn march. Dwyn march mewn
arve a arweddoka gwr ewyllysgar, parot i ymladd am
achos vechan: cans gan ychydig о sain klariwn у kyffry
march i vatelu. Hevyt ef a arweddokaa gwr lluniaidd,
ac arno ef bedwar peth a berthyn i varch, nid amgen,
Hun, tegwch, campe, lliw.
3	a neb E.
6	a thyvu golud iddaw о vlwyddyn bwy gilydd D, E.
1 Neckam, op. cit., p. 217. Pro aetate ramos augent: id incrementum in
sexennes perseverat.
’Aristotle, Hist. Animal. IX, 5, 61 ia, 25.
3 Bartholomeus Anglicus (fl. 1230-50), Professor of Theology in Paris.
Later went to Saxony. Author of De Proprietatibus Rerum. Chapters
xvin-xxii give a full description of animals and birds. De leone (xvin, 13),
de leena (14), de leopardo (15), de mulo (20), de pantbera (30), de pardo (31),
de urso (60).
28
in years:1 and every Spring the horns fall. Then it is
disarmed and in its wisdom it does not seek to fight
with anyone until its horns have grown and it has new
weapons.2
A stag borne in arms signifies that the bearer or the
one who first assumed it was poor in his youth, and
that his wealth accumulated for him. It signifies, too,
that he was wise in war, and that he did not, like a
foolish person, attack his enemies without arms and
sufficient might.
Now concerning the boar. A boar, as Bartholo-
meus3 and Isidore declare, is a very savage and envious
creature. Thus where envy is portrayed a man is
pictured riding on a boar’s back and slaying himself.
The boar is so savage that it does not value its own life,
and it rushes against the hunter and the hogspear, and
kills him or else itself is killed.
To bear a boar in arms signifies a valiant, wily and
envious warrior who prefers to die than to save his life
by flight.
Now CONCERNING THE HORSE IN ARMS. A horse
borne in arms signifies a man who is willing and pre-
pared to fight with little cause; for at the faint sound
of the clarion is the horse provoked to battle. It also
signifies a well-formed man, who has four attributes
which are found in the horse, namely, form, beauty,
prowess, and colour.
7	yn ddoeth ac yn gall mewn Ryvel D, £ ; megis dyn anghall E, megis
anall F.
9 gedernyt gantho E.
io E.
14 ysgeilussa i vwyt F, ysgeulussa i hoedl D, ysgeilussa i vowyd E.
15 yn erbyn у rrychwaiw E.
20 E.
22 klariwn nei drwmpete E.
29
Llun da yw bot iddo gorff grymus, uchel, ac ystlyse
hirion, ffolenneu krynion, dwyfron lydan wastad, a
ffroene egored. Tegwch yw bod iddo benn bychan,
a’r kroen yn glynu wrth у pen a’r esgyrn, klustieu
byrion blaenllymion, llygaid mawr, blew tew, a Rawn
byrr. Campeu, i vod yn galonnoc ac yn vuan, ac
aelode crynedic, a hynny sydd arwydd kryfder a grym
ynddo.1
Lliw ysydd yn wynn neu ddu, coch, glas, dwnn neu
geiniogoc, ac velly о liwieu eraill. Lliw da yw dwnn
a harddwch mawr i’r march, ac velly у neb a ddycko
yr arwydd hwn a berthyn iddo vod a’r un natur mewn
peth dyniol.
Am arth weithian i мае traethu. Arth sydd
aniveil llidioc, annioddevus, ac a vynn ymddiala a
phawb a gyhyrddo a hi; a phann ddycko ddietkyrch
i geisio ymddiala, ac arall a gyhwrdd a hi, gado a wna
у kyntaf a chyrchu’r ail a’r trydydd a’r pedwerydd.
Kryfdwr yr arth sydd vwyaf yn i breichieu,2 a pheth
bynnac a gaffo ynddunt hi a’i deily yn ffest. Pan vo
newyn ar yr arth hi a gais ddwyn у mel o’r kychod, ac i
lestair hynny у krogir gordd vawr у rryngthi a’r kwch,
a hithe a’i ffalf a gais yrru yr ordd i wrthi, a ffb ffesta
i gyrro yr ordd i wrthi, ffesta i daw tu ac atti, ac velly
yr ymgur vwyvwy о lid a’r ordd, hyt pan benveddwo
i	Llun da yw D, llun yw E, от. F.
2	ffolenneu krynion D, E.
3	Tegwch yw . iddo D, E ; a’r kroen . esgyrn E.
5	mwng tew E.
7	alodeu A.
1 When Welsh poets requested gifts of horses from their patrons, they
frequently mentioned these good qualities in just the manner adopted here.
2 Isid., Etym., XII, 2, 22. Ursorum caput invalidum, vis maxima in
brachiis et lumbis.
30
PLATE VII
PLATE VIII
By good form is meant that the horse has a strong
body, that it stands high, has long flanks, round
buttocks, a broad flat chest, and open nostrils.
By beauty is implied that it has a small head, that its
skin clings to the head and bones, its ears are short and
tapering, its eyes large, its hair thick and tail short.
By prowess is implied that it is daring and swift, that
it has quivering limbs: for this is a sign of strength in
the horse.1
Colour may be white or black, reddish grey, dun
colour or dappled, and so of other colours. Dun
colour is good and it adds beauty to a horse.
Thus whoever bears this charge should have a
corresponding nature in terms of human qualities.
Of the bear we shall now treat. The bear is an
irate, intolerant animal, which will seek to be avenged
upon all who touch it, and when it sets out to wreak
vengeance, if someone else touches it, it leaves the
first and pursues the second, and the third and the
fourth. The bear’s strength lies chiefly in its arms,
and whatever is found in its arms it clasps tightly.
When the bear is hungry it tries to steal honey from
hives, and to prevent this a mallet is hung between the
bear and the hive. The bear then tries to push away
the mallet with its paw, and the more quickly it drives
away the mallet, the more quickly does it return; and
thus the bear struggles more and more in anger with 8
8 a grym ynddo E.
14 E.
16 MS. В ends herewith the word gado, ddyhydkyrch E. Real
ddielkyrch ?
19 kryfder E, F.
20 yn ffest a vo ynddynt A, yn gadarn ac yn greulon E.
22 cordd F, gordd vawr drom E.
31
hi о vynych ddyrnodie ar i ffenn a syrthio i’r Ilawr ar
bethe llymion gosodedic yno о waith dioddef, a’i lladd
i hun o’i ffolineb. A hynny a ddywaid Arestotles,
Plinius, a Bartholomeus.
Dwyn arth mewn arve a arweddoka Ryvelwr kryf
anoeth, ac velly drwy anian a naturiaeth yr aniveiliaid
у gellir adnabot arverau у dygiawdrion.
Am* gi weithian i traethwn. Dwyn ki mewn
arveu a arwyddoka gwr kywir, yr hwnn ni edy i
arglwydd nac er byw nac er marw, onid ymroi ehun
yw varwolaeth dros i arglwydd a’i veistr: a hynn a
dystiolaetha Bartholomeus, De Proprietatibus Rerum \
ac velly mynych i damwynia am aniveilieid eraill vod
у dygiawdr o’r un arvereu a’r anivail yr hwnn у mae
yn i ddwyn. Cans pann ovynno gwr arve neu rryw
arwyddion Raid yw dyall i arvereu, ac wrth hynny i
gellir nodi arve iddo, val i tystia kyfraith sivyl yn у
llyfr a elwir Digestus.
[Am Adar.]
Gwedy darvot traethu o’r aniveilied, bellach ni a
soniwn am adar, a megys у dywaid gwyr naturiol
doethion, nid yw у rrai sydd yn dwyn adar mor ddi-
anwadal ac mor ddwys ac ynt у rrai sydd yn dwyn
aniveiliet pedwar troedioc.
Ac yn gyntaf ni a draethwn am ddraig. Dwyn
draic mewn arve arweddoka gwr mawr cadarn, kreulon,
chwannoc i ryvelu, canys у ddraic sydd mor sychedic
2	o waith dioddef E, o’r dioddef A, F.
4	Ularth A, F, Bartholomeus E.
6	kryf, kadarn, anoeth E.
6	anian a naturiaeth E, anian A, F.
7	dygodrion E.
8	E.
io arglwydd F, arglwydd a’i veistr E.
32
the mallet, until, dizzy by the many blows on its head,
it falls down on the sharp stakes placed there purposely,
and thus destroys itself by its own folly.
And this is said by Aristotle, Pliny, and Bartholo-
meus.
A bear borne in arms signifies a strong, unwise
warrior, and thus by the nature of the animals can the
habits of those who bear them be recognised.
We shall now speak of the dog. A dog borne in
arms represents a loyal man who will not desert his lord
and master in life or death, but will willingly die for his
master. This is testified by Bartholomeus, De Pro-
prietatibus Rerum; and thus it often happens in the case
of other animals that the bearer has the same habits as
the animal which he bears, because whenever a man
makes petition for arms or some device, it is necessary
to know about the man’s habits, and thus can arms be
suggested for him, as the Civil Law testifies in the book
called Digest.
[Concerning Birds.]
Now that we have discussed the animals we shall
speak of birds, and as wise naturalists maintain, those
who adopt birds as their charges are not as steadfast
and grave as those who assume four-footed creatures.
First of all we shall speak of the dragon. A
dragon borne in arms signifies a strong, mighty and
fierce man, eager for battle: for the dragon is so thirsty
11 arglwyddi nei veistri E.
17 ac hynny у mae kyfraith ssivil yn kytunaw D.
20 Darvod traethu A, Gan draethu am ynifeiliaid ni a draethwn weithian
am ad ar. Megis i dowaid gwyr о ddysg a gwyr a wyr naturiaethau, nid
ynt у rrai ysydd yn dwyn adar E.
2$ E.
26 kreulon E ; i ryvelu ac i ymdrechu E.
33
val у mae braidd i’r dwr i dorri i syched, ac am hynny
у deily i savyn yn egoret i geisio diffoddi’r gwres a’r
syched.
WeITHIAN I TRAETHWN AM YR ERYR. Eryr ysydd
megis brenhines ymysc adar eraill, ac edn haelaf o’r byt
yw: canys у praidd a ddalio nis bwyty ehun oni bydd
dirvawr newyn a’i paro: ond pan ddarffo iddi gymryd
i chyfran, i vwrw ymysc yr adar a vwynt yn i chalyn
a wna, ac oni bydd digon yr edn a ddalio, yna, megis
brenhines yn byw ar gyffredin, hi a ddeily yr ederyn
nessaf atti ac a’i Rydd ymysc yr adar, ac o’r achos hwnn
у bydd adar a vwynt yn ymborth ar gic yn calyn yr eryr
i geisio Rann o’i gweddill. Solinus a ddywaid mai
о vraidd у preiddia у serffawkyn, hebogiaid, gweilch,
lanered1 a’r vath adar hynny rrac ofn, у dydd у clywont
yr eryr.
I’r eryr у mae un troed kyvan val gwydd, megis i
gallo nofio pann ddamwynio iddi ddisgin mewn dwfr
yn ol у praidd, a’r Hall sydd egored val troed gwalch,
ac ewinedd tra llymion.2 Arestotles3 a ddywaid nad
oes ederyn gryvach noc eryr, nac a ehetta yn gyviwch
a hi: ac er uched vo hi, hi a wyl у pyscod bychain yn у
mor ac a’i hadnebydd.
Y dydd у ganed Alexander Mawr у bu ddwy eryr
yn eiste ar benn ty Phylib i dad, a hynny oedd yn
2	diffodi i gwres a’i syched E.
4E-
5	Yr eryr ysydd megis brenin ymysg yr adar neu vrenhines, a haelaf
adeiniog o’r byd iw yr eryr E.
7	MS. F ends here with the word newyn. 7be basis of the text hence-
forward will be MS. A.
1 Lanered=lanners (falco lanarius). Gentill favicons, laneres, sagrcs,
spe'bawkes. Maundey, xxviii. In falconry the lanner was the female of
the species and the lanneret the male. Vide N.E.D. sub Lanner.
2 Cf. Alex. Neckam, De Laudibus Divinae Sapientiae, 683-90.
3 Hist. Animal. XII.
34
that scarcely can water quench its thirst. Thus it
always has its mouth open to overcome the heat and
the thirst.
Now we shall treat of the eagle. The eagle is
like a queen among birds, and of all birds it is the most
generous: for it will not eat alone the prey that it takes
unless extreme hunger causes it to do so. When it
has taken its own share it throws the remainder among
the birds that follow it, and if the first bird caught is
insufficient, then, like a queen living at the expense of
the public, it lays hold of the bird nearest to it and gives
it to be shared among them. For this reason birds
that live on flesh follow the eagle in order to get a share
of what is left behind. Solinus says that hawk,
falcons, goshawks, lanners,1 and the like hardly ever
hunt on the day when they hear the eagle, and this is
because of fear.
The eagle has one webbed foot like a goose, which
enables it to swim when it chances to descend on the
water in pursuit of its prey: its other foot is open like a
hawk’s foot and it has very sharp talons.2
Artistole3 says that there is no stronger bird than the
eagle, nor a bird that can fly as high, and that at what-
ever height it may be, it sees the small fishes in the sea
and recognises them.
On the day when Alexander the Great was born two
eagles settled on the roof of his father Philip’s house.
8	bwrw ymysg yr adar eraill у gweddill a wna E.
13	geisio o’i hymborth ar i gweddill hi E.
14	pan yw 0 vraidd у preiddia D, E.
15	lanered E ; a’r vath hynny 0 adar E.
18	megis i wydd mal i gallo nofio E.
19	val troed gwalch E, от. A ; llymion iddo E.
23 yn nyfnder у mor E.
25 i dad dybiol ef E.
35
arwyddockau gwr о ddauddyblic ymerodraeth, nid
amgen Ewropa ac Asia. Ac [am] у naturiaetheu
hynn у mae gweddus i’r amerodr ddwyn eryr yn i
arveu: cans ef ysydd yn dwyn eryr du wedi hollti a’i
ledu1 mewn maes aur. Ac о gofynnir paham i mae
yn dwyn maes о aur, a’r lliw hwn heb vod yn un o’r
lliwieu pennaf, gann vod brenhinoedd a thowyssogion
yn i wyssanaethu ef a’r gyfraith yn dywedut, ° Val Duw
yn у Nef, velly yr emherodr ar у ddayar,” ef a ellir
atteb mae yr aur sydd vettel uvyddaf a hynawsaf, ac
am na wedda i’r emherodr vod yn greulon ar bob peth,
onid bod yn hynaws ac yn drugaroc mewn rryw betheu.
Am hynny у kymyrth yn dempraidd liw euraid. Pam
i mae yn dwyn eryr wedi’r hollti a’i ledu ? Am na
wedda i’r amerodr vod yn pwysso gyd a’r naill blaid
mwy no’r Hall, onid edrych ar uniownder у gyfraith
ar arveu. A pham i mae yn dwyn yr eryr du ? Achos
у lliw hwnnw ar eryr sydd arwydd creulonder, a’r
emherodr a wedda iddo vod yn greulon yn erbyn i
elynion. A dwyn yr eryr у mae ymlaen adar ac aniveil-
iaid eraill oblegid у kyneddveu a ddywetpwyd uchod.
Am heboc weithian. Dwyn heboc mewn arveu
arwydd yw bod у dygiawdr kyntaf yn wr main, eiddil,
kalonnoc, ac yn arvocach i galonn пос о gorff a chryf-
dwr: cans yr edn hwnn sydd wedi arvogi yn vwy о
5 Ac о gofynnir aur E.
7 brenhinoedd . . . wyssanaethu ef a’r E. MS. A is corrupt.
12 mewn rryw betheu E ; Am hynny у kymerth liw euraid i demprio
ac i ostwng i greulonder E.
16 uniownder у dafl a’r gyfraith E.
2i uchod. Ac na vid Ryfedd neb vy mod i yn galw yr eryr yn edn
beniw, kans о bob edn bonheddig mwyaf a chryfaf ac urddassaf iw edn
beniw E.
i Spread eagle. Simwnt Vychan (MS. D) attributed to Alexander as
arms, gules, lion rampant argent, bolding in dexter paw a golden beaded axe.
He assigns the eagle in a field of gold to Julius Caesar (D, p. 117).
36
This signified the birth of a man of two empires,
namely, Europe and Asia. And because of these
qualities it behoves the Emperor to bear an eagle in his
arms; for he actually bears a black eagle displayed1 in a
field of gold. And if it is asked why he bears a field of
gold, this not being one of the chief colours—for
kings and princes serve him, and the law says, “As
God in heaven, so the Emperor on earth”—the reply
can be given that gold ifr the most pliant and tractable
of metals, and that it does not become the Emperor
to be cruel in everything, but that in some cases he
should be open to persuasion and should be merciful.
Thus he adopts temperately the golden colour. And
why does he bear an eagle displayed? Because the
Emperor should not lean towards one part more than
another, but should see to justice of law and (? in) arms.
And why does he bear a black eagle? Because this
colour in the eagle is a sign of cruelty, and the Emperor
should be ruthless against his enemies. And he bears
an eagle in preference to other birds and animals
because of the qualities mentioned above.
(And let no-one be surprised that I call the eagle a
female bird, for of all noble birds the greatest and the
strongest and the most honourable is the female.)
Now concerning the hawk. A hawk borne in
arms signifies that the first to assume it was a slender,
weak and daring man, better armed with courage than
with bodily strength: for this bird is armed rather with
courage than might and talons, and what it lacks in
strength is made up in skill, cunning, and courage.
22 E.
24 kalonnoc E, от. A, F.
24 А, пос о gorff a nerth D, nog о gorff a chryfder E.
37
galonn пос о nerth ас ewinedd, a’r hynn a dducpwyt
i arni o’i chryfdwr ydd ys yn i gwerthyddio iddi mewn
campeu, kyfrwyster, a chalondit. A hynn a ddywaid
Ysidorus, Plinius, ac Arestotles. Hevyd Alexander,
De Naturis Rerum, a ddywaid у deil yr heboc edn pann
vo nosswaith oer у gaiaf, ac a’i kynnail dann i thraed
hyd trannoeth y’w chadw rrac annwyd, ac yna hi a’i
gollwng ymaith yn rrydd, ac er kyvarvod o’r ederyn
hwnnw a hi yn vynych у dydd hwnnw, ni wna ddim
drwc iddo, о achos yr achles a’r esmwythdra a gavas
o’i wrtho:1 a thrwy у nattur voneddigaidd honn у mae
yr heboc yn gorvod yr arglwyddi a’r gwyr beilch, val
у dywaid Alexander.2
Am dylluan weithian. Tylluan ysydd ederyn
mewydus a llwyth mawr о blu arni, a’r dydd у trie
mewn gogoveu a chaubrennau a lleoedd tywyll, a’r nos
yn ehedec, a phob edn ysydd ddigasoc iddi, a mynychu
a wna liw nos vyned i’r temlau a’r eglwyssi i ymlenwi
ar yr oel o’r lampeu. Hely llygod ac ystlumod a wna,
ac am hynny dwyn tylluan mewn arveu a arwyddocka
gwr mewydus, llwfwr mewn rryfel, ac yn byw ar
gribddeil a lledrad yn vwy noc ar wrsib.
i nerth ac ewinedd E, о ewinedd A.
6	kynnail yn vuw E.
io yr esmwythtra A, yr achles a’r esmwythder E.
12	у mae gwyr mawr yn dwyn heboc yn i harfau E.
14	E.
16	gogovau a chaubrennau С, gogofau a thowyllwg a chaubrennau a
lleoedd dirgel, a’r nos i hetta E, gogoveu a lleoedd tywyll A.
1 Inter varias accipitris proprietates unam praecipue admiror, quam
scripto commendare mihi minime molestum erit. In brumali igitur tempore,
dum gelu cuncta constringi videntur, sibi volens accipiter prospicere,
perdicem vel anatem aut avem quam sors votis ejus obtemperans obtulerit,
tota nocte pedibus armatis unguibus tenet inclusam, ut sic frigoris evadat
incommoditatem. Postquam vero dies sequens beneficio solis ascendentis
incaluerit, avem officio suo functam avolare permittit, quasi reddens earn
libertati pro timore servitii nocturni. Earn vero persequi non dignatur
38
This is maintained by Isidore, Pliny, and Aristotle.
Alexander, too, in his De Naturis Reruns states that on
a cold night in winter the hawk seizes a bird and keeps
it under its feet until the next day to save being cold;
and then it sets it free. And if during the next day it
should meet that bird several times it would not cause
it any harm because of the help and comfort derived
from it, and because of that noble nature the hawk
is superior to the lords and proud men, as Alexander
says.
Further concerning the owl. The owl is a lazy
bird and heavily covered with plumage. It lives in
caves and hollows and dark places during the daytime,
and at night it flies abroad. Every bird hates the owl,
and at night time it frequents temples and churches
to feed on the oil from the lamps. It hunts and eats
mice and bats, and for these reasons the owl borne in
arms signifies a lazy man, cowardly in battle, who
lives on plunder and rapine rather than on service.
18	liw nos i’r temlau a’r eglwyssi E, liw nos vyned i’r eglwyssi A, temlan
a’r eglwyssau С.
19	a wna a’i bwytta E.
21 llwrwf A, llwrf С, llwfwr E ; yn byw drwy dras a lledrad a chrib-
ddail E.
22 yn vwy noc ar wrsib A.
memor nobilitatis propriae, etsi etiam ipsi occurrat meticulosa praedae sen
venationi suae indulgenti. Hine etiam addiscere possumus quantum
iis quibus beneficia conferre cepimus, in urgentis articulo necessitatis vel
parcere debemus. De Naturis Rerum, XXV (Rolls Series), pp. 76, 77.
2 Accipitris praeda ditatur mensa potentum,
Hujus prae cunctis laudibus una placet.
Frigoris insidias brumali tempore vitans,
Unam consequitur providus hostis avem.
Nocte tenet gelida captam, quae luce sequenti
Permissam gaudens gaudet inire fugam.
Invigilat praedae praedo, Venator at illam
Saepius occurrat, gratus abire sinit.
Officii memor est nocturni nobilis ales,
Нас vincit claros nobilitate viros.
De Laudibus (Rolls Series), pp. 379, 380.
39
Am golomen bellach. Colomen ysydd edn hyn-
aws divalais,1 ac a gar gydymddeithas dynion a lie
bythont yn tramwy. Drygkovus ac ofnoc yw, cans
anvynych у bydd diogel genthi i lie ond tra vo yn i
thwll.
Dwyn clomenn mewn arveu a arwyddocka gwr
diddrwc hynaws,a bod yn vwy i ymddiried yn i gyd-
ymddeithion noc yn i gryfdwr ehun. A Ryw arveu
a hynn a wedda i Herod or a adawai i gelvyddyt ac a
gymerai arveu iddo ac y’w etiveddion: cans leronimews
yn i bedwerydd llyfr a ddywaid i dysgir clomenn yn yr
Aifft a Siria i ddwyn llythyr o’r naill wlad i’r Hall, a
hynn у mae Bartholomeus, De Proprietatibus Reruns
yn kydsynio.2
Am gogvran weithian. Dwyn cogvran neu vran
arall mewn arveu a arwyddocka siaradwr twyllodrus,
drwc wrth i gydymddeithion, ac a chwenychei ym-
ddyrchavel yn rry uchel: cans yr edn hwnn ysydd dra
siaradus a drwc wrth у llavurwyr. A hevyd kyd bai
pettrus genthi gyhwrdd a’r eryr, etto hi a’i dilid dann
ehedec a chrio, hyt pann ddickio yr eryr wedi dioddef
yn hir, a throi atti a’i lladd neu i briwo.
Am alarch a’i naturiaeth. Dwyn alarch mewn
arveu, val i dywait gwyr dysgedic, yw arwydd bod у
kymerwr kyntaf yn gantor da: cans yn Lladin tebic
yw’r ddau henw. Er hynny mae llawer yn dwyn
i E.
2 div al is E.
6 Am hynny dwyn colomen E.
8 yn i nerth a’i gryfder E ; enbassiter ac i herod of armes E.
io Sieriom E.
15 E.
16 tafodrudd, siaradus, hwedleugar mawr, twyllodrus drwg E.
1 Felle carere dicitur. Neckam, chap. lvi.
2 De Prop. Rerumb XII, vii.
40
Further concerning the dove. The dove is a
gentle bird, free from guile,1 and it loves the compan-
ionship of men and the places which they frequent.
It is also forgetful and timorous, for it seldom feels
safe anywhere except in its own hole.
A dove borne in arms implies a harmless kindly
man, and it implies that the man has more confidence
in his companions than in his own might. Arms such
as these are appropriate to a herald who would leave
his art and take up arms for himself and for his heirs:
for Jerome says in his fourth book, that doves are
taught in Egypt and in Syria to carry letters from one
country to another, and in this Bartholomeus concurs
in his De Proprietatibus Rerum?
Now concerning the jackdaw. The jackdaw or
another crow borne in arms signifies a deceitful babbler,
hurtful to his companions, who seeks to promote
himself overmuch: for this bird is very talkative and it
hates men and is harmful to the husbandmen. And
the jackdaw, although it fears to touch the eagle,
follows it, flying and shrieking, until, after enduring
this for a long time, the eagle becomes annoyed and
turns upon it and either slays or wounds it.
The swan and its nature. A swan borne in arms
as learned people maintain, signifies that the first to
assume the arms was a good singer, for in Latin the
two words are similar. Yet there are many who bear
19	siaradus a chas gantho ddynion a drwc wrth у llavurwyr a’r perchen
tai E.
20	etto oil hi a’i dilid E.
22	neu i briwo E.
23	E-
26 yw’r ddau henw, ас о honno i daw. Eiuoe* mae Uawer yn dwyn
. . . E.
41
alarchod ar nid ynt gantorion, a phann ovynner i’r
brenin herod paham i rroddes uddynt у kyfryw arwydd,
ef a ddywaid mae achos i bod yn wyr tec, gwynnion,
a gyddveu hirion uddynt, ас о hynny о achos i rroed
uddynt. Ac о govynner pa vodd i gall у rrai ni bo
voneddigion neu urddassol о enedigaeth gymryd arveu,
ef a ellir dywedut mae val у rroed henweu ar ddynion
i adnabod pawb i wrth i gilydd, yn yr un modd i rroed
arveu iddynt. Ac wrth hynny i dichon pob gwr
urddassol gymryd arwyddion arveu er na bont о
enedigaeth, ас о chyvyd drwy ddysc mewn urddas a
gwybodaeth a dewrder neu ynteu drwy radd,1—val у
dywaid Bartholus, mae pawb ar a ddarlleo ugain
mlynedd ysydd varchoc urddol,—wrth hynny i gwedda
nodi arveu iddo ac i bawb val i bo i gorvodiad mewn
urddas. Ac yn yr un lie у mae Bartholus yn govyn
gorchest, a all neb ddwyn arveu i gilydd, ac yn ateb
i hun nas gall, ac i gellir gwahardd у neb a’i gwnel nad
arfero ohonaw:2 cans pob notari a gymero arwydd
6 urddasson о henafiaid a ganedigaeth gymryd arfe, ef a ellir atteb yn
у modd hwn, mal i dowettpwyd uchod yn dechrau у llyfr hwn. Megis i
rroed enweu ar ddynion i ydnabod pawb i wrth i gilydd, yn yr un modd у
rroed yr arfe ; ac wrth hynny dichon pob gwr ar a vo gwedi tyddu mywn
urddas a chyfoeth a chymeriad gymryd arfe er na bo о enedigaeth E.
12 о radd E.
1 For a full treatment of this problem see Sir George Sitwell’s article,
“The English Gentleman,” in The Ancestor, April, 1902, pp. 79 et seq.:
“Heraldic bearings were originally invented for the purpose of distinguishing
one warrior from another in campaign or tournament: but in the early
days of Chivalry no one placed such ensigns upon his shield until he had
proved himself worthy of being ‘known by his arms’. . . Weapons of a
famous ancestor sometimes remained as heirlooms in his family for many
hundreds of years. It would thus appear that arms are, rightly considered,
not an ‘assertion of gentle birth,’ but rather a memorial of achievement,
that is to say, of service rendered in war, or of public office held in time of
peace. A man may be ennobled by his own virtues, or (conceivably) by a
desire to emulate those of his ancestors ; but a coat which commemorates
nothing, and has no historical associations attached to it, cannot justify
him in thinking himself better born than his neighbours.”
42
swans in their arms who are not singers. And when
the herald king of arms is asked why he has granted
such a charge to them, he replies that it was because
they were handsome men of good countenance and
long-necked, and for that reason they were granted
these arms. And if it be asked further how it is that
people who were not of gentle birth or of honourable
stock could bear arms, it may be replied that as names
were given to distinguish people so were arms granted
to them. And so every honourable man of rank can bear
arms, even if they were not inherited. And if he be
exalted in dignity by virtue of learning, knowledge, or
wisdom and bravery, or by graduation,1 for as Bartholus
says, any man who has studied for twenty years is
a dubbed knight—it is becoming that arms be
granted to him and to anyone as he has risen in rank.
And in the same place Bartholus asks a question.
Can anyone bear another’s arms? And he replies
himself that he cannot, and that anyone who does this
can be forbidden to do so:2 for any notary who uses
15	gorvodiad A, gyvodiad E.
16	Bartholomeus all MSS.
17	a ddichon neb E.
18	na ellir E.
• Vide Bartolus’ own testimony, p. 229. Also Heralds and Heraldry,
A. R. Wagner, p. 68. The Welsh text is misleading, and perhaps something
is omitted. To quote Mr. Wagner : “He (Bartolo) next asks whether a
man can be prevented from bearing arms which another bears. It seems,
he says, that he can so bear them, because one man may take another’s
name. Against this is the fact that what is ours cannot be taken from us
without our own act; but then this refers only to the possession of physical
objects, and two shields of the same arms are not one thing, but two similar
things. He suggests as a solution, first, that a man whose arms are assumed
by another can prevent or seek to prevent him, if he himself is injured
thereby : secondly, that a third party who is injured by such an assumption
can take similar action : and thirdly, that a judge who sees a possibility
of scandal arising therefrom can forbid it.”
43
notari arall sydd yn gwneuthur anghywirdeb, ac a
hynn у mae у gyfraith yn kydsynio.
Am geilioc weithian. Keilioc ysydd edn dewr
calonnoc, ac a ymladd yn gadarn yn erbyn i gas, a
phann gaffo у vuddugeiliaeth, canu a wna heb oludd.
Dwyn keilioc mewn arveu a arwyddocka vod у dyg-
iawdr kyntaf yn Ryvelwr da cadarn, ac oni bydd crib
iddo, arwydd yw ai colli ohonaw gyfran o’i arveu mewn
battel, ai i vod ef yn elding, cans arwydd capwld yw
keilioc heb grib.
Dwyn griffwnt mewn arfau. Dwyn griffwnt
mewn arveu yw arwydd gwr ymladdgar kadarn a dau
amravael nattur a chyneddf: canys у griffwnt yn i benn
a’i ewinedd ysydd edyn a thebic yw i eryr; a’r penn ol
iddo ysydd debic i lew, ac am hynny edrycher arvereu
pob un val i gilydd.
Weithian am verliaid. Dwyn merliwn mewn
arveu arwydd yw wneuthur у dygiawdr yn urddassol
drwy i wrolder a’i gryfdwr neu drwy i synnwyr, yr
hwnn nid oedd iddo vawr gyvoeth na bowyd, ond bod
yn byw ar i bwrkas megis peth ac eissieu growndwal:
cans merliwn a baentir mewn arveu heb draed megis
peth heb rowndwal, a’r rrai ysydd yn dwyn yr adar
hyn ysydd yn trigo mewn llyssoedd arglwyddi neu
vrenhinoedd, ac yn byw о ras i harglwyddi, ac eto
i	twyll ac anghywirdeb E.
2	ac a hyn у kytuna у gyfraith E.
4	edn cadarn boxachus E.
5	heb oludd D, yboludd E ; Dwyn keilioc a chrib ganddo E.
6	dygiawdr kyntaf D, dygiawdr other MSS.
io yw bod heb grib A, yw keilioc heb grib D, yw bod edn iar heb grib E.
12 mywn arfe arwydd yw bod у kymerwr nei’r dygiawdr kyntaf yn wr
mawr kadarn ymladdgar E.
13 natturiaeth.
13	. . griffwnt sydd edn o’i banner i vyny a thebyg iw i’r eryr, ac o’i
banner i waered tebyg iw i lew E.
44
the device of another notary is guilty of offence, and
in this the law agrees.
Further concerning the cockerel. The cock
is a brave, courageous bird, and it fights valiantly
against its enemy, and when it has gained the victory
it crows immediately. A cockerel borne in arms
signifies that the first to assume it was a good strong
warrior—and if the cockerel has no comb, it is implied
that the bearer has lost some part of his arms in battle,
or that he is a gelding, for a combless cockerel is the
sign of a capon.
A griffin in arms. A griffin borne in arms
signifies that the first to bear it was a strong, pugnacious
man in whom were found two distinct natures and
qualities: for the griffin is a bird in its head and talons
and resembles an eagle, and its hind part is like that of
a lion. Therefore let the habits of the one as much as
of the other be looked for in the griffin.
Now concerning martlets. Martlets borne in
arms signify that the bearer acquired nobility by his
bravery and prowess or by his intelligence, and that he
had but little wealth or means of subsistence at first,
but lived on his acquisitions like something that
lacked foundation: for the martlet is painted in arms
without feet, like something that is without founda-
tion. And those who bear these birds dwell in courts
of lords or kings, and they live on the bounty of their
15 edryched у dysgriwr yn gall naturiaethe yr eryr a’r llew, a rroed
gyfran о gynneddf a natur pob un ohonynt i’r dygiawdr E.
18 arveu ydiw arwydd i’r kymerwr nei dygiawdr kyntaf wneuthur yn
urddassol drwy wrydri a gwrolder a dyall a synnwyr E.
21 ffrondassiwn a growndwal arno yn у dechre E.
23 kans lie i peintir merlied, heb draed i peintir, megis peth heb rownd-
wal, a’r arwyddion hyny a berthynant i’r rrai a vont yn buw mywn llyssoedd
a thai arglwyddi a brenhinoedd E.
25 ar swyddi a gras i harglwyddi E.
45
urddassol ynt. Nid yn unig trwy gyvoeth a golud у
keffir urddas, onid drwy gampeu ac arvereu da arall:
a flump o’r adar hynn a dduc Saint Edwart vrenin,
у brenin diwaethaf o’r Saeson, yn ychwaneg yn i arveu
gidac arwyddion i hynaif, oblegid i ysbeilio ef о wyr
Denmark o’i dir. Ac am hynny i gelwid ef Edward
heb dir.
Bellach mae traethu am bysgod mewn arveu, ac yn
gyntaf o’r luws, sef yw hynny penhwyad wedi dyvu yn
anvedrol о vaint: ac ef a elwir blaidd у dwr. Dwyn
luws mewn arveu yw arwydd preiddiwr mawr,1 drwc
wrth у gweiniaid; cans nattur у pysc hwnn yw bwytta
pyscod a vo llai noc ef, a mynych yw bod у dygiawdr
o’r arwydd hwnn o’r un arvereu. Ef a ddichon gwr
gymryd iddo arveu o’i henw ehun, megis gwr a elwid
Lucius dwyn luws, neu о henw у wlad i ganed ef, megis
gwr о Eryri dwyn eryr, a gwr о Vochnant neu o’r Hob
dwyn llwdwn hwch, neu wr о Geri dwyn ffrwyth у
prenn hwnnw; ac er hynny vo ddichon у dygiawdr vod
heb gytuno a naturiaetheu у rrai hynny neu i harverion.
Am grank weithian. Dwyn krank mywn arveu
iw arwydd bod у dygiawdr kyntaf yn vongam, nei ruw
veiau eraill ar i draed a’i ysgeiriau, ac velly i gallwn
draethu am bob pysgod eraill ar a welir wedi’r beintio
mywn arfau. Edryched у dysgriwr arfe natur у
i Nid yn unwedig ar gyvoeth ac anrydedd eithr drwy gampeu ac
arferion da E.
8	Gan draethu am adar traethwn am bysgod E.
9	ac yn gyntaf ni a draethwn o’r luws E.
13	llai noc ef a gwannach E.
1 Lucius qui est lupus aquaticus dicitur in aquis tyranniden exercent,
popularium piscium populator est. Neckam, p. 147.
46
PLATE IX
HR
PLATE X
lords. Yet they are noble. It is not by wealth and
riches alone that nobility is acquired, but by deeds of
prowess and other good habits. Saint Edward the
last of the kings of the English added five martlets to
his arms in addition to his ancestors’ charges because
he had been spoiled of his lands by the men of Den-
mark. Thus was he called Edward lackland.
We have now to deal with fishes in arms, and first of
all we shall speak of the luce, that is, a pike that has
grown exceedingly large. It is also called the water-
wolf.
A pike borne in arms signifies a great plunderer,
baneful to weaklings. For the nature of this fish is to
eat smaller fishes, and often it happens that the bearer
of this charge is of like habits. It can happen however
that a man assumes arms which are suggested by his
own name, as when someone named Lucius bears the
luce^ or suggested by the name of his birthplace, as
when someone from Eryri (Snowdonia) bears an eagle
(eryr), or a man from Mochnant or Hob bears a young
pig, or a man from Ceri the fruit of that tree, and yet
it may well be that neither the bearer’s nature nor his
habits agree with those of the charges.
Now concerning the crab. A crab borne in arms
signifies that the first to bear it was bowlegged, or that
there were some other defects in his feet and legs.
And thus we can speak of all other fishes which are seen
painted in arms. Let him who describes arms examine
18 yn dwyn much E, yn dwyn llwdwn hwch, neu о Gwmcath neu
Drefaldwyn yn dwyn cath, neu о Lyn yn dwyn bach, neu о Dre Eleirch
yn dwyn eleirch, neu о Ban Cell yn rhoi pare о goed, neu wr о Geri D.
19 у prenn hwnnw. End of MS. A. MS. E is now adopted until we
reach tbe word fflwrddylys (p. 72), where MS. A is again taken up.
47
н
yn amlaf. Ac val hyn i disgrir yr arfau hyn: Mae yn
dwyn kroes lefn о goch neu о gowls mywn maes arian.
Kans yn у gelvyddyd honn i gelwir у gwyn yn arian,
a’r glas yn assur, a’r melyn yn aur, a’r du a’r koch, a’r
gwyrdd a lliwie danganoledig eraill у byd a elwir yn
Lladin yn i henweu ehun. Eissoes arfer iw gan lawer
mywn ymrafaelion ieithoedd alw у lliwie ar ol Ffrangeg,
nid amgen, у du yn sabl, у koch yn gowls, a’r gwyrdd
yn verd. A’r groes hon a elwir yn Ffrangeg kros
playn (I a).
Yr ail ymrafael groes iw kroes arw, a hon a vydd
wedi scorio i ffaladr a’i breichiau, ac a elwir kroes
engraelyd, ac a ddisgrir val hyn. Mae yn dwyn kroes
goch arw mywn maes arian. Neu val hyn. I mae yn
dwyn arian, groes engraeled о gowls (I b).
A phann ddisgrier yn Llading yr arfe, mynychaf i
gelwir henweu yr arveu neu yr arwyddion yn gyntaf
a’r maes yn olaf. Ac yn Ffrangeg i gelwir gwrthwyneb,
oni bydd yn anvynych iawn.
Trydydd ymrafael groes iw kroes heb penn, a honn
a elwir yn Ffrangeg kroes rekope, ac val hynn i dysgrir.
I mae yn dwyn kroes goch heb penn mywn maes arian.
Neu val hynn. I mae yn dwyn ariann, kroes coch heb
pen, nei groes recope о gowls.1
Pedwerydd ymrafel groes iw kroes agored, a hon a
elwir yn Ffrangeg kroes patip a hon meinach vydd yn i
2 neu о gowls D.
9 kros plaen D.
1 The shields in this text, and in the Latin texts, are not taken from any
one manuscript. They are chosen with special regard to the actual blazon,
and where variations or inaccuracies may prove instructive, these have
been added. Note the differences in the representation of this cross :
(I c), correctly drawn in MS. D, by Simwnt Vychan ; (I d), as given by
Bysshe ; (I e), the humetty cross in other manuscripts (with a different
colour).
So
occupies most space and is most frequent. And this is
how these arms are described: “He bears a plain cross
of red, or gules, in a field of silver.” For in this science
white is called silver, blue is called azure, and yellow is
called gold; and black and red and green, and other
submediary colours of the world are called by their
own names in Latin. It is customary, however, with
many in various languages to adopt the French method
of naming the colours, that is, to call black sable*
red gules,* green vert: and this cross is called in
French croix playn (I a).
The second variety of crosses is the ragged cross.
This cross has its trunk and arms notched, and it is
called the engrailed cross, and is thus described. He
bears a red ragged cross in a silver field. Or thus: he
bears argent, a cross engrailed gules (I b).
When arms are described in Latin the charges are
often mentioned first and the field last; but in French
the opposite prevails except on very rare occasions.
The third type of cross is the headless cross, which
in French is called recoupee* and is thus described.
He bears a red headless cross in a field of argent. Or
thus: he bears argent, a headless cross gules. Or thus,
a cross recoupy gules.
The fourth variety is the open cross and this is called
in French pattee^ and it is narrower in the middle than
12	ysgoriaw D.
17	henwau yr arvau neu yr arwyddion D, henweu E.
19	iawn D.
20	Y drydedd yw kroes heb . . . D.
25	Y bedwaredd yw D.
26	mynach E, meinach D.
1	In early heraldry a cross with extremities shaped like paws (French
patte, paw). By c, 1390 however false etymology had made it “Crux
patens.’* (Vide Historic Heraldry of Britain, p. in.)
51
chanol nog yn i chongle a’i heithafoedd, kans yno i
bydd hi Hydan ac agored. Ac val hynn i dysgrir:
Mae yn dwyn kroes agored mewn maes [o aur]. Neu
val hynn: Mae yn dwyn aur, kroes agored, nei groes
pati, о goch nei gowls (II a, c).
Pumed ymrafel groes yw kroes sangedic; a hi a elwir
velly achos bod у pen isaf iddi yn vlaenllym, val i gellir
i ssengu yn hawdd yn у ddaiar.1 A’r groes hon
a elwir yn Ffrangeg kro[e]s ffitchie. Ac val hyn i
dysgrir: Mae yn dwyn kroes sangedic о ddu, nei sabl,
mywn maes о goch. Nei val hyn: Mae yn dwyn koch,
nei gowls, kroes ffitchie о ddu, nei о sabl2 (cf. I f).
Chweched kroes iw kroes groessog, a hi a elwir velly
achos bod pob pen iddi gwedi groessi. A’r groes hon
a elwir yn Ffrangeg kroes gro[e}sslety ac val hyn i
dysgrir: Mae yn dwyn kroes groessog о goch mewn
maes о aur. Nei val hyn; Mae yn dwyn aur, kroes
groessog, nei groessled о goch, nei о gowls3 (II f).
Seithved ymrafel groes yw kroes melin, nei groes
velinaidd: kans tebig yw i offeryn a vydd mywn melin
yn kynal у maen, yr hwn a elwir peussed. A’r groes
hon a elwir yn Ffrangeg kroys moleni, ac val hyn i
dysgrir. Mae yn dwyn kroes velinaidd о aur mywn
maes о goch. Nei val hyn: Mae yn dwyn koch, nei
gowls, kroys velinaidd, nei moleni, о aur4 (II e).
Wythfed ymrafel groes yw kroes vlodeuog, a hi a
elwir velly achos bod pob pen iddi wedi lunio ar lun
io ddisgriir D.
11	D gives aur mywn maes о goch.
1 Fitchy, fitche, fixabyll. 14c, Of a cross having the base sharpened so
that it could be fixed in the ground (op cit., p. 107). Early writers on
heraldry believed that this cross was used by early Christians.
1 Simwnt gives the cross fitchy or. Note that colour should not be placed
on colour.
in the corners and extremities where it is open and
wide. And it is thus blazoned: He bears a red open
cross in a field of gold. Or thus: He bears or, open
cross (or cross patt£e) of red (or gules) (II a, c).
The fifth variety is the fitchy cross, and it is thus
named because its lower end is sharpened so that it can
be easily stuck in the ground.1 And this cross is called
in French fitche and it is thus blazoned: He bears a
pointed cross of black (or sable) in a red field. Or
thus: He bears red (gules) a fitch£ cross of black (or
sable)2 (I f).
The sixth cross is the cross crosslet, and it is thus
called because each end of the cross has itself been
crossed. It is called in French croix croiselette, and
(the shield) is thus described: He bears a cross crosslet
of red in a field of gold. Or thus: He bears or, cross
crosslet red (or gules) (II f).
The seventh variant is the mill cross, or the moline
cross: for it is like an instrument which is found in
mills supporting the millstone, and is called peussed.
And the cross is called in French croix moline. And
the arms are thus blazoned. He bears a moline cross
of gold in a field of red. Or thus: He bears gules,
moline cross or (II e).
The eighth variant is the flowery cross, and it is so
named because each extremity of the cross has been
13 hweched E.
17 kroes krowled E.
•At first this was simply a small cross of no fixed shape, but in the
fourteenth century it was associated with the type with crossed arms.
Before the sixteenth century these were often rounded, but later square
(op. cit., p. 106).
4 Fer de Moline, Millrind. The iron which supports the upper millstone.
This came to be called Cross Moline (op. cit., p. 107). Note that this cross
is not pierced in the illustrations. For note on peussed see p. 94.
53
blodau, a’r groes hon a elwir yn Ffrangeg flowrti,1 ac
val hyn i dysgrir: I mae yn dwyn kroes vlodeuog о ddu
mywn maes о aur; nei val hyn, Mae yn dwyn aur,
kroes vlodeuog nei fflowrti о ddu, nei sabl (II d).
Nowfed kroes ymrafel iw kroes vytymog,2 a hi a
elwir velly achos bod (pob) pen iddi gwedi’r lunio ar
lun bytyme. A’r groes hon a elwir yn Ffrangeg
kroys botni, ac val hyn i dysgrir: Mae yn dwyn kroes
vytymog о ddu mywn maes о arian. Nei val hyn:
Mae yn dwyn arian, kroes vytymog nei groys botni о
ddu, nei sabl (III a).
Degved kroes ymrafel iw kroes agored vlodeuog,3
a hi a elwir velly oblegid yr hyn a ddywetpwyd uchod,
ac yn vlodeuog am vod pob pen iddi ar lun blodau.
Ac val hyn i dysgrir. Mae yn dwyn arian, kroes
vlodeuog agored о goch nei о gowls (II b).
Unved ar ddeg ymrafel groes iw kroes vlodeuog
vytymog, kans pob pen iddi ysydd ar lun blodau ac ar
bob pwynt o’r blodau i bydd llun bwttwm. Ac val
hyn i dysgrir. Mae yn dwyn arian, kroes vytymog о
ddu, nei sabl. A’r groes hon a elwir yn Ffrangeg
kroys fflowrti botnP (III b).
Deuddegved maner groes iw kroes ddwbl parthedig,
ac a elwir yn Ffrangeg kroys dwbl parti, ac val hyn i
dysgrir. Mae yn dwyn kroes ddwbl parthedig о las
mywn maes о aur. Neu val hyn: Mae yn dwyn aur,
kroes ddwbl parti о assur (IV b).
i blodeuyn D.
14 bwtni D.
1 Flory (fleury, flurette) cross. Some manuscripts give the modern cross
flory as illustrated. Others give fleurty, which is the plain cross having
fleur-de-lis at each extremity.
1 Botonny, also called Croix trejjtte because of its likeness to the clover leaf.
54
fashioned like flowers. And it is called in French
croixflourte^ and the arms are thus blazoned: He bears
a flory cross of black in a field of gold. Or thus: He
bears er, flory cross sable1 (II d).
The ninth variant is the buttony cross, and it is thus
named because each of the extremities has been
fashioned in the form of buttons. This cross is called
in French botonne^ and the arms are thus described: He
bears a buttony cross of black in a field of argent. Or
thus: He bears argent a cross botonny of black (or
sable)2 (III a).
The tenth cross variant is the open flowery cross,
and it is so named because it is an open cross for the
reasons given above, and it is flowery because each of
its extremities is in the form of a flower. And this is
blazoned thus. He bears argent, an open flowery
cross of red, or gules (II b).
The eleventh variant is the flowery buttony cross,
[and is so called] because each extremity has been
fashioned after the manner of a flower and at each
point of the flower there is a button; and it is thus
blazoned. He bears argent, cross flowery buttony of
black, or sable. And this cross is called flourte
botonnP (III b).
The twelfth type of cross is the double parted cross,
and is called in French double partee. And these
arms are thus blazoned. He bears a double parted
cross of azure in a field of black. Or thus: He bears
sable, cross double party azure (IV b).
* Patee fleurtee (paty fleurty).
4	Most of the MSS. give one button at the end of each terminal of the
flowers. Simwnt Vychan gives one button on the central terminal of each
flower, and the Stowe MS. gives a cross flory composed of buttons (III c).
55
Ac un o’r kroesse hyn a wedda i’r brenin herod i
nodi i un a vo yn deisyf kael arwyddion arfau i’w dwyn,
ac ef heb wybod arno na chynneddfau da na drwg.
Kans dwyn kroes mywn arfau a arwyddocka bod yn
dygiawdr yn wr anifailaidd, heb vod arnaw nac arverau
da nac arverau drwc megis i gellid wrth hynny nodi
arwyddion iddo mywn arfau, val i dowedpwyd o’r
blaen.
I mae rrai yn dwyn kroes ddwbl parthedic vlodeu-
awc, ac val hynn i disgrir. Mae yn dwyn gowls,
kroes ddwbl parthedic vlodeuawc о aur (IV a).
Mae rrai yn dwyn kroes triparthedic vlodeuawc.
Ac val hynn i disgrir. Mae yn dwyn ssabl, kroes
triparthedic vlodeuawc о arian (III f).
Mae rrai yn dwyn pedwar ermyn yn i harveu, ac val
hynn i disgrir. Mae yn dwyn arian, ermyn groes о
ssabl (III d).
Mae rrai yn dwyn kroes ar osgo, megys bend a
ffussur groes yngroes. A rrai a eilw honno groes
Saint Andras, ac val hynn i disgrir. Mae yn dwyn
arian, kroes Ssaint Andras о gowls1 (IV c).
Mae rrai yn dwyn kroes hemioc val hynn. Ac val
hynn i disgrir: Mae yn dwyn gowls, kroes votymoc
sabl hemioc о arian (V a).
Arfau Chwarteroc.
Bellach ysbysswn am arveu kwarteroc. I mae rrai
yn dwyn i harfau yn gwarteroc о ymrafaelion liwie, ac
yn Ilyfn. Ac val hyn i disgrir. I mae yn dwyn о aur
a choch mywn maes gwarterog, Nei val hyn; I mae
yn dwyn yn gwarterog aur a gowls2 (V c).
5	heb vod arnaw nac arverau da nac arverau drwc D, heb wybod na
da na drwc E.
15-18 MS. D only.
22-24 D only.
25	Arfau chwarteroc D, Arfau a thariannau chwartesoc C.
56
And it is one of these crosses that the herald king of
arms should assign to one who would seek charges for
his arms, if no good or bad qualities are known
regarding him for the bearing of a cross in arms is a
sign that the bearer is brutish having neither good nor
bad habits, by means of which charges may be assigned
to him in his arms, as has already been stated.
Some bear a doubleparty flory cross, and the arms
are thus blazoned. He bears gules, cross doubleparty
flory or (IVa).
Some bear a tripartite flory cross, and the arms are
thus described. He bears sable, tripartite flory cross
argent (III f).
Some bear four ermines in their arms, and this is the
blazon. He bears argent, ermine cross sable (III d).
Some bear a transverse cross, like a bend and a
fissure in criss-cross fashion. And this is called Saint
Andrew’s cross. He bears argent, St. Andrew’s cross
gules1 (IV c).
Some bear a fimbriated cross, thus. He bears gules,
botonny cross sable fimbriated argent (V a).
Arms Quarterly.
We shall now discuss arms quarterly. Some bear
their arms quarterly and plain, thus. He bears gold
and red in a quartered field. Or thus: He bears
quarterly or and gules2 (V c).
28 Mae rrai yn dwyn eu harvau yn gwarteroc llyfn о ymravaelion liwiau,
ac val hyn . D.
1 Vide later the description of the saltire (p. 61). In modern heraldry
St. Andrew’s cross and St. Patrick’s cross are saltires. For fissure see p. 79.
я Geoffrey de Mandeville, Earl of Essex (d. 1144), used these arms. (Fide
Historic Heraldry of Britain, p. 36.) According to Glover’s Roll (p. 4),
Le Comte de Maunitrnille, esquartele d'or et de gules.
57
Yr arfe hyn a elwir mywn ieithoedd eraill arfau
kwartli^ ac o’r pwynt yn у pen uchaf i’r arfau ar у tu
dehau i gwedda dechrau dysgrio pob arfau kwarterog.1 2
Mae eraill yn dwyn arfau chwarteroc geirwon, a
phob lliw wedi raddio yn i gilydd. Ac val hyn i
dysgrir. Mae yn dwyn yn gwarterog arw arfau arian
ac assur. A’r arfe hyn a elwir mywn ieithoedd eraill
engrelyd (VI b).
Mae rrai yn dwyn arfe kwarteroc rassyd, a chwartere
yr arfe hyn a vydd megis peth a ddiwreiddid. Ac val
hyn i disgrir. Mae yn dwyn yn gwarterog rasyt arian
a gowls (V b).3
Mae rrai yn dwyn arfe kwarterog endeintiog: kans
val indeintur i bydd pob lliw yn i gilydd. Ac val hyn
i dysgrir: Mae yn dwyn gwarterog endeintiog arian
a sabl, nei ddu4 * (V e).
Mae eraill yn dwyn arfau bylchog, a hwynt a elwir
velly achos i bod yn debig i vylchau ar gaerau kestyll.
A rreini a elwir mywn ieithoedd eraill enbateli? Ac
val hyn i dysgrir: Mae yn dwyn sabl ac arian yn
vylchog (nei enbateli) (VI f).
Mae rruw arveu gwedi lunio ar lun palis о ymrafael-
ion liwie; ac val hyn i disgrir: Mae yn dwyn yn balisog
arian ac assur6 (VI aY
2 Ymhen uchaf yr arveu D.
4 kwarterawc bylchawc D. Other MSS. arfau bylchog. Cf. Latin
versions, pp. 128, 178, and note.
23 A rrai a eilw yr arvau hynny rrannedic ar hyd о achos eu bod yn
ddwy rann о ddau amravael liw D.
1 Esquartele.
8 I.e. from the dexter chief.
8 There are no further illustrations in MS. E.
4 Indented, endente. Having the edge cut into with continuous succession
of toothlike angular incisions. In early heraldry the indentations are deeper
58
These arms are called in other languages quartele^
and it is proper to begin the blazon from the upper part
of the shield on the right-hand side when describing
arms quarterly.2
Some bear arms quarterly rugged. Each colour is
graded one into the other, and these arms are thus
blazoned. He bears quarterly rugged argent and
azure. And in other languages the arms are described
as engrailed (VI b).
Others bear arms quarterly erased. And the
quarters of these arms will appear like something torn
away. He bears quarterly erased argent and gules
(V b).3
Some bear arms quarterly indented, for each colour
is like an indenture one in another. And the arms are
thus blazoned. He bears quarterly indented argent
and sable4 (V e).
Some bear arms castellated, and they are thus called
because they resemble the gaps which are on castle
walls. And these are called in other languages
embatellyj* and are thus blazoned: He bears sable and
argent castellated, or embatelly (VI f).
Some arms have been fashioned in the form of pales
of different colours, and they are thus blazoned: He
bears paly argent and azure6 (VI a).
than in modern. Indented and engrailed were also frequently inter-
changeable. This is shown in the various manuscript illustrations.
6 Note the omission of the term quarterly^ and the longer description given
in the Latin version, p. 128.
•Arms paly have been confused with arms party per pale, and arms
barry with arms party per fess in MS. D. Note that the number of pales
and bars is not given here.
59
Mae rrai yn dwyn arfau bariog о ymrafaelion liwie
yn drowstieu ar draws у darian, ac val hyn i dysgrir:
I mae yn dwyn y[n] variog arian a sabl, nei ddu1
(VI d).
Mae eraill yn dwyn arfe konglog neu gornelog о
ymrafaelion liwie, a hwynt a elwir velly achos bod pob
kongl yn wrthwyneb i’w gilydd. Ac val hyn i dysgrir:
Mae yn dwyn yn gonglog arian a gouls. Neu val hyn:
Mae yn dwyn arian a goul lerouns2 (V d); kans velly
i gelwir hwynt mywn ieithoedd eraill.
Mae rrai yn dwyn arfe bendi. A hwynt a elwir
velly achos i bod val palis ar osgo yn estyn o’r tu dehau
i’r arfau i’r tu asswy (neu yngwrthwyneb hynny). Ac
val hyn i dysgriir: I mae yn dwyn yn vendi aur ac
assur (VI c).
Ac os mab a ddeisif lliwie meysydd i dad a’i vam,
efo a all ddewis o’r saith (wyth ?) ymrafel arfe uchod.
Kans ef a ddichon ddwyn hynny mewn arfe gwarterog
llyfn, nei gwarterog engraylyd, nei gwarterog rassyt,
nei endeintiog, nei arfe palissog, nei arfe barriog [nei
arfe konglog], nei mywn arfe bendiog (nei vendi).
Mae rryw arveu wedy eu lluniaw ar lun palis о ddau
amravael liw val у dywedpwyd uchod. Ac val hyn i
disgrir: Mae yn dwyn yn balissog lyfn arian ac assur
(VI a).
3 A rrai a eilw yr arveu hynny hevyd yn Rannedic ar draws, о achos
eu bod yn ddwy rann ar draws о ddau ymravael liw D ; neu ddu D.
13 neu yngwrthwyneb hynny D.
1 See Note (•) page 59.
2 Gyron, giron, geron. A triangular sector of a shield. A gyronny shield
in early heraldry has usually twelve gyrons. In the MS. sketches they are
eight in number.
60
Some bear arms barry of different colours drawn
barwise across the shield, and these arms are thus
blazoned: He bears barry argent and sable, or black1
(VI d).
Some bear arms angulate of different colours, and
they are thus called because they form cones which
meet. And they are thus blazoned: He bears
angulatim argent and gules. Or thus: He bears
argent and gules gyronny.2 For this is the term used
in other languages.
Some bear arms bendy and they are thus named
because they are like pales stretching slantwise from
the right to the left, or in the opposite direction. And
the arms are thus blazoned: He bears bendy, gold and
azure (VI c).
And if a son desires to bear the colours of the fields
of both father and mother he can choose one of the
eight different ways already mentioned; for he can
bear them quarterly plain, or quarterly engrailed, or
erased, or indented, or arms paly, or barry, or gyronny,
or bendy.
Some arms have been fashioned in two colours pale-
wise as has been said above. And the arms are thus
described: He bears paly argent and azure (VI a).
17 saith C, naw D. Read wyth ?
19 engraylyd nei chwarterawc bylchawc D.
21 nei arfe konglog has been added to suit tbe Latin text, q.v., and to suit
the items already dealt with in this text. MS. D omits arfe konglog but adds
chwarterog bylchog after endeintiog, and states that there are nine varieties.
MS. С mentions seven but enumerates eight, viz. gwarterog liyfn, engreylyt,
endeintioc, palissoc, congloc, bendioc, barrioc, rassyt.
1-5 E, D.
61
[Mae rryw arveu wedi eu lluniaw] val hyn: Mae yn
dwyn yn barthedic ar hyd arian ac assur1 (cf. VII a).
Mae rrai yn dwyn arveu parthedic engraylyd ar hyd.
Ac val hynn i disgriir: Mae yn dwyn yn barthedic
engraylyd ar hyd ariann a ssabl (VII c).
Mae rrai yn dwyn arveu parthedic rassyd, ac val
hynn i disgrir: Mae yn dwyn yn barthedic rassyt ar
hyd ariann a gowls2 (VII b).
Mae rrai yn dwyn arveu parthedic vylchawc. Ac
val hynn i disgriir: Mae yn dwyn yn barthedic vylchawc
ar hyd ariann a gowls (VII d).
Mae rrai yn dwyn arveu parthedic endeintioc. Ac
val hynn i disgriir: Mae yn dwyn yn barthedic
endeintioc [ar hyd] arian a ssabl.
Mae rrai yn dwyn arveu parthedic dyfrawc. Ac val
hynn i disgrir: Mae yn dwyn yn rrannedic ar hyd
dyfrawc arian a gowls.
Mae ymrafaelion arwyddion eraill mywn arfe a
roddir i lygion i’w dwyn, nid amgen no chwpl nei
gypleu, megis spardassen wedi wnio nei lunio ynghyd.3
A’r arwydd hwnn a elwir mewn kelvyddyd disgrio arfe
yn Sieffrwn. Ac val hyn i dysgrir: Mae yn dwyn
arian, Sieffrwn о sabl (XI b).
Ac о bydd i vab ef gwedi chwanegu i dir a’i gyfoeth
a’i allu, ef a ddichon gymryd sieffrwn arall. Ac val
hynn i disgrir: Mae yn dwyn arian, dau sieffrwn о
sabl, nei ddu (XI c).
i Mae rryw . . . lluniaw. Not in text. See note below.
6-8 D only.
3 palissawc. Read parthedic ar hyd.
4 balissawc. Read barthedic ar hyd.
1 MS. D gives party per pale in his illustrations but calls them paly (palis-
sawc). By adding the words, “Some arms have been fashioned” to the
text and reading party per pale instead of paly, we can fit the illustrations
in D and harmonise our text with the Latin version. (Fide p. 129.)
62
PLATE XI
PLATE XII
(e)
[Some arms have been fashioned] thus: He bears
party per pale argent and azure1 (VII a).
Some bear arms party per pale engrailed. And
they are thus blazoned: He bears party per pale
engrailed argent and sable (VII c).
Some bear arms party per pale erased. And they
are thus described: He bears party per pale erased
argent and gules2 (VII b).
Some bear arms party embattled, and the blazon is
as follows: He bears party per pale embattled argent
and gules (VII d).
Some have arms party indented. And the arms
are thus blazoned: He bears party per pale indented
argent and sable.
Some bear arms party per pale undulated thus; He
bears party per pale undulated, (undy, wavy), argent
and gules.
There are other kinds of charges which are granted
to laymen, namely a coupling or couplings, which are
like spars tied, or fashioned together.3 And in the
science of arms these are called chevrons, and the arms
are thus described: He bears argent, chevron sable
(XI b).
And if his son has added to his land and his wealth
and power, he may add another chevron to his arms.
The blazon is thus: He bears argent, two chevrons
sable (XI c).
6 arveu palissawc. Read parthedic ar hyd.
7 yn balissawc. Read barthedic ar hyd, and thus throughout,
19	no chwpl ty D ; ysbardyssen D.
20	gwnio i gyd D ; A’r arfe hynn E.
24	wedi ychwanegu D.
3 Erased (rasyd in old blazon), torn off at the roots. By derivation more
properly eracedy French arrache. (Historic Heraldry^ p. 107.)
3 Chevron, cheveron. A figure like two rafters meeting (French cbeveron>
rafter).
63
I
Ac о deisif gwr eglwyssig ar ni bo arfe i’w hynaif
gael gan у brenin herod1 nodi arfe iddo, ef a all ganiadu
iddo ddwyn dau sieffrwn nei dri o’r hyn mwyaf ;
kans bowyd a thir eglwys, er ychwanegu a’i amlhau,
ni ddigwydd i’r etifedd namyn i’r neb a ddel ar ol,
a phan vo ef marw i bydd marw i arfau, A hynny a
ellir i ddyall am i arfe ef ehun ac nid am yr arfe a
berthynant i’r eglwys.
Ytifeddion lleygion hagen a allant chwanegu a
lleihau i harveu drwy gyngor у brenin herod1 megis
i tyfo nei i diflanno i kyfoeth a’i gallu; eithr gwyr
eglwyssig a ddygant arfe eglwyssig megis i dygant у
rrai vuant o’i blaen yn llywodraethu’r eglwyssi, heb i
chwanegu na’i lleihau,—val i mae yr esgyb a’r abad-
iaid. Kans etifeddion a ddygant arfe i henafiaid, a’r
esgyb a’r abadau arfe yr eglwyssi. Ac о chyll ytifedd
llyg ar a vo yn dwyn dau ssieffrwn yn i arfau gyfran
o’i ytifeddiaeth, ef all dynnu un ymaith, ac nis gall gwr
eglwyssig. A’r arwydd hwn a vydd gwedi’r ym-
chwoelud a’i ben yn issaf. A hynny arddocka i’r
dygiawdr golli kyfran o’i dir nei o’i dda nei o’i ytifedd-
iaeth, ac er hynny i vod yn gobeithio kael i oresgyn
drychefn, ac nad iw yn i vryd i vwrw ymaith oil, namyn
i ddwyn ar i ymchwel. Ac val hyn i dysgrir: Mae yn
dwyn arian, sieffrwn ar i ymchwel о sabl (XI e).
Ac yr un modd о bydd dau o’r arwyddion hynny.
z ganiadhau D.
4	eglwyssic er i chwanegu D.
5	ar i ol D.
7	a hynny a ddyleir D.
9 lleygion D ; chwenegu nei leihau D, chwanegu a lleihau E.
1 The King of Arms was originally known as King of Heralds of
and King of Heralds. He was the principal or presiding herald.
64
And if a cleric whose ancestors had no arms desires
arms to be assigned to him by the herald king of arms,1
the latter can allow him to assume two chevrons, or three
at most: for church lands and emoluments though
increased and enriched, do not become the possession
of the heir but the successor; and at his death the
arms also cease. This applies to the churchman’s
personal arms and not to the arms that belong to the
church.
Heirs of laymen however can add to or take away
from their arms by the advice of the herald king of
arms, as their wealth increases or diminishes. But
churchmen bear the arms of their church just as their
predecessors bore the arms without increasing or
diminishing them, as for example bishops and abbots.
For heirs bear the arms of their ancestors and bishops
and abbots the arms of their churches. And if the
heir of a layman who bears two chevrons in his arms
loses a part of his inheritance he can take one away,
but a churchman cannot.
This charge is sometimes inverted, head downward,
and this implies that the bearer has lost some of his
heritage or of his wealth, and yet he has hopes of
regaining it, and he does not intend to dispense with
the chevron entirely, but to bear it inverted. These
arms are thus blazoned: He bears argent, chevron
inverted sable (XI e).
Similarly if there be two such (inverted) charges,
12	arvau eu heglwyssau D.
16	a’r abadau D.
17	lleyc D.
20 ymchwelyd D.
24, 25 ymchwelyd D.
65
Mae rrai yn dwyn kyplau engraelyd yn eu harvau,
ac val hynn i dysgriir: Mae yn dwyn arian, kwpl
engraylyd о gowls (X f).
Mae rrai yn dwyn kroes wyr yn i harveu, a’r groes
hon a elwir Sawtter yn у gelvyddid hon. Ac val hynn
i dysgriir: Mae yn dwyn arian, sawter о sabl (XI f).
Eissoes rrai a ddowedant na wedda galw hon yn sawter,
ond arwydd sawter, ac am hynny ymofynned у
dysgriwr.1
Mae rrai yn dwyn sawtur engraelyd yn i harveu, ac
val hynn i disgrir: Mae yn dwyn arian, sawtur engrae-
lyd о ssabl (XII a).
Mae eraill yn dwyn pestelau yn i harfau, ac val hyn
i dysgrir: Mae yn dwyn ssabl, tri phestel о arian
(XII b). A dwyn pestele mywn arfau arddocka mae
о lafur i vreichie ehun i kafas у dygiawdr kyntaf
urddas val i bu deilwng i gymryd arfe.2
Pelets3 mywn Arfe.
Pelets mywn arfau a vyddant grynion a bychain
ac weithiau hwy a vyddant vwy; ac yna i gelwir hwynt
yn Ffrangeg torteus* A chyvan a chrynion vydd pob
un onaddunt, ac val hyn i dysgriir: Mae yn dwyn
2-4 D.
5-8 Ac val . . . E.
18 E.
1 Saltire (saltoir, sautoir, salter, saltier) (Lat. saltatorium^ a place for
leaping, stile). The crosses of St. Andrew and St. Patrick are saltires.
The meaning of this passage seems to be that a chevron and an inverted
chevron must not be confused with a saltire, and that the describer of the
arms should know the history of the charge. Compare the Latin, p. 131,
Item ista capitalia signa sunt aliquando transposita ut hie . . . Et qui talia
signa portat sic Gallice portat, Il port d’argent ii cheverons transposis,
Et hie cave de opinione eorum qui dicunt hoc signum supra dictum esse
Psalterium.
66
Some bear engrailed chevrons in their arms, and
these arms are thus blazoned: He bears argent, chevron
engrailed gules (X f).
Some bear a slanting cross in their arms, and this
cross is called in this science the saltire^ and the arms
are thus blazoned: He bears argent, saltire sable
(XI f). Nevertheless there are some who say that this
should not be called saltire^ but saltire-wise. Let the
one who describes the arms make enquiries.1
Some bear a saltire engrailed in their arms, and these
arms are thus blazoned: He bears argent, saltire,
engrailed sable (XII a).
Others have pestles in their arms, and these arms are
thus described: He bears sable, three pestles argent.
Pestles in arms signify that it was by the labour of his
own hands the first bearer achieved dignity which
entitled him to bear arms2 (XII b).
Pellets3 4 in Arms.
Pellets in arms are round and small, and sometimes
they are larger and are then called in French torteaux.^
They are not voided and are round. Thus: He bears
1 Note the reference made in the Latin tract (2) to the various meanings
of the word pila (vide p. 183):
Est pila pes pontis, pila Indus, pila taberna ;
Pila terit pultes, et pila geruntur in hostes.
That the pila (quae terit pultes) is meant by pestel is seen from the words,
Et tales pilas portare signat quod portans adquisivit suam substantiam solo
labore. .
3 Pellet, pelotte. This is a roundel (rondel, ronde). In early heraldry
(before 1390), the torteaux and pelotte were synonymous, the tincture
being always specified. Later specific names were given to pellets of
different tinctures, bezant (or), plate (argent), torteaux (gules), pellet (sable).
4 It is interesting to note that the tincture of torteaux is specified here.
Cf. Latin versions.
67
gowls, tri phelet о arian (XIII a). Neu val hynn:
Mae yn dwyn aur, tri torteus о gowls.
Ac arwyddion krynion ar ni bont kyfan a elwir
modrwyau.1 Ac val hyn i dysgrir: Mae yn dwyn
gowls, chwech modrwy о aur (XIII c). Ac os yr
arwyddion hyn a vyddant kyfan, krynion, ac aur,
hwynt a elwir yn Lladin talenta, ac yn Ffrangeg
besawntef ac val hyn i dysgrir: I mae yn dwyn gowls,
tair talent, nei dair besawnt (XIII b). Ac nid rraid
dowedud о aur, kans pob talent nei besawnt a vydd о
aur, a math ar vwnai yw yn rruw wlad.
A’r ymrafel hyn у sydd rrwng pelets a torteus,
modrwy, besawnt a mannau, у rrai a elwir	yn
Ffrangeg. Y pelet a’r torteus у sydd gyfan a chrynion
ас о bob lliw eithr aur, a’r vodrwy у sydd gron ac nid yw
gyfan. Talent nei besawnt у sydd gron, [o] aur, a
chyfan, a’r manne [nei y] ma[s]kl у sydd [weithie]
gyfan ac nid iw grwn.4 Ac val hyn i dysgrir: Mae yn
dwyn sabl, tri ma[s]kl, nei dri man о arian yn varr ar
draws у darian (XII e).
Mae rrai yn dwyn kroessau mannau neu mascul yn
i harvau. Ac val hynn i disgriir: Mae yn dwyn ariann,
mascul kroes о gowls. Neu val hynn; Mae yn dwyn
ariann, mannau о gowls yn groes5 (XIII d).
Mae rrai yn dwyn kroessau bessawnt, ac val hynn i
disgriir: Mae yn dwyn gowls, kroes о bessawnt
(XIII e).
2 neu val hynn . . . gowls D.
5 hwech E.
8 besgwnte E, bessawnt D.
1	Annulets were also sometimes called faux rondelets (false=hollow or
voided).
2	Bezant (besant) from the bezant or gold coin of Byzantium.
3	Mascle. In early heraldry was synonymous with lozenge (Lat. macula,
mesh). Later it was generally applied to the voided lozenge.
68
gules, three pellets argent (XIII a). Or thus: He
bears gold, three torteaux gules.
Round charges which are voided are called annulets.1
Thus: He bears gules, six annulets or (XIII c). And
if these charges are complete (not voided), round and
of gold, they are called in Latin talenta^ or in French
be%ants\ and the arms are thus blazoned: He bears
gules, three talents, or three bezants2 (XIII b). And
there is no need to say of goldy for every talent or bez-
ant is of gold, and it is a sort of money in some land.
These are the differences between pellets, torteaux,
annulets, and spots, which are called in French
mascles.3 The pellet and the torteaux are complete
(not voided), and round, and of any colour except
gold. Annulets are round and voided. The talent
or bezant is round, of gold, not voided; and the spot
or mascle is [sometimes] complete but not round.4
And these arms are thus described: He bears sable,
mascles barwise across the shield (XII e).
Some bear crosses of mascles in their arms, and these
arms are thus described: He bears argent, mascle cross
of gules. Or thus: He bears argent, mascles of gules
in the form of a cross5 (XIII d).
Some bear crosses bezanty, and the arms are thus
described: He bears gules, cross bezanty (XIII e).
n D, a math yn rryw dir a mwnai iw E.
13 mascul D.
17 Read maskl у sydd weithie yn gyfan ac nid iw grwn (?). See note 2.
19 yn varr . . . darian D.
21-24 D.
25-27 D.
4 The correct version seems to be as in the Latin version, “Mascles are
sometimes complete but never round.” (Et iste mascule quandoque
perforate ut supradixi.)
5 The sketches all describe crosses of voided lozenges.
69
Eraill у sydd yn dwyn sserenn yn i harvau, a honn
a ellir i hadnabod wrth i phelydr gwyrion. Ac val
hynn i disgriir: Mae yn dwyn gowls, sserenn о aur
(XIII f).
Am Labelau.
Bellach i mae traethu am labelau mywn arfau, у rrai
a roddir i’r etivedd hynaf ymyw i dad i’w ddwyn yn
ddiffrans ac yn ymravael rryngthaw ac arvau у tad.
A’r label honn a vydd val barr ar draws у pen uchaf i’r
darian, a thair nei vwy о bendantie byrion ynghrog
wrthi, ac a ddisgrir val hyn: Mae yn dwyn aur, tri
torteus о gowls, gida label о assur (XV d).
A bid hysbys i bawb mae yr etivedd hynaf, tra vo’r
tad yn vyw, a ddwg arfau i dad gida chroes nei ymratel
arall bychan, ac ar ol i dad, ef a ddwg yr arfau kyfan.
A’r ail mab a ddwg yr un arfau gida label a thair
pendant wrthi yn gynt no dwy nei bedair nei bump;
kans у pendant kyntafarweddocka у tad, a’rail yrytifedd
hynaf, a’r trydydd у dygiawdr yr hwn у sydd ail mab.
Ac os pedair pendant a vydd, у dygiawdr у sydd
drydydd mab, ac os pump у pedwerydd mab, ac velly
rragod. Ac hefyd bid hysbus na ffeintir ymravaelion
nei ddyffrans mywn arfe megis kroesse, pendantie a’r
vath hynny, dros ddeg о rifedi. Ac о bydd mwy no
hynny, powdrad iw, a hynny a ddamweinia yn vynych
gida chroes groessog; ac val hyn i dysgrir: Mae yn
dwyn maes gowls powdredig a chroesse kroesgroessog
о aur (XV a).
1-4 D. 5 labedau D.
1	In ancient heraldry the star (estoile) was often interchangeable with
the mullet.
2	Powdering (powdered, poudre, seme). Note the terms fiory—powdered
with fleurs-de-lys, crustily = powdered with crosses.
70
Others have a star in their arms, and this can be
distinguished by its wavy rays, and the arms are thus
described. He bears gules, star of gold (XIII f).
Concerning Labels.
It is now our task to describe the label in arms.
These are given to the eldest son during his father’s
life-time to bear as a difference between his arms and
those of his father. This label will be in the form of
a bar across the shield, having three or four pendants
attached, and they are thus described: He bears gold,
three torteaux gules with label azure (XV d).
Let it be known to all that the eldest son during his
father’s life-time bears his father’s arms with a cross or
some other little difference; and after his father’s day
he will bear the complete arms. And the second son
will bear the same arms with a label and three pendants
rather than two or four or five: for the first pendant
signifies the father, the second the eldest son, and the
third the bearer who is the second son. And if there
are four pendants the bearer is the third son, and if five,
then he is the fourth son, and so on. And let it be
clear that differences in arms, such as crosses, pendants
and the like, are not painted in a larger number than
ten. If there are more than ten, then the term used
will he. powdering and this is frequently found in the
case of the cross-crosslet, and is thus described: He
bears a field of gules powdered with cross-crosslets of
gold (XV a).
6 labedau D.
7 D, у rrai wrth ddosbarth gyfraith Lloegr a roddir i’r brodur ieuaf
i’w dwyn yn ddyffrans ac amrafel rryngthunt ac ytifedd у tir, yr hwn у
sydd yn dwyn yr arfau kyfan E.
16-28 A’r ail mab . . . aur E, not in D.
71
Mae rrai yn dwyn blodeu gwydd a llyssieu yn i
harveu, ac val hynn i disgrir: Mae yn dwyn assur, tri
fflowr de lis о aur (XV c). A dwyn blodeu mewn arveu
arwydd anwadalwch yw; cans ni hir bery blodeu. Yr
arveu hynn у sydd yn perthynu i vrenhin Ffraingk.1
A hynn a ddywaid Ffranciscus o’i dir ef ehun yn i
lyvyr Ffrangec.
Mae eraill yn dwyn gwenholiaid yn i harveu. Ac
val hyn i disgrir: Mae yn dwyn tair gwennol о gowls
mewn maes о arian2 (XV b). A rrai a ddywaid pann
yw gwydd oedd hynaif у rrai ysydd yn dwyn yr
arwyddion hynn: kans offer gwehyddion yw gwen-
holiaid.
Mae rrai yn dwyn ffussels yn i harveu, ac val hynn i
disgrir: Mae yn dwyn gowls, chwech ffussel о aur3
(XVI c).
Mae rrai yn dwyn barr о ffussels, ac val hynn i
ddisgrir: Mae yn dwyn gowls, barr arian о ffussels
(XIV c).
Mae eraill yn dwyn bend о ffussels, ac val hynn i
disgrir: Mae yn dwyn arian, bend ssabl о ffussels
(XVI a).
Mae rrai yn dwyn arveu dyfroc, a hwynt a elwir
velly, cans tebic ynt i wanec tonneu neu ddwfr Redegoc.
Ac val hynn i disgrir: Mae’n dwyn gowls ac aur yn
ddyfroc. A hynny a elwir arveu undi (XVI d).
Mae rrai yn dwyn kroesseu dyfrioc yn i harveu, ac
val hynn i disgrir: Mae yn dwyn gowls, groes ddyfrioc
о arian a ssabl (V f).
3 MS. A begins again with tbe word fflwrddylis.
3 blodeuyn D.
6 ae wlad ef i hun D, o’i dir ac o’i wlad E.
1 Franciscus was John Trevor’s teacher in heraldic matters.
1 There are no illustrations in MS. A.
72
Some bear flowers of trees and herbs in their arms,
and these are thus blazoned: He bears azure, three
fleurs de lis of gold (XV c).
The bearing of flowers in arms is a sign of instability,
for flowers do not last long. These arms belong to the
king of France, and this is what Franciscus1 in a
French book writes about his own country.
Others bear shuttles in their arms, and thus are these
arms blazoned: He bears three shuttles gules in a field
argent2 (XV b). Some say that the ancestor of those
who bear shuttles in arms was a weaver; for the shuttle
is a weaver’s tool.
Some bear fusils in their arms, and they are thus
blazoned: He bears gules, six fusils of gold3 (XVI c).
Some bear a fess of fusils, and the arms are thus
blazoned: He bears gules, fess fusily argent (XIV c).
Others bear a bend of fusils, and the arms are thus
blazoned: He bears argent, bend fusilly sable (XVI a).
Some bear arms undy, and they are so called because
they resemble the billows of the sea or rippling waters.
And the arms are thus described. He bears gules and
or wwy And these arms are called in French undy
(XVI d).
Some bear crosses undy in their arms, thus. He
bears gules, undy cross argent and sable (V f).
9 Mae yn dwyn arian tair gwennol о gowls D.
12 a ddywedant у mae gwehydd oedd у dygiawdr kyntaf ar yr arwyddion
hynn, kans offer gwehydd ydynt D.
14-16 D, E, not in A, D has the fess fusilly or.
24 i donnau ar vor nei i wanec dwfr gann wynt D, E.
26 a hwynt a elwir mewn ieithoedd eraill arvau undi D, E.
3 Fusil. The spindle of a distaff (Latin fusus, fи stilus) conventionally
represented as a lozenge. Cf. the sketches in the Welsh MSS. which give
the actual spindle. It is usual here to signify the arrangement of the fusils
as 3, 2, 1.
73
Mae rrai yn dwyn kroessau barrioc bylchog yn eu
harvau. Ac val hynn i disgrir: Mae yn dwyn gowls,
kroes varrioc vylchoc1 о ssabl ac arian (XXIII a).
Eraill ysydd yn dwyn arveu dwbl; megis mab yn
dwyn у naill banner i’r darian arveu i dad, ac yn yr
hanner arall arveu i vam. A hevyd ef a all ddwyn
arveu tridyblic; megis, о bydd у tad yn dwyn arveu
i dad a’i vam yn ddwbl val у dywedpwyd uchod, i vab
a all ddwyn yr un arveu ac yn у drydedd rann o’r darian
arveu i vam ynteu. A’r kyntaf a ddisgrir val hynn:
Mae’n dwyn o’i dad ac o’i vam: o’i dad assur, tri phen
gwayw о arian; ac o’i vam aur, ssiffr engraylyd о gowls
(IX b).
Mae Rai yn dwyn arveu chwarteroc. Ac yna i
gossodir arveu kyvan ymhob chwarter val hynn :
Brenhin Lloegr sydd yn dwyn yn chwarteroc arveu
Lloegr a Ffrainck. Ac yna yr hysbyssir у rrannau val
hynn: Mae yn dwyn о Ffraink ас о Loegr: о Ffraink
assur, tri fflwrddylis о aur, ас о Loegr gowls, tri llew
yn kerddet, wyneb gyvan, о aur. Ac yn kerddet i
gelwir yn Ffrangec passaund (IX c).
Mae rrai yn dwyn tariann mewn tariann arall; ac
val hynn i disgrir: Mae yn dwyn assur ac aur yn
varrioc balissoc leronys, vylchoc tariann о ariann2
(IX a).
4-12 A, E, D.
7 о bydd i dad yn dwyn arvau a’i vam yn ddwbl . . . D ; val у dywaid
у pwynt uchod A. Correctly in other MSS.
14 E, Mae’n dwyn arveu chwarteroc o’i dad ас 0 vam i dad A.
1 For note on vairy see p. 77.
2 Early writers seem to have found difficulty in blazoning the Mortimer
shield. “The Parliamentary Roll blazons ‘Sire Roger de Mortimer, barre
de or e de azure od le chief palee les corners geroune a un escuchon de argent.’
Whether Oswald Barron’s conjecture that the Mortimer coat was originally
argent, border cheeky (or gobony) or and azure, is correct or not (vide
Historic Heraldry, p. 51), it is interesting to note that the Welsh MSS.
among the many varieties suggest this possibility.
[Continued on page 75
74
Some bear crosses barry invected (verrey) in their
arms. And they are thus blazoned. He bears gules,
cross barry invected (vairy)1 sable and argent
(XXIII a).
Others bear double arms, as when a son bears in one
half of his shield the arms of his father and in the other
his mother’s arms. He can also bear arms trebled, as
happens when the father bears his father’s arms and
those of his mother as mentioned above, the son can
bear the same arms and in the third part of the shield
his own mother’s arms. The first are thus described:
He bears from his father and mother; from his father
azure, three spear heads argent; from his mother,
gold chevron engrailed gules (IX b).
Some bear arms quarterly, and in this case complete
arms are placed in every quarter, thus. The king of
England bears quarterly the arms of England and
France. And then the parts are blazoned thus: He
bears England and France (quarterly); from France
azure, three fleurs de lis of gold, and from England
gules, three lions passant guardant (three leopards), of
gold. Walking in French passant (IX c).
Some bear a shield within a shield {inescucheon}^ and
these arms are thus described: He bears azure and or
barry paly gyronny, inescocheon argent (IX a).2
18 Mae’n dwyn о Loegr a Ffrainck. О Loegr gowls, tri llew о aur yn
kerddet, wyneb gyvan ; о Ffrainck assur, tri fflwrddylis о aur A. Mae’n
dwyn о Ffraink assur, tri fflwrddlis о aur ас о Loegr gowls, tri llew passant
wyneb gyvan о aur D, E.
22 Mae rrai yn dwyn . arall ar у modd у peintiwyd uchod E. Mae
rrai yn dwyn . . . arall; ac val hyn . . . disgrifir. Mae yn dwyn gowls ac aur
yn varrioc, vylchoc tarian о arian D.
Continued from page 74]
Simwnt Vychan, MS. D, avoids the Mortimer coat and adopts the simple
barry gules and or. inescucheon argent. Fox-Davies (Complete Guide to
Heraldry, p. 137) thus blazons the arms Quarterly 1 and 4, azure, three
bars or (sometimes but not so correctly quoted barry of six), on chief of
first two pallets between two base esquires of second, over all an inescocheon
argent (for Mortimer) : 2, 3, or, cross gules (for Ulster) (from his seal).
75
Am Vordr.
Hevyd mae rruw arveu wedi’r vordrio neu hemio,
a’r rrai hynny a elwir bordyredic о bydd у bordyr neu
yr hem yn un lliw trwyddo. Ac val hynn i disgrir:
Mae’n dwyn aur, kroes engraelyd о sabl, gida bordr
llyfn о gowls (VIII d).
Ef a all у bordyr vod wedi’r bowdrio mewn rruw
arveu, a’i disgrio val hynn: Mae’n dwyn gowls, croes
engraelyd о aur, gyda bordyr llyfn sabl wedi’r bowdrio
a basawnd (IX f).
Mae rruw arveu wedi engraeliaw i bordyr, ac val
hynn i disgrir. Mae yn dwyn ssabl, tri ffussel о
ariann a bordyr engraelyd о aur (VIII a).
Mae rrai yn dwyn bordr ssiekroc о ddau ymravael
liw; ac val hynn у dysgriir. Mae yn dwyn arian,
kroes lefn о gowls a bordr ssiekroc о ssabl ac ariann
(VII f).
Mae rrai yn dwyn bordr bylchawc [o ddau ymravael
liw]. Ac val hynn i dysgriir: Mae yn dwyn gowls ac
aur yn gwarteroc lyfn a bordr bylchawc о arian a ssabl1
(VIII f).
Mae rrai yn dwyn bordyr rassyt y’w harvau. Ac val
hynn i dysgriir: Mae yn dwyn ssabl, tair mwlet о ariann
a bordr rassyt о aur (VIII c).
i D, Am arveu bordredic E.
2 Mae rrai yn dwyn arvau bordredic a hwynt a elwir velly о bydd у
bordr yn un lliw drwyddaw D.
6 llyfn D.
7 Mae rryw arvau a bordr wedy i bowdriaw, ac val hynn у dysgriir D.
1 Bylchawc= embattled when applied to partition lines (see note on p. 58).
MS. E omits argent for the bordure, and thus one would expect to find
bordure sable embattled (or invecked) as in VIII e. The correct illustration,
however, is clearly invecked argent and azure, as in VIII f. Upton, p. 238,
describes the arms of Geoffrey Fitz Piers, E. of Essex (H. Ill) thus : “Portat
arma quarteriata de auro et rubeo cum una bordura de argento et azorio
simul invectis.”
76
Concerning Bordures.
There are some arms too, which have been bordered
or hemmed, and these are called bordered if the bordure
or hem is of one colour throughout. Thus, He bears
gold, cross engrailed sable, plain bordure gules (VIII d).
The bordure may be powdered in some arms, and
the blazon of these arms is thus He bears gules,
cross engrailed orb bordure plain, sable, powdered of
bezants (IX f).
Some arms have their bordure engrailed, and these
arms are thus blazoned. He bears sable, three fusils
argent, bordure engrailed or (VIII a).
Some bear a bordure of different colours, thus: He
bears argent, plain cross gules, and bordure cheeky of
sable and argent (VII f).
Some bear a bordure invecked [of two different
colours]. And these are thus blazoned: He bears
gules and or quarterly and a bordure invecked of
argent and sable1 (VIII f).
Some have the bordure erased for their arms, thus:
He bears sable, three mullets argent, bordure erased or
(VIII c).
ii D, E, от. A.
12 tri man E.
18-24 D, E, not in A.
18 о ddau ymravael liw. See note below.
20 ssabl E, arian a ssabl D. Read arian ac assur (?).
Unvecked argent and azure= verrey, vairy (Latin varius). This conven-
tional variegated pattern of field, the pattern of which varies at different
periods, is blue and white unless otherwise specified. “The same word was
applied in the Middle Ages to a variegated fur much used for lining garments,
and it seems doubtful whether Vair in heraldry is a conventional representa-
tion of this or merely shares the same etymology.” Historic Heraldry,
p. 113.
77
Meibion a gair mewn gordderchiad a ddygant arveu
tadeu a bend ar osgo ar i traws, megis yn dechreu ar
у tu deheu assw] ac yn estyn hyd у gongyl assw
\? deheu\ i’r darian. Ac val hynn i disgrir: Mae yn
dwyn arian, tair gwennol о sabl a bend о gowls [ar i
traws] (X e).
Hevyd ef a all bastard ddwyn tarian о liw arall ac
arveu i dad gida’r bend hwnn (neu yn у bend. Ac val
hynn i disgrir: Mae yn dwyn aur, bend о ssabl, tri
fflwrddlis о ariann yn у bend)1 (X d).
Ac у mae rrai yn dwyn dwy bend veinion oddeutu
bend (XXII d). A’r amravael hynn ysydd rrwng
bend, barr, barryn, a ffysur. O’r bend ef a ddywet-
pwyd uchod yn ddigon eglur. Barr a vydd Hydan ac
yn estyn yn union ar draws у darian. Barryn a vydd
ar yr un modd, onid i vod yn veinach no’r barr.
Ffyssur2 a vydd a’r naill benn iddo ar у tu asswy i’r
darian ac yn estyn hyd у gongyl ddeheu yngwrthwyneb
у bend. A’r kyntaf a ddisgrir val hynn: Mae yn dwyn
aur, barr о ssabl (X b).
Mae rrai yn dwyn yn i harveu barr a dau varryn, ac
val hyn i disgrir. Mae yn dwyn arian, barr a dau
varryn о sabl (XI a).
Ffyssur a ddisgrir val hynn: Mae yn dwyn gowls,
ffyssur о arian (XIV a). Honn mewn rruw arveu a
engraelir, ac yna i disgrir val hynn. Mae yn dwyn
gowls, ffyssur engraelyd о arian (XIV b).
i Meibion a gaffer D.
5 ar i traws should be added to distinguish bend sinister from tbe ordinary
bend.
8-io neu yn у bend . . . bend D, E, not in A.
11	oddeutu bend A, о ddeutu у Hall val dau varryn о ddeutu barr D.
12	a’r avravael hwnn D.
17	a’r naill benn . . . darian ac D.
78
PLATE XIII
ООО
(b)
PLATE XIV
Sons born out of wedlock bear the arms of their
fathers and a bend sinister which begins from the right
hand [read left ?] and stretches to the left [read right ?]
of the shield. And the arms are thus blazoned: He
bears argent, three shuttles sable and a bend (sinister)
gules (X e).
A bastard may also bear a shield of another colour,
and this bend (or in the bend. And these arms are
thus blazoned: He bears or, bend sable, three fleurs de
lis argent in the bend)1 (X d).
And some bear two thin bends around the bend
(XXII d).
These are the differences between bend, bar,
barrulet, and fissure. The bend has been sufficiently
clearly described above. The bar is wide and it
stretches right across the shield. The barrulet is like
the bar but it is narrower. The fissure2 has one end
on the left of the shield and stretches to the right
corner in the opposite direction to the bend. And the
first is thus blazoned: He bears or, bar sable (X b).
Some bear a bar and two barrulets, and these arms
are thus blazoned: He bears argent, bar, and two
barrulets sable (XI a).
A fissure is thus described: He bears gules, fissure
argent (XIV a). This fissure is engrailed in some
arms, thus: He bears gules, fissure engrailed argent
(XIV b).
1 The various Welsh and Latin texts and illustrations are confused here.
It seems certain, however, that the original version maintained the following
rule:
(a) A bend sinister or fissure implied bastardy; (b) an ordinary bend in
which the paternal charges were placed also could imply bastardy; and
(c) sometimes the tincture of the field was changed and bend added.
* Fissure (fissura), apparently another name for bend sinister. Vide
note, p, 191.
79
к
Mae rrai yn dwyn un a elwir ffrut1 yn ei harveu; ac
val hynn i disgrir: Mae’n dwyn aur, ffrut о gowls
(XVI e).
Eraill ysydd yn dwyn penneu aniveiliaid yn llyfn,
megis penneu a dorrid i’r maes ac arf. Ac val hynn
i disgrir: Mae’n dwyn aur, tri phenn baedd llyvyn о
sabl (XVII e).
Mae eraill yn dwyn penneu aniveiliaid yn arw, megis
peth a dynnid o’r gwraidd heb i dorri ac arf. A hynny
a elwir rasid.2 Ac val hynn i disgrir: Mae’n dwyn
aur tri phen baedd rasid neu arw о sabl, a ssieffrwn
engraelyt о arian (XVII f).
Mae rrai yn dwyn palis yn i harveu. Ac val hynn
i disgrir: Mae yn dwyn gowls, dwy balissen о aur
(XVI f). A’r palis hynny a vyddant weithie yn
ddyfrioc val i dywedpwyd uchod.
Mae rrai yn dwyn barriau yn i harveu. A’r barriau
hynny a vyddant yn drawstiau ar draws у dariann, ac
val hyn i disgriir: Mae yn dwyn ariann, tri barr ssabl
(XVIII c). A’r barriau hynny a vyddant mewn rryw
arvau yn ddyfrioc hevyd.
Mae rrai yn dwyn barriau keimion3 yn i harvau, ac
val hynn i dysgriir: Mae yn dwyn ariann, tri barr kam
о ssabl (XVII d).
Mae rrai yn dwyn palis keimion yn eu harvau, ac
val hynn i dysgriir: Mae yn dwyn ssabl, dwy balissen
gam о ariann (XVIII b).
Mae rrai yn dwyn arwydd lleuad newydd yn i
harveu, a honno a elwir cresawnt4 yn у gelvyddyd
5 a dorrid i wrth у kyrff, ac val D.
6 torredic neu llyfn D.
1 Note the difference between fret and fretty. (Vide pp. 139-203.)
By fretty is usually meant a pattern of interlacing diagonal bands (Italian
/errata, grating). A fret in modern heraldry is a single pair of such bands
interlaced with a mascle. Historic Heraldry, p. 107.
80
Others bear what is called a fret in their arms, and
these are thus blazoned: He bears or, fret gules
(XVI e).1
Others bear animals’ heads in their arms, couped,
like heads cut off with a knife. And these are thus
blazoned: He bears ory three boars’ heads couped
sable (XVII e).
Others bear animals’ heads jagged, as though torn
from roots and not cut with a knife. These are called
erased.2 And they are thus blazoned: He bears or,
three boars’ heads erased sable, engrailed chevron
argent (XVII f).
Some bear pales in their arms. These are thus
blazoned: He bears gules, two pales or. And these
pales are sometimes wavy as has been said above
(XVI f).
Some bear bars in their arms, and these are beams
across the shield, and they are thus blazoned: He bears
argent, three bars sable (XVIII c). And these bars
are in some arms wavy.
Some have crooked3 bars in their arms, thus: He
bears argent, three crooked bars sable (XVII d).
Some have crooked pales in their arms, thus: He
bears sable, two crooked pales argent (XVIII b).
Some bear the sign of a new moon in their arms,
and this is called crescent* in this science. And they
8 yn eirwon D.
9 o’r gwraidd yn eirwon heb i’w torn ac arf D ; rassyt D.
11 tri phenn baedd rassyt neu arw neu diwreiddiedic о ariant D.
22-29 D, от. A.
29 kressont D.
1 Cf. French arracbe^ which should give in English traced.
* I.e. indented.
4 crescent, croissant.
81
honn. Ac val hynn i disgriir: Mae yn dwyn assur,
tair cresawnt о aur (XX c).
Mae rrai yn dwyn i harveu yn seckri о amravael
liwieu ar vath у bwrdd у byddir yn chware sies arno.
Ac val hynn i disgrir: Mae’n dwyn о assur ac aur yn
seckri. Ac o’r tu deheu i’r pwynt i gwedda dechreu
disgrio yr arveu hynn (XX b).
Mae rrai yn dwyn arveu ssieckroc bendioc, a hwynt
a ddisgrir val hynn: Mae yn dwyn gowls ac ariann yn
ssieckroc bendioc (XXI a).
Mae rrai yn dwyn arveu bendioc varrioc, ac val hynn
i disgrir: Mae yn dwyn aur a gowls yn bendioc varrioc
(XIX a).
Mae rrai yn dwyn yn eu harvau un a elwir Siff, a
hwnnw a vydd megys barr ar draws penn uchaf у
dariann, ac val hynn у disgriir: Mae yn dwyn arian
Siff о gowls, dwy mwlet о aur yn у ssiff. Neu val
hynn: Mae yn dwyn arian, penn о gowls, dwy droell
ysbardun1 о aur yn у penn (XIX b).
Mae rrai yn dwyn kroessau ssiekroc, ac val hynn у
dysgriir: Mae yn dwyn ariann, kroes ssiekr о aur a
gowls (XIX c).
Mae rrai yn dwyn koroneu yn i harveu, ac val hynn
i disgrir. Mae yn dwyn assur, tair coron о aur yn dair
korneloc tua thair kornel у dariann (XX d).
Mae rrai yn dwyn koroneu ar lun palis. Ac val
hynn i disgrir; Mae yn dwyn assur, tair koron aur yn
balissoc (XX e).
3 Mae rrai yn dwyn eu harvau yn siekr о ddau amravael liw ar ddull
у bwrdd у chwareuir gwyddbwyll neu ssies arnaw D.
1 Mullet, molet. Conventional representation of a spur rowel or revel
(rouel\ sometimes pierced with round hole; generally with five, but
sometimes with six points.
82
are thus blazoned: He bears azure, three crescents or
(XX c).
Some bear their arms cheeky of (two) different
colours, like the board upon which chess is played,
thus: He bears azure and or cheeky. And it is proper
to begin the description of these arms from the dexter
side (XX b).
Some bear arms cheeky bendy, thus: He bears gules
and argent cheeky bendy (XXI a).
Some bear arms bendy barry, thus: He bears gules
and or bendy barry (XIX a).
Some bear in their arms what is known as a Chief,
and this is like a bar drawn across the top of the shield.
And these are thus blazoned: He bears argent, chief
gules, two mullets in the chief. Or thus: He bears
argent, head gules, two spur wheels1 (rowels) in the
head (XIX b).
Some bear cheeky crosses, thus: He bears argent,
cheeky cross of gold and azure (XIX c).
Some bear crowns in their arms, thus: He bears
azure, three crowns of gold in a triangle towards the
three corners of the shield (XX d).
Some bear crowns in the form of pale, and these
arms are thus blazoned: He bears azure, three golden
crowns in pale (XX e). 9 io
9 ariann a ssabl D.
io sieckroc bendioc a bend о sabl E.
14-20 D, not in A.
22 koronau yn eu harvau D.
25 tua kornel A, E, tua thair kornel D.
83
Mae rrai yn dwyn koroneu ar lun barr ar draws у
dariann. Ac val hynn i disgrir: Mae yn dwyn assur,
tair koron aur yn varrioc ar draws у dariann (XX f).
Ac wrth hyn i gellir disgriaw arveu eraill ar a voant
ar yr un vath osodiad mewn tariann.
Bartholws1 a ddywaid yn у llyvyr a wnaeth о beintiad
arveu ganhiadu о vrenhin Boem iddo ef ddwyn llew
coch dywal mewn maes aur a dau benllinyn iddo.
A hynny yssydd yn erbyn natur vod i’r un anivail ddau
benllinin. Eithr val hynn i gellir dywedud: Mae yn
dwyn aur, llew dywal neu rampiawnt о gowls a phen-
llinin fforchoc. A’r llew a vo megis yn dringo, neu
yn sevyll ar i draed ol, a elwir llew rampawnd 2
(XXII e).
Rai ysydd yn petrusso am arveu Lloegr, achos taeru
о un Honerus Bonetti3 mewn llyvr a wnaeth yn
Ffrangec, er enrydedd i’r pumed Siarls, vrenin
Ffrainck, ac a’i gelwis Arbor Bellorum^ у gweddai i
vrenhinedd Lloegr ddwyn llewpardiaid yn i harveu
ac nid llewod. Ac nid gwir dim о hynny. Cans
Brutus у brenhin kyntaf a wladychodd yr ynys honn,
ac a’i gelwis o’i henw ehun ynys Brydain, ac a dduc
llew coch yn kerddet, neu basawnd, mewn maes aur
(XXV b); a llawer о vrenhinedd Lloegr wedi ef a
ddugant yr un arveu. Ac ar ol Brutus у Rannwyd yr
ynys Rwng i dri mab. Locrinus у mab hynaf a dduc
arveu i dad yn gyvan, Albanactus, yr ail mab, a dduc
llew coch rampawnd mewn maes aur. A’r arveu hynn
1-5 D, от, A.
8-9 A hynny benllinin D.
15	Honerue Bonetti A, Honorius Bonecti E.
16	chweched. Read pumed.
17	Arbora A.
26 yn gyvan E.
1 The MSS. give (wrongly) Bartholomeus [vide De Insigniis, p. 228).
84
Some bear crowns barwise across the shield, thus:
He bears azure, three golden crowns barry across the
shield (XX f).
In this way other arms can be blazoned, if the
charges are similarly arranged in the shield.!
Bartholus1 says in the book which he wrote on the
painting of arms (De Armis Pingendis\ that the king of
Bohemia granted him a red lion rampant with two tails
in a golden field. And this is contrary to nature,
that any animal should have two tails. It might be
said, however, like this: He bears gold, lion rampant
gules with forked tail (queue fourche). And the lion
which seems to climb, or stand on its hind legs, is
called lion rampant* (XXII e).
There are some who are doubtful concerning the
arms of England, because a certain Нопогё Bonnet3
insisted in a book which he wrote in French in honour
of King Charles V of France, and which he called
Arbor Bellorum, that the kings of; England should bear
leopards in their arms and not lions. And this is not
true: for Brutus the first king [ruled this island and
called it after his own name Britain, and he bore a red
lion walking, or passant, in a field of gold (XXV b).
And many of the kings of England after him bore the
same arms. Then after Brutus the island was divided
among his three sons: Locrinus the eldest son bore his
father’s arms complete: Albanactus the second son
bore a red lion rampant in a field of gold. And these
8 End of MS. D.
8 Honore Bonnet (Bonnor, Benoit) fl. 1378-98. In the dedication of
the 1481 edition of the Arbor Bellorum to Charles V, printed at Lyon, the
writer calls himself Honore Bonnor, prieur de Salon. In several MS.
copies, however, his name appears as Bonnet. He was Prior of Selonnet,
and he appears to have written his L’Arbre des Batailles between the years
1382 and 1387. Vide Heralds and Heraldry^ A. R. Wagner, p. 69.
85
у mae brenhinedd Prydyn yn i dwyn etto gyt ac
ychwaneg, nid amgen, dwy res a blodeu elestr о goch
(XXV e).
Camber у trydydd mab a dduc dau lew о goch yn
kerddet ac yn troi i hwynebeu at i kefneu mewn maes
arian. A rrai a eilw у rreini yn regardant. A’r
arveu hynny a dduc brenhinedd Kymru yn hir о amser
(XXVI a).
Ac velly Locrinus a dduc arveu i dad, ac wyth о
vrenhinedd ar i ol, hyd pann rannwyd у vrenhiniaeth
Rwng merched Llyr, ac yna i ducpwyd amravael arveu
hyd pann ddug Dyfnwal Moelmud yr holl Ranneu yn
un, ac yna i due ef arveu Brutus.
Beli ap Dyfnwal, pann ddoeth adref i’r ynys honn,
gwedi goresgyn ohonaw Ffrainck a’r Almaen a’r Eidal
a dinas Ruvain, a lladd Gabius a Phorcenna, a goresgyn
hevyd holl dir Groec, a gymyrth iddo arveu newydd,
nid amgen, tair coron о aur mewn maes о assur, achos
i goroni deirgwaith mewn amravael dyrnasoedd. Ac
val hynn i disgrir: Mae’n dwyn assur, tair coron aur
(XX d).
A’r arveu hynn a ddug pob brenhin wedi ef hyd
Uthr Bendragon, yr hwnn a gymyrth arveu newydd.
A hwynt a ddisgrir val hynn: Mae’n dwyn aur, dwy
ddragon о wyrdd wedi’r goroni a gowls gevyngevyn
(XXVII c). A phob un o’r arveu hynn a ddug
Arthur i vab, hyt pann welas у gwyrthieu ymynachloc
Lasymbri. Ac yna, er moliant i’r Groes Vendigaid,
ef a gymyrth arveu eraill, nid amgen no chroes о arian,
2 nid amgen tyniad dwbl gyda blodeu elestr о goch E.
4 a dduc yn i arfe E.
6 A rrai a eilw у rreini yn regardant E.
11 Llyr Liediaith E.
86
arms the kings of Scotland still bear, with an addition,
namely, two lines and fleurs de lis of red colour
(XXV e).
Camber the third son bore two red lions walking
and turning their faces towards their backs in a field
of silver. (And some call these regardant?) These
arms were borne by the kings of Wales for a long
time (XXVI a).
Thus Locrinus bore his father’s arms unchanged,
and eight kings after him, until the kingdom was
divided among the daughters of Llyr ; and then
various arms were adopted, until Dyfnwal Moelmud
restored all under one rule. Then he bore again the
arms of Brutus.
Beli ap Dyfnwal (Moelmud), on his return to this
island after conquering France, Germany, Italy, and
the city of Rome, and after killing Gabius and Porcenna
and subduing the whole of the land of Greece, assumed
new arms, namely, three gold crowns in a field of azure,
because he had been crowned in three separate king-
doms. And these are thus blazoned: He bears azure,
three gold crowns (XX d).
And after him every king bore the same arms
until the time of Uthr Pendragon who assumed new
arms, which are thus blazoned: He bears gold, two
dragons of green, or vert, crowned gules addorsed
(XXVII c). And all these arms were borne by his
son Arthur until the time when he saw the miracles in
the monastery of Glastonbury. And then, to the glory
of the Holy Rood, he assumed other arms, namely,
11 amravaelion arveu E ; Dyfnwal ap Moelmud E.
14 Beli ap Dyfnwal ap Moelmud E ; Phorcene A.
25 wyrdd neu verd E, wyrdd A.
28 Las berth E.
87
ас аг у braich deheu iddi delw yr Arglwyddes Vair
yn sevyll a’i Mab yn eisteu ar i braich deheu, mewn
maes о wyrdd (XXVII b).
Pann oedd oed Crist pum mlynedd a deugeint a
CCCCC ar ol marw Arthur у coroned Custenin ap
Cadwr, larll Cernyw, yn vrenhin ar holl ynys Brydain,
a hwnnw a dduc yr un arveu. Ac ar ol hwnnw Kynan
Wledic, ac yn i ol ynteu Gwrthevyr, ac yn ol hwnnw
Maelgwn Gwynedd, ac yn ol ynteu Caredic yr hwnn
oedd gas gann Dduw a chann у Bryttanieid, ac a
yrrodd у Saeson ar ffo i Gymru. Ac yna i peidiwyd
a’r arveu hynn. Eithr yn hir о amser wedi hynny ef
a dduc Cadwaladr Vrenhin vaes о assur a chroes egored
sangedic о aur (XXVI d). A’r un arveu a dduc Ivor
i vab ar i ol ynteu.
Ac wedi lladd hwnnw o’r Saeson, ef a wladychodd
Ynyr i nai, ac a dduc yr un arveu, a llawer о vrenhinedd
ar i ol ynteu hyd yn amser Egbert vrenhin, yr hwnn
a beris alw holl vrenhiniaetheu Lloegyr o’i henw ef
England (a’r Saxoniaid yn Englishmen}.
Egbert vrenhin a dduc croes vlodeuoc о aur mewn
maes assur (XXVI e), a’r arveu hynny a dduc pob
brenhin wedi ynteu hyd yn amser Sant Edwart
vrenhin. Eithyr о vewn hynn о amser ef a ddoeth gwr
о Ddenmark a elwid Swayn, ac a yrrodd Eldredus
vrenhin allann o’r vrenhiniaeth. A hwnnw a dduc
tair coron о aur yn balis mewn maes о gowls (XXVI b).
A’r un arveu a dduc dau vrenhin о Ddenmark ar i ol
ynteu, nid amgen, Knot a Hardknot. Ac wedi marw
i A, ddeheu E.
2	A, eistie E.
4	oed yr Arglwydd E.
и ar ffo о Loegr i Gymru E.
13	Kadwaladr Vendigaid vrenin E.
88
a cross argent, and on the dexter arms of the cross the
effigy of the Lady Mary standing and her Son sitting
on her right arm, in a field of green (or vert) (XXVII b).
In the year of our Lord five hundred and forty-five,
after the death of Arthur, Constantine the son of
Cadwr, earl of Cornwall, was crowned king of all
Britain, and he bore the same arms, and after him
Gwrthevyr, and after him Maelgwn Gwynedd, and
after him Caredic who was hated by God and by the
Britons, and whom the English drove into Wales.
Then the arms ceased: but a long time afterwards
Cadwaladr the king bore azure and an open fitchy
cross of gold (XXVI d). These same arms were
borne by his son Ivor after him.
And after he had been killed by the English, Ynyr
his nephew ruled, and he bore the same arms, and many
other kings after him, until the time of Egbert who
caused all the kingdoms of Lloegr to be called England,
and the Saxons to be called Englishmen.
King Egbert bore a flowery cross of gold in a field
of azure (XXVI e) and these arms were borne by every
king after him until the time of Saint Edward the king.
It happened, however, that there came in the meantime
a man from Denmark named Swayn who drove
Ethelred the king out of his kingdom. This Swayn
bore three crowns of gold in a field gules (XXVI b).
And these same arms were borne by two kings from
Denmark after him, namely Canute and Hardicanure:
14	Ivor mab Alan A, Ivor i vab E.
17	A, vrenhinoedd West Sacsonia E.
20	a’r Saxoniaid E.
21	a dduc yn i arveu groes E.
23	A, Edwart Gonffessor E.
25	Eldryd E.
27	mewn maes о gowls neu goch E, mewn gowls A.
89
у tri brenhin hynny ol yn ol, ef a ddoeth dau vab
Eldredus, nid amgen, Alvryd ac Edwart, о Normandi
i Loygr. A’r Alvryd hwnn a las drwy dwyll Godwin
larll Kent.
Pann oedd oed Krist mil XLII о vlynyddoedd у
coroned Edwart i vrawd yn vrenhin, ac ef a ddug yn i
arveu groes vlodeuoc о aur mewn maes assur val у due
Egbert a’r brenhinoedd Saeson wedi ef. Ac oblegid
i esbeilio о wyr Denmark ef o’r blaen o’i dir, ef a ddug
yn ychwaneg pump merliwn heb draed (XXVI f), cans
Edwart heb Dir у gelwid. Ac ar i ol ynteu i gwlad-
ychodd Harald vab Godwin larll Kent vi mis, a Wiliam
bastard a’i lladdodd ef ac a wladychodd yn i ol.
Ac yna i peidiwyd ac arveu brenhinoedd Lloygr
(pann ddiffoddes etiveddion o’i lin a chwnkwerio о
Wiliam yr holl dyrnas). A due yr un Wiliam hwnn
ddau lewpard о aur mewn maes о gowls (XXV c), a’r
arveu hynn a dduc Wiliam Goch i vab, yr hwnn a
wladychodd ar i ol. Ac wedi marw Wiliam Goch
heb etivedd deddvol o’i gorff у coroned Harri gyntaf i
vrawd ef yn vrenhin ac a dduc yr un arveu.
Rai a ddywaid rroi о Wiliam bastard wedi goresgyn
Lloegr у trydydd llewpart yn i arveu, ac ni chair dim
о hynny mewn Cronic neu Ystoria o’r byd; eithr
hysbys yw ado o’r Harri hwnn Mahallt i verch ef a’i
etivedd i wladychu yn i ol; cans Wiliam a Rissiart i
veibion ef a’r chwaer arall a voddassant ar unwaith
yn у mor. A’r Vahallt honn yn xv mlwydd a briodes
Geffrai Plantaginet larll Angio; eithyr Ystyffant, mab
larll Bloes, о Adala у drydedd verch i Wiliam bastard
13	A, Wiliam Gwnkwerwr E.
15	pann . dyrnas E, от, A.
16	ас у due yr un Wiliam E.
90
and after these three kings had in turn died Ethelred’s
two sons Alfred and Edward returned to England
from Normandy. This Alfred was slain through the
treachery of Godwin the Earl of Kent.
In the year of our Lord one thousand and forty-two,
Edward his brother was crowned king, and he bore in
his arms a flory cross of gold in a field of azure as
Egbert and the English kings who followed him had
done. And because the men of Denmark had previously
robbed him of his land he added five martlets without
feet (XXVI f). For he was called Edward Lackland,
After him Harold the son of Godwin Earl of Kent
ruled for six months, and William the bastard slew
him and ruled after him.
Then ceased the arms of the kings of England, when
Harold’s heirs had failed, and when William conquered
the whole kingdom. This William bore two leopards
of gold in a field of gules (XXV c), and his son William
Rufus who ruled after him bore the same arms. And
after the death of William Rufus without lawful issue
Henry the first, his brother, was crowned king, and he
bore the same arms.
Some maintain that William the bastard added a
third leopard to his arms when he conquered England;
but no reference is found to this in any history or
chronicle in the world. It is known, however, that
this Henry left Matilda his daughter and heiress to
rule after him; for his sons William and Richard and
the other sister were all drowned together in the sea.
This Matilda when fifteen years old married Geoffrey
Plantagenet, Count of Anjou. But Stephen the son
of the Earl of Blois and of Adala the third daughter of
William the bastard, who was Henry’s nephew, his
9i
a nai, ap chwaer yr un Harri, a ddaeth i Loegr yr
ugeinved dydd о vis Tachwedd, a’r haul yn un o’r xii
arwydd, yr hwnn a elwir Sagittarius. Ac yno i coroned
ef yn vrenhin у degved dydd ar hugeint о vis Racvyr
nessaf at hynny. A hwnnw a ddug yn i arveu tarian
goch a chyrff tri llew yn kerddet hyd i gyddveu, ас о
hynny i vynu kyrff dynion ar vodd arwydd seithydd,
о aur (XXV f), achos dyvod ohonaw ef i Loegr a’r
haul yn yr arwydd hwnn. Ac val hynn i disgrir:
Mae’n dwyn gowls, tri seithydd mewn kyrff llewod yn
kerdded о aur.
Ac wedi marw Ystyffant у coroned Harri yr ail,
vab yr Emerodres Geffrai Plantagened, larll Angio,
yn vrenhin, yr hwnn a dduc tri llew о aur yn kerddet
mewn maes о goch. Ac val hynn i disgrir: Mae’n
dwyn gowls, tri llew passand о aur (XXV d). A’r un
arveu hynn a dduc pob brenhin o’i lin ef hyd at Edward
о Winsor, yr hwnn a dduc yn chwarteroc arveu
Ffrainck gyd a’r arveu uchod. Cans i vam ef oedd
verch ac etivedd i laris brenhin Ffrainck. Ac velly
mae brenhinedd Lloegr yn eu dwyn hyd heddiw, ac i
peidiwyd ac arveu Wiliam bastard pann ddiffygiodd
etivedd gwryw ohonaw. Rai a ddywedant pann yw
tri llewpart у mae brenhin Lloegr yn eu dwyn, nid
amgen, dau dros dukiaeth Normandi, a’r trydydd dros
dukiaeth Gien. A hynny nid gwir; cans yr ail Harri
a ddywetpwyd uchod a briodes Elenor merch ac
etivedd i’r Dug о Gien gwedi yscar о Lewys у brenhin
hi. Ac yna yn gyntaf у tyvodd kyviawnder i vrenhin-
edd Lloegr ar dir Gien. Ac wrth hynny rraid i’r
brenhin herod vod yn gyvarwydd о henaviaeth pawb.
3 A, Sagittarius neu seithydd E.
11 о aur E, от. A.
23 ohonaw E.
31 Ac velly i tervyna am ddisgread arveu. Id. Sr. Thomas ap leuan
ap Dd. A.
92
sister’s son, came to England on the twentieth day of
November, when the sun was in one of the twelve
signs, namely Sagittarius. And there he was crowned
king on the thirtieth day of December following. He
bore in his arms a shield of red with bodies of three
lions as far as the necks, walking, and from the necks
upward the bodies of men, in gold, in the form of the
sign Sagittarius (XXV f), because he came to England
when the sun was in this sign. And the arms are thus
blazoned: He bears gules, three Sagittarii with lions’
bodies passant of gold.
After Stephen’s death Henry the second, the son
of the Empress and Geoffrey Plantagenet, Earl of
Anjou, was crowned king. He bore three lions of
gold in a field of red. Or thus: He bears gules,
three lions passant, or (XXV d).
And every king of his line bore these arms until the
time of Edward of Windsor, who bore quarterly the
arms of France with the above arms. For his mother
was the daughter and heiress of Charles the king of
France, and so the kings of England bear them until
this day, and the arms of William the bastard ceased
when his male line failed. Some say that the king of
England bears three leopards, that is, two for the
duchy of Normandy and the third for the duchy of
Guienne. But this is not true, for the second Henry
mentioned above married Eleanor the daughter and
heiress of the Duke of Guienne after she had been
divorced by Louis the king; and it was then that there
appeared for the first time a claim to the lands of
Guienne by the kings of England.
Thus the king of heralds should be acquainted with
everybody’s ancestry.
93
NOTE.
Syllty, (Sylltai), Syllid (p. 16).
Sylldty-. (a) brethyn du (Peniarth 138, circa 1562, ? G. Hiraethog),
(£) brethyn deuban (Peniarth 169, 1588, Roger Morys), see B.B.C.S., П,
p. 238.
Syllid : Du sy well wedi у syllid (see Introduction, p. lix).
Dr. T. Gwynn Jones accepts the meaning bretbyn deuban (twice milled,
twice fulled cloth) for syllty in the following passage :
Ni chai’r ynys,—merch Ronwy,—
Gymar,—Mailt,—о Gymro, mwy ;
Esyllt, ai i glog syllty glan,
Du, trosti wedi Trystan ;
Yn oes gwyr, ni wisg Euron
Mwy ond du, lliw mantell hon.
(Tudur Aled, lxxiv, 27.)
Dafydd ap Gwilym describing the blackbird speaks of its dwbwl gwell no
deuban, and associates this with dark murrey :
Is у dail it о sae du,
A dwbwl gwell no deuban,
Mawr ei glod, o’r mwrrai glan.
(Z). ap G., ed. Williams, xxvin.)
It seems, therefore, that syllu implied colouring clotb black, and that
bretbyn deuban or bretbyn syllty was black clotb. A good black colour was
difficult to procure, and thus, as the Welsh text states, sellers of this bretbyn
syllty would seek to enhance the blackness by hanging red cloth overhead.
The presence of an expanse of any colour tends to render the eye less sensitive
to that colour in surrounding objects.
Peussed (Peusyd, Peusydd, Peusyth) (p. 52).
(1)	Ferrum quoddam in molari quod portat ilium lapidem (p. 176).
(2)	Instrumentum ferreum in molendino usitatum (p. 125).
(3)	subscus. Idem quod securicla.
subscus ferrea Peusyd melin (John Davies' Diet.).
(4)	dovetail (Annwyl).
(5)	cramp-iron {Richards).
94
PLATE XV
PLATE XVT
MAGISTRIJOHANNIS DE BADO AUREO
TRACTATUS DE ARMIS (I)
Cum Francisco de Foveis.1
A.	Text as edited by Bysshe.
B.	Additional MS. 37526.
C.	Additional MS. 29901.
KEY TO THE LAWS QUOTED IN THE LATIN TEXTS.
J. II, iii, 2. Justinian’s Institutes, book 2, title 3, paragraph 2.
D.	I, iii, 15, 2. Digest (Pandects), book 1, title 3, fragment 15, paragraph 2.
С. II, vi, 7. Justinian’s Code, book 2, title 6, constitution 7.
N. CXVIH, cap. Authenticae (Novellae Constitutiones), number 118,
chapter 1.
Extra. V, xxxi, 14. Decretals, book 5, title 31, paragraph 14.
Quoniam de armis multociens in clipeis depictis
singula discernere et describere inveniatur difficile, ad
instantiam quarundam personarum et specialiter ad
instantiam Dominae Annae quondam Reginae Angliae
hunc libellum compilavi, sequens in parte dogmata ac
traditiones excellentissimi Doctoris et Praeceptoris mei
magistri Francisci de Foveis, omnipotentis Dei nomine
primitus invocato sub hac forma procedam.
Primo differentias colorum ponam, et quis eorum
dignior vel nobilior inveniatur.
Secundo qualia signa in armis portanda sunt et
qualiter, ac quid per ipsa signa repraesentatur.
i A. Cum in armis et clipeis depingendis singula discernere et
describere difficile inveniatur B.
3	difficile, aliqua ad instantiam C.
4	ad instantiam B, quondam regine от. В.
7	omnipotentis invocato от. В.
1 The title as given in Bysshe’s edition. “Tractatus Magistri Johannis
de Bado Aureo cum Francisco de Foveis in distinctionibus armorum C.
95
L
Tertio et ultimo pandam quomodo scietur per
quantum arma vel insignia habita distent a primo
assumente.
Et primo pro nobilitate coIorum discernenda, et
quis eorum nobilior dicatur. Praemitto notata domini
Bartholi in tractatu suo De Armis Pingendis circa
medium, et ilia quae notantur per Philosophum in
libro suo De Sensu et Sensato^ per totum, ubi dicitur,
Omnis color mundi dicitur nobilior vel inferior duobus
modis; aut color dicitur nobilior secundum se, aut secundum
quod magis participat de albedine vel minus.
Si primo modo loquamur de coloribus, verum est
quod non sunt plures colores quam duo, scilicet, albus
color et niger; sed omnes alii colores descendunt et
fiunt ex ipsis, ut plene notatur per ipsum Philosophum
in libro suo De Sensu et Sensato. Corrige tamen dicta
domini Bartholi in grammatica, qui dicit quod color
niger est vilissimus, cum ad positionem superlativi
gradus requiruntur tria ad minus. Quare die, ut
dicit magister meus Franciscus, quod in armis duo
colores principales inveniuntur, scilicet, albus et niger,
et omnes alii colores artificialiter fiunt ex illis, ut
azoreus color, aureus, et rubeus. Et ratio quare ego
praemitto azoreum colorem aliis, quia color ille ex
commixtione coloris albi cum nigro resultat, non alia
data opera; sed alii colores ex pluribus materiebus
albis et nigris una cum operatione ignis vel aquae fiunt,
i quomodo C, per que B.
6 Bartholomei C.
17 quia dicit B.
19 Quare dicit ut dicit C.
22 artificiale B.
24 remitto B.
96
et suam recipiunt claritatem. De quibus coloribus
omnibus et eorum rationibus currente stilo tractabo.
De colore albo. Color autem albus ideo dicitur
nobilior quia potest in loco distantiori et remotiori
percipi et videri, ut quotidie videmus. Item, quia
per colorem album lux designatur, et contrarium lucis
sunt tenebrae, quae nigredinem significant: ergo illud
quod per tenebras designatur non est aequalis valoris
cum albedine. De isto est dominus Bartholus in
tractatu suo De Armis Pingendis in effectu, et concordat
cum eo Commentator Averoys, in libro De Sensu et
Sensato.
De colore azoreo. Color autem proximus, ut
dixit magister meus Franciscus, est color azoreus,
quia per ipsum repraesentatur nobilis aer, qui aequale
est receptaculum tarn lucis quam tenebrarum, et est
color medius primus.
De colore aureo. Inter colores autem medios
secundus est color aureus, quia aurum ab aura est
dictum, ut dicit Ysidorus, libro XVI°, eo quod reper-
cussione aurae plus refulget. Naturale est ut metal-
lorum splendor plus fulgeat luce alia repercussus.
Inter quae metalla plus splendet aurum ab aura reper-
cussum. Color itaque aureus ideo nobilior dicitur,
quia colorem solis repraesentat, et per solis virtutem
in minera generatur. Color iste tamen non est tanti
valoris quanti est color albus, sed ab ilia, scilicet a luce,
2 occurrente stilo . . . tractabimus B.
3 Color albus iam dicitur А, В j Color autem albus ideo C.
8 signantur B.
9 equalis B, eiusdem A, C.
15 nobilis ille B.
22 fulgeat B, splendeat C.
27 laboris vel valoris B.
28 B. sed ab illo colore, scilicet albo, lucem suam cssentialiter capit et
claritatem A.
97
suam capit essentiam et claritatem, ut sufficienter
patet per praemissa. Cum isto concordat Bartholo-
meus, De Proprietatibus Reruns in capitulo suo, De Auro.
Sed si volueris argumentari dicendo quod hoc aurum
est metallum nobilissimum, et ergo eius color est
nobilissimus: ad hoc responde ut respondit Bartholo-
meus, De Proprietatibus Rerum, in capitulo supradicto,
dicens quod plus de argento vivo quam de sulphure
albo ad compositionem auri recurrere consuevit. Quare
dico quod ex ipsis materiebus albis aurum suam capit
tarn soliditatem quam nobilitatem; et concordat cum
Bartholomeo in eo Ricardus Rufus, qui multum
tractavit de metallis.
De colore rubeo. Color autem rubeus est color
medius ab extremis albedinis et nigredinis equidistans,
qui in superficie perspicui resultat per incorporationem
dati luminis ignei atque puri; et ideo intense rubeum
admodum lucidi disgregat visum, nec aggregat sicut
nigrum. Propter quod pannorum venditores sus-
pendunt pannos rubeos ante lucem, ut videntes alios
pannos coloratos, propter nigredinem et rubedinem
spiritum visibilem disgregantem, minus valeant discer-
nere colorum veritatem. De isto notatur per Com-
mentatorem Averoys in libro De Sensu et Sensato.
Quern etiam colorem nemini licet portare sine principis
licentia speciali, nisi soli principi, ut notatur C. De
Vestibus Oloberiis, L. Ill, Temperent; et C. Quae res
vendi non possunt, L. I et II. Et huic constitutioni
contravenientes capite puniuntur, ut in fine ipsius
4 B, Et si А, С.
11 suam soliditatem et etiam nobilitatem C.
18 dirigat С.
22 verius valeant B, quo minus valeant С.
98
legis III, C. De Vestibus Oloberiis, et C. De Officio
Comitis Sacrarum Largitionum, L. I. Et ratio quare
color iste magis attribuitur principi quam alius color,
ut albus vel niger, azoreus vel aureus, quia color iste
ferocitatem significat vel fortitudinem, et princeps in
correctionibus et contra inimicos essent feroces. lam
hie color illis attribuitur ut inferius dicam.
De colore viridi. Quidam tamen addunt alium col-
orem, scilicet viridem colorem, qui color, ut ego credo,
initium habuit ab aliquo milite histrione vel gaudente,
ut dicit Bartholus, C. De Dignitatibus, 1. i, circa medium
tractatus sui. Sed quia in quorundam dominorum
armis in Anglia color ille invenitur, portantem repre-
hendo in nostrum librum ipsum colorem admisimus.
Et pudor causam praestat, ne vereamur cum colorem
ipsum in armis videremus, ipsum discernere non
valentes. Et ratio est quare antiqui ipsum colorem
inter colores armorum non admiserunt, quia videbatur
illis absurdum et inconveniens dicere quod quis deberet
dare differentiam triplicem colorum, sic dicendo,
Co lor и in quidam sunt principals secundum se, quidam
medii sunt colores, et quidam suhmedti. Colores princi-
pals secundum se sunt color albus et niger; colores
3 magis А, С ; pocius B.
6 A, C ; iam color iste ut inferius dicam sibi attribuitur B.
14 admisimus A, amisimus C, admittimus B.
De Vestibus Holoveris et Auratis, С. XI, viii, 4. Temperent universi,
cuiusque sint sexus, dignitatis, artis, professionis et generis, ab huiusmodi
speciei possessione, quae soli principi et eius domui dedicator.
Quae Res Venire Non Possunt, С. IV, xl, 1, 2, 3. Quia nonnumquam in
diversis litoribus distrahi publici canonis frumenta dicuntur, vendentes et
ementes sciant, capital! poenae se esse subdendos et in publicam fraudem
commercia contracta damnari.
De Officio Comitis Sacrarum Largitionum, С. I, xxxii. Palatinis haec
cura debet esse praecipua, ut, periculo proprio notariis destinatis, super
negligentia iudicum, si ita res exegerit, conquerantur, ac eorum sit impunita
desidia.
99
vero medii sunt azoreus, aureus, et rubeus; colores
autem submedii sunt color viridis et alii similes si
inveniantur.
Et ratio mea est quare dico ilium colorem sub-
medium, quia non potest aliquo modo fieri ex duobus
coloribus principalibus, scilicet, albo et nigro, sed sit
dumtaxat ex duobus coloribus mediis, scilicet ex colore
azoreo et colore aureo adinvicem mixtis. Quamobrem
non potest vocari color medius, quia colores medii
fiunt per commixtionem duorum colorum principalium.
Sic non ille; ergo non debet vocari color medius sed
submedius.
lam proximum est ut videamus de rationibus pro-
ban tibus unum colorem alio esse meliorem; et primo
dicendum est quod color albus dicitur melior propter
tres rationes.
Prima ratio est quia color ille potest mutari in
omnes colores medios et submedios.
Secunda ratio est quia non possumus dare con-
trarium directum alicuius alterius coloris nisi ipsius,
vel e contra. Et si quis voluerit quaerere quid esset
contrarium coloris albi, respondere possumus quod
color niger est eius contrarium. Sic non possumus
respondere de aliquo colore medio, ergo neque de
submedio.
Tertia ratio est quia color ille qui potest a loco
remotiori facilius percipi quam aliquis alius color est
nobilior et principalior, et huiusmodi est color albus.
Ergo color albus est color principalis et inter omnes
alios dignior. Et istae duae rationes secundae sunt
4 dico A, C ; voco B.
27 percipi B, concipi A, C ; a loco remotiori A, C, in aliquo loco B.
IOO
rationes philosophicae in loco superius allegato
De Sensu et Sensato : et de prima ratione est textus, et
concordat Accursius in Leg. Ill, C. De Vestibus Olo-
beriis, et patet per Bartholomeum, De Proprietatibus
Rerum> in capitulo De Coloribus, ubi dicitur: In nullo
etenim colore melius fundantur colores medii quam in albo.
Et quanto album est intensius quod substernitur,
tanto adhaeret fortius color qui superinducitur, sive
sit nigredo, sive pallor ut color azoreus, sive candor
ut color aureus, sive rubedo fuerit.
De colore nigro. Color autem niger est privatio
albi, sicut amarum est privatio dulcedinis. Unde dicitur
quod albedo est prima origo colorum sicut dulcedo est
principium saporum, ut dicit Aristoteles, De Sensu et
Sensato, libro XIX0 et sequitur ibi. Color niger nihil
aliud est quam privatio albedinis, et ideo nigredo est
species visibilis aggregativa et eiusdem repercussiva,
propter quod laedit visum quando nimis est intensa,
ut patet de diu incarceratis, qui de carcere exeuntes
parum vident. De istis notatur per Boicum in suis
Topicis, in capitulo quarto, in ilia regula, Quando unum
contradictoriorum est verum residuum est falsum. Quare
concludo quod color niger est color secundus in
dignitate.
De colore azoreo. Color autem azoreus, qui
medius est, proximam in dignitate sedem obtinet post
colores supradictos, et est color ab albedine incipiens
in nigredinem degenerans. Est etiam color caelestis
propter dominium aeritatis in superficie perspicui
materiae purae; et assimilatur sapphiro secundum quos-
7 substernitur B, substituitur A, C ; adheret A, C, habet B.
13 primorum origo colorum B.
18 vidit visum B, quando unquam B.
30 et assimilatur . . natura A, С ; В corrupt.
IOI
dam. Assimilatur etiam lapidi adamanti secundum
magistrum meum Franciscum, quia lapis ille habet
colorem azoreum. Et ratio sua est quare Ovidius
assimilat colorem ilium lapidi adamanti, quia lapis ille
secundum Dioscoridem est lapis reconciliationis et
amoris. Et concordat cum eo Bartholomeus, De
Proprietatibus Rerum.* libro XVI°, capitulo viii°, et de
sui natura. Hie color est maxime indicativus amoris,
ut plenarie patet per Ovidium, De Arte AmandL* libro
tertio, ubi dicitur,
P alleat omnis amans ; hie est color aptus am anti.
Istud etiam patet in hominibus amorosis, qui
prae amoris magnitudine aestuantes dilati cordis
spiritus incipiunt evaporare, propter quorum nutri-
mentum et restaurationem natura colorem ab exteriori-
bus ad interiora revocat, et sic superficiem cutis per
subtractionem calidi sanguinis reddit azoreum vel
pallidum. Aliam etiam causam assignat magister
meus Franciscus, quam ego non approbo, assimilando
azoreum ferro; et hoc quia ferro prius deberet Impera-
tor coronari quam cum alio metallo, ut notant doctores
in C. Venerabil. Extra. De Electoribus* et patet per
Hostiensem in capitulo suo Super Quibusdam, De
Verborum Significatione.* et concordat Speculator, titulo
suo De Rescripts* c. praesentes* § Si vero.
Item, quod est authenticum, nam per ferrum desig-
natur fortitudo, quia scilicet fortitudine praecellere
debet Imperator omnes hostes, qua etiam rebelles et
5 secundum magistrum meum Franciscum C, secundum Ovidium A.
13 estuantes . cordis B.
19 quam ego non approbo assimilando azoreum ferro et quia ferrum
deberet soli p. Imperatori quam auro vel . . . Idem quod azoreus vel ferreus
color esset dignior quam color aureus allegat pro eo Accursius, C. De lusticia,
C. compo. prope finem, et C. De lud. L. II et III. Et in Auct. De Coloribus
in principio coll, van Sin autem. (Corrupt.) B.
102
infideles repellere poterit et expugnare. Adhuc et
aliam rationem assignat meus magister Franciscus,
quae est ista: Color azoreus ideo praefertur omnibus
coloribus mediis, et specialiter colori aureo, quia color
iste fuit a Deo missus per angelum Karolo Magno
regi Francorum tamquam pro subiecto et fundamento
armorum suorum. Detulit quidem angelus scutum
cum campo azoreo et tribus floribus aureis. Et sic
ibi color aureus fuit inferior colore azoreo, quia fuit
accidentalis et ideo non substantia. Et si velitis, sic
Gallice, Il fort d' a%our treys flordelys d'ore (XV c). De
istis patet in Cronicis de Karolo Magno; et notatur
argumentative Ixiii. dis. Adrianus, et xxiv, q. viii,
hortatu. Item habemus quomodo color azoreus fuit
alio tempore missus a Deo, ut patet in Speculo HistoriaU,
sub rubrica De Mirabili nece luliani Apostatae, libro
XL°, capitulo xliii0, quomodo a morte resuscitatus fuit
beatus Mercurius, cui omnia arma necessaria, una cum
scuto azoreo et cruce florida cum quatuor rosis aureis
per angelum fuerunt delata, ut idem ipse Mercurius
Dei fortitudine et potentia lulianum apostatam debel-
laret. Quern alta voce clamantem, Ficistiy Galilee,
vicisti, antedictus Mercurius penitus interfecit. Et si
velitis, arma sancti Mercurii sunt isto modo Gallice
describenda: Il port d'asour croys floritee et quatuor roses
d'ore (XXIV a). Ex istis breviter conclude quod color
azoreus inter omnes colores medios et submedios est
dignior.
De colore aureo. Color autem aureus est color
proximus. Sed nisi per dicta Domini Bartholi motus
essem, ego dicerem quod color aureus esset color
infimus. Qui Bartholus dicit quod colores ideo
6 tamquam fundamentum B.
103
dicuntur digniores propter illud quod repraesentant,
et sic propter nobilitatem metalli color est melior. Et
ideo non melior est, quia color ipse non fit ex sola ipsa
albedine et nigredine, sed oportet addere colorem se
viliorem ut rubeum, ex quorum trium colorum admix-
tione resultat color aureus. De isto est Avicenna in
quodam libro suo Coloribus, capitulo VI11°,
Colore Aureo,
Generatur iste color ex colore vilissimo mundi, scili-
cet, ex colore viridi, qui color est submedius, ut inferius
dicam, quia viridis color in plantis existens in Aut-
umpno, in colorem aureum sive croceum mutatur in
hieme, quoniam in foliis est materia humida multo
magis quam materia glauca vel aurea, et grossa per
actionem calidi consumitur, nec tamen omnino destrui-
tur a colore materiam elevante, licet frigus ibi domine-
tur. Frigus vero dominans in materia mediocri generat
colorem medium necessario, quia et melius potest trans-
mutare humiditatem quam siccitatem. Ideo generat ibi
colorem medium habentem de colore albo magis quam
cuius est color aureus vel croceus. De istis est Com-
mentator super libro Aristotelis, De Plantis, in fine; et
concordat cum eo Bartholomeus, De Proprietatibus
Reruns libro XIX°, capitulo XI°. Corrige tamen
dominum Bartholum in illo exemplo de luce, in tractatu
suo De Armis Pingen dis, § Constat, ubi dicitur, Constat
autem luce nil clarius vel nobilius, ut C. De Summa
2	metalli color aureus in se est melior secundum eum. Et ratio me
movens est haec. Nam color aureus generatur ex ... А, С.
14	grossa A, C, grosso B.
17	B, transmutari in humiditatem А, С.
20	magis cuius B.
21	De istis dicit B.
24 Et si tenueritis opinionem domini Bartholi, caveati* de exemplo
ab eo ibidem posito quod est de luce, in tractatu . . . А, С.
104
Trinitate et Fide Catholic a, Epistola inter claras; et C. Ne
Filius pro Patre, Authentica habita ibiy totum mundum
illuminat.
Et propter huiusmodi nobilitatem null! licet uti
vestibus aureis nisi solum Principi, ut C. De Vestibus
Qlobn L. I et II, quia ipse dominus Bartholus dixit,
quod lux fuit de substantia coloris aurei, et sic fecit
similitudinem inter colorem aureum et lucem. Sed
tu die quod albedo est color ex luce multa et clara in
perspicuo generatus, ut dicit Aristoteles. Si vero lux
pauca et obscura fuerit in perspicuo nigredo necessario
generatur; et iste est sermo Aristotelis et Averois, qui
ponunt nigredinem privationem lucis et albedinem
habitum sive formam. Ergo Bartholus male assimi-
lavit, quia omnis lux aut est clara et sic alba, vel obscura
et sic nigra; aut est pauca et sic nigra, vel multa et sic
alba. Nec dico lucem magnam subiectum magnum,
sed sicut de luce virtual! datur quae in puncto colligitur.
Si fuerit igitur lux clara et multa in puro perspicuo,
albedo generatur. De isto est Aristoteles in libro
secundo De Anima^ et De Sensu et Sensato, capitulo vii°.
Item sicut in medio perspicuo. Nam terminata
praesentia in aere luminis facit actum lucidum,
absentia vero tenebrosum; sic in corpore terminato
praesentia lucis facit terminatum sive coloratum, scilicet
album; et eius absentia nigrum et tenebrosum. Ita
8 В ; Sed ibi corrige Bartholum. Nam albedo A, C.
17 Nec dico colligitur B.
De Summa Trinitate.* С. I, i, 8. Inter claras sapientiae ac mansuetudinis
vestrae laudes, christianissime principum, puriore luce tamquam aliquod
sidus irradiat, quod amore fidei, quod caritatis studio . . . Nihil enim est,
quod lumine clariore praefulgeat, quam recta tides in principe.
Ne Filius Pro Patre, С. IV, xiii (Nova Constitutio) quorum scientia
totus illuminatur mundus.
De Vestibus Holoveris, С. XI, ix (see p. 153 n).
105
tamen ut non omnino absit lumen, ut dicitur in libro
De Sensu et Sensato, capitulo viii°. Item fit generatio
colorum mediorum secundum suas differentias propor-
tionum, et sic suam capit dignitatem, ut patet per
Bartholomeum, De Proprietatibus Rerum, libro De
Consonantiis^ libro VII1°.
Item fit generatio colorum mediorum secundum
colorum principalium dominationem et proportionem;
et quanto sunt proportionabiliores, tanto sunt delecta-
biliores, ut dicitur ibidem.
Item omnis color medius generatur per albedinem
et nigredinem. Quae nigredo, ut supradixi, vocatur
aliquando privatio albi, ut obscuritas est privatio lucis,
ut dicitur in libro X° Metaphysicae^ capitulo tertio.
Et de isto colore fiebant arma Imperatoria, quae
adhuc ab omnibus Imperatoribus portari debent, ut
quiscumque fuerit Imperator portabit aquilam nigram
fissam et explanatam in campq aureo (XIX f). Sed
forsan quaeritis quare Imperator habebit aureum
campum et non alium colorem, cum color aureus non
sit color principalis, et cum sibi serviri debeat de
principibus, cum de eo dicatur, ff. De Lege Rhodia de
lactu, L. Deprecatio; et C. De Quadriennio Praescrip-
tione, L. Bene a Zenone, arg.y ° Sicut deus in coelis,
ita Imperator in terris"; ad hoc dicatis quod aurum est
metallum mitissimum, et quia non decet Imperatorem
3	A, secundum suas differentias et secundum diversitatem proportionem
C, secundum colorum proportionem B.
4	capit dignitatem, ut si sint in sexiquaterna proportione, vel in
sesquialtera, vel secundum alteras, si autem secundum proportionem et
secundum inhabentiam et dia diaphanum sit tarn proportionabile, ut
patet per . . C.
9	B, bene proportionate A.
De Lege Rbodia de lactu, D. XIV, ii, 9.
De Quadriennio Praescriptione^ С. VII, xxxvii, 3.
106
in omnibus ferocem esse, sed in quibusdam mitem,
assumpsit sibi pro attemperamento colorem aureum.
Et tunc quare habet aquilam Assam et explanatam,
dicatis quia Imperator non esset magis declinans ad
unam partem quam ad aliam partem, respiciens ad
aequitatem lurium et Armorum, ut lustinianus in
prohemio, in principio, ubi habetur, Imperatoriam
maiestatem non solum in armis decoratam^ sed legibus
oportet esse armatam. Et ille color niger in aquila est
signum ferocitatis ut inferius dicam. Et ideo assump-
sit sibi Imperator aquilam nigram. Sed quare portat
aquilam et non leonem vel aliquod aliud animal ?
Dicatis, ut infra de avibus, De Aquila^ et ibi plene.1
De colore rubeo. Est etiam alius color, scilicet
rubeus, qui est medius color ab extremis nigredinis et
albedinis equidistans, qui in superAcie corporis per-
spicui resultat per incorporationem dati luminis ignei
atque puri ut supradixi, ubi de colore rubeo tractavi ;
et ideo intense rubeum ad modum lucidi disgregat
visum, nec aggregat sicut nigrum, ut supra posui
exemplum de pannorum venditoribus. De istis nota-
tur per Commentatorem Averois in libro De Sensu et
Sensato. Et iste color attribuitur Principi, ut C. De
Officio Sacrarum Largitionum^ L. I. Et ratio est quare
iste color potius attribuitur Principi, quam aliquis alius
color, ut albus vel niger, azoreus vel aureus, quia iste
color signiAcat ferocitatem et terrorem. Et Principes
in suis correctionibus et contra inimicos essent feroces
ut sibi obedirent. Nam iste color Principi prae ceteris
attribuitur. Et quod iste color signiAcat ferocitatem
De Ojjicio Sacrarum Largitionum^ С. I, xxxii.
1	The whole of this description of the arma imperatoria is transferred to
the chapter “De Aquila” in MS. B. and in the Welsh text (see p. 202, n.).
IO7
et terrorem, probatur argument© textus Institutionum,
De Obligationibus, Quae ex delicto nascuntur^ Interdum,
ubi de eo qui cum panno rubeo fugavit armenta. Ex quo
etiam colore arma fundantur regis Angliae: quare
quicumque fuerit rex Angliae pro proprio portat tres
leones peditantes de auro in campo rubeo. Et Gallice
sic, Il port de gowls tres leones passantes d'or (XXV d).
Et haec sunt arma vetera ad regem Angliae perti-
nentia. Sed iam portat ista arma cum armis regni
Franciae quarteriata. Sed de rationibus illud pro-
bantibus, et quando in bello captus suis propriis possit
uti armis in praesentia capientis, longum esset hie
tractare, sed Deo dante, in fine dicam.1
Sed forsan quaeritis quare rex Angliae talia debet
arma portare. Dicatur quod rex Angliae portat primo
colorem rubeum, quia per colorem rubeum repraesen-
tatur ignis, ut supradixi. Et Anglici dicuntur quasi
Inglici) vel igne elect! Sed de ista materia non plus ad
praesens. Dixi etiam supra in armis Imperatoris de
De Obligationibus, J. IV, i, и (see p. 156).
11	captis C.
1 This suggests that a section dealing with the arms of the kings of Britain
was intended as an appendix. Note the Upton version, p. 110:
Ex quo eciam colore arma hunt regis Anglie, qui portat tres leones
peditantes de auro in campo rubeo. Et Gallice sic. Ill port de gewles trots
leonnes passantz d'or. Et ista sunt antiqua arma regis Anglie. Set circa
mortem Isabelle, olim Regine Anglie que fuit filia et heres regis Francie,
mater Edwardi tercii nuper regis Anglie, dictus Edwardus, ut verus heres
regni Francie portavit predicta arma sua cum armis regni Francie quarter-
iata. Et hec est una fortis ratio quare rex Anglie portat arma regni Francie.
Alia autem ratio est; nam jura volunt quod captus in justo bello fiat
servus capientis, est textus Instituta de jure naturali gentium et civili in
$ Jus autem gentium, ubi dicitur, Bella etenim orta sunt et captivitates
secute, inde et servitutes, que sunt juri naturali contrarie, set verum est
quod xix die Sept. Anno Domini M.CCC.xlvii Dominus Edwardus, princeps
et primogenitus prefati Edwardi tercii regis Anglie, in bello de Poyters,
regem Francorum Johannem cepit, et postea ipsum captivum in Angliam,
cum magno triumpho et honore perduxit. Bene ergo licebat prefato
Edwardo et heredibus suis arma sui captivi deferre postea et portare.
108
colore aureo; dicatis ut ibi. Sed forsan petatis quare
portat leones potius quam alia animalia. Ad hoc
dicatis ut infra de animalibus in capitulo de leone,
ubi dicitur leonem portare fortitudinem una cum
generositate significat. Quare concludo quod licet
regi Angliae in armis suis leones libere portare.
Et color iste assimilatur flammae ignis quae est
materia ignea in substantia aerea accensa. Nam aer
propter suae substantiae subtilitatem et immedietatem,
quam habet cum spherae ignea vicinitate, de facili
ignitur et in materiam igneam commutatur. Et
secundum quod substantia aerea est purior, tanto
flamma est lucidior et clarior, et naturae lucis similis
videbitur. Et haec est ratio quare iste color subiec-
tatur colori azoreo, qui aeri assimilatur, ut supradixi de
coloribus submediis. De coloribus vero submediis
die quod omnis color submedius est nobilior vel vilior
secundum quod de melioribus coloribus vel vilioribus
fit, et sic suam capit essentiam vel claritatem.
De Signis in Clipeis Depictis.
De Animalibus.
Supra in parte de coloribus et de eorum differentiis
diximus, et ex consequenti sequitur ut de signis in
clipeis depictis aspiciamus. Et quia inter omnia
signa mundi digniora sunt signa viventia, ut ff.
De Verborum Significatione^ L. Qui mortui, et C. De
Postumis Heredibus Instituendis, L. I et II, xiii, q. 2,
De Verborum Significatione, D. L, xvi (see p. 157 n.).
De Postumis Heredibus Instituendis, С. VI, xxix.
7-15 В, от. A, C.
15-20 B, slight variants in A, C.
21 De signis . . . C.
25 aspiciamus A, C, despiciamus B.
IO9
quam posterum^ et inter viventia nobiliora et digniora
sunt ilia quae sunt masculini sexus, ut fi.De Senatoribus^
L. I, in textu, et per Accursium; quare primo dicen-
dum est de animalibus masculis, et primo in specie
intendimus tractare de leone.
De leone. Dicitur enim leo Graece, rex Latine quia
rex animalium est, ut dicit Ysidorus, libro XII°, et in
summa generositate est quando iubis colla et humerus
vestiuntur, ut dicit Plinius in libro VIII0. Item in
periculis maxime apparet gloriosus, unde, quando
prosequitur a canibus et a venatoribus, non latitat nec
se occultat, sed sedet in campis ubi videri potest, et ad
defensionem se parat. Caveant igitur qui leonem aut
leones in armis portant, quod contra istam naturam
non faciant.
Quando enim vulneratur, mira observatione novit
primo se tangentem, et in multitudine positum mira-
biliter invadit primum percussorem, etsi exinde moria-
tur. Animal etiam valde gratum est, cognoscens ac
tenerrime diligens sibi benefacientem, ut notat Plinius,
et probat per multa exempla in libro VI11°, capitulo
xvii°. Et ut dicit Aristoteles, leo est animal fortissi-
mum, eo quod ossa eius sunt ita dura ut ex eorum
collisione per repercussionem exit ignis. Haec Aris-
toteles, libro De Animalibus^ et concordat Avicenna
cum eo. Cum autem iratus fuerit, alte rugit, ad cuius
vocem terrentur animalia, et subito figunt gradum
3 textu et vidi ibi A, textu et vidi in Accur. C, textu etenim per
Accur. B.
8 et leoni precipue generositas tunc cum colla armosque vestiuntur
iube A.
11 presecutus fuerit B.
2i argumenta A.
27 rugit A, C, mugit B.
De SenatoribuSy D. T, ix (see p. 157 n.).
I IO
PLATE XVII
PLATE XVIII
quasi edictum expectantia regis sui, ut dicit Dios-
corides, De Animalibus^ capitulo xviii°. Praedam
quam capit, solus comedere erubescit, et ideo remotis
animalibus aliis sese sequentibus de ipsa praeda
aliquid liberalitatis gratia relinquit, ut dicit idem
Plinius. Leonem ergo portare ferocitatem et
fbrtitudinem una cum generositate significat.
Cave tamen de colore ipsius leonis in armis depicti;
et die de eius colore ut ego supra dixi de coloribus.
Naturam hanc, scilicet, leoninam, sequi solet rex
Angliae, qui turn propter praedictas conditiones, turn
quia habet leones sibi et suo subiectos imperio, portat
in suis armis tres leones peditantes aureos in campo
rubeo. Et nota hie quae dixi supra de colore rubeo.
Et ratio est quare portat leones aurei coloris et non
alterius, videbis infra in capitulo De Aquila^ ubi de
armis Romani Imperatoris agitur et tractatur.1
De leopardo. Leopardus est bestia saevissima ex
leaena et pardo per adulterium generata, ut dicit
Ysodorus, libro XI1°. Est etiam valde praeceps,
et sitit sanguinem, colorem habens varium a patre,
scilicet, a pardo. Sed quomodo possumus cognoscere
leopardum in pictura a leone ? Die, addendo ad
regulas domini Bartholi De ficturis armorum^ quod
leopardus, ubicunque depingitur, est varii coloris,
habens pectus planum, ubi leo habet hispidum. Alia
differentia est haec secundum quosdam, quod leo debet
depingi cum media facie, et leopardus cum plena facie.
3 capit A, C, rapit B.
22 sed quomodo dicis tu possumus B.
26 Alia differentia . . plana facie от. В.
28 plena C, plena В ; rationem eorum B.
1	See note on p. 119.
I I I
M
Fuge, rogo, rationem sompniantium in hac materia,
qui ponunt differentiam inter eos in pictura faciei,
scilicet, quod leo debet depingi cum plena facie et
leopardus cum media facie. Nam si ilia regula esset
vera, sequeretur quod leones nullo modo possent
depingi rapaces, quod est contra iura, ut patet per
Accursium, ff. De Acquirendo Rerum Dominio, ubi
dicitur quod animalia depingi debent et designari in
actu suo fortiori et ferociori, et concordat ff. De Postu-
lando, § Bestias autem, Leopardum autem portare est
signum quod portans vel saltern primo assumens fuerit
adulterio genitus. Et nota, quod semper habendus est
respectus ad colores, ut supra in capitulo De Coloribus
dixi; et multum pertinenter potest dici quod isti magni
abbates debent portare in armis suis leopardos et mulos.
Et ratio est, quia leopardi et muli et cetera animalia
per adulterium generata habent instrumentum gene-
randi, non tamen habent actum vel exercitium; sicut
abbates habent mitram, baculos pastorales et cetera
instrumenta episcopalia, non tamen habent exercitium.
Unde scribitur, Mulus et Abbates sunt in honore pares.
De pardo. Pardus est bestia velox valde, colore
orbiculata ut pantera, praeceps in sanguinem, et multo-
ciens moritur solo saltu. Et non differt in colore a
pantera, nisi quod pantera habet maculas albiores, ut
dicit Plinius, libro VIIГ. Ista bestia multum affectat
comedere fimum humanum, et ideo venatores suspen-
dunt stercora humana in arboribus, ut, dum ascendat
in arbores, interficiatur a venatoribus.
2	in pictura eorum B.
14	Et multum . . . pares от. В.
De Acquirendo, D. XLI, i.
De Postulando, D. Ill, i, 6. Bestias autem accipere . * . debemui ex
feritate magis quam ex animalis genere.
I 12
Est etiam animal multum degenerans, quia coit cum
leaena, ex cuius adulterio generatur leopardus. Haec
Aristoteles, libro VIII0, De Animalibus. Et raptis
catulis suis est magis saevus, ut in glossa Oseae VII.
Pardum igitur vel panteram portare est signum
conditionis servilis praeteritae vel omissae, quia vul-
gariter dicitur, Quamvis poma procul ab arbore proician-
'ur, dat sapor intuitum de quo ligno generatur, ut ff.
e Servitutibus, 1. Ut pomum, et 1. Diffinimus nimis,
De Agricolis censitis, 1. etiam eum satis, eodem titulo.
Vide sufficienter per Bartholum de ista materia in suo
Consilio, quod incipit, Occurrentia, etc. Et idem die
de pantera, quia de similibus simile est indicium, ff.
Ad leg. Aquil. Z. Illud, et C. De Patribus qui filios suos
distraxerunt.
De cervo. Cervus, ut dicit Aristoteles, libro VIH°,
De Animalibus, est animal non habens fel, et inter
omnia animalia bruta est prudentissimum et valde
forte, quia de prudentia sua cervam suam facit parere
iuxta viam, ubi animalia alia propter advenientes
homines venire non audent. Item post partum filio-
rum suorum ducit eos in quasdam cavernulas quae
[non] nisi unicum habent introitum, ubi potest resistere
omnibus bestiis venientibus ad se. Item deprehenditur
eius aetas per cornuum ramos, quia annis singulis
crescit sibi de novo unus ramus, ut dicit Ysidorus, in
3 B, raptis calculis A, C.
6 omisse C, amisse B.
8 dant saporem intus A, C.
13 quia de similibus . . . от. A, C.
26 novus ramus B.
De Servitutibus, D. VIII, i, 8.
De Agricolis Censitis vel Colonis, С. XI, xlviii, 13, 23.
Ad Legem Aquileiam, D. IX, ii, 32.
De Patribus Qui Filios С. IV, xliii (see p. 161 n.).
43
libro XI1°. Item omni anno in vere solent cornua
cadere, et tunc inermis est; sed ex sua prudentia et
discretione pugnare non affectat, quousque crescentibus
cornubus suis iterato nova sibi evenerit armatura. De
istis est Ysidorus in locis superius praeallegatis, et
concordat Philosophus, ut supra.
Cervum in armis portare est signum quod portans
vel saltern primo assumens erat pauper in prima aetate
sua: cuius etiam substantia de anno in annum
aliquantulum crescebat. Apparet etiam quod portans
fuit prudens in actibus bellicosis, et subtilis non
temerarius, ut scilicet inimicos suos invaderet sine
armis et sufficient! protectione, sed expectat quousque
crescente cornu suo habilius poterit, id est, sua arma
habeat. Idem etiam Bartholomeus, De Proprietatibus
Rerum.
De apro. Aper, ut dicit Bartholomeus, De Proprie-
tatibus Rerum> est porcus silvestris vel agrestis, qui
valde saevus et invidus est, ut testatur Ysidorus, libro
XI1°, capitulo primo: et dicitur aper quasi afer, id est,
a feritate, quia secundum quantitatem sui corporis
ferus est et crudelis: unde etiam apud Graecos afer
quasi ferus nuncupatur. A Latinis vero vocatur
verres, quia grandes habet vires, sicut dicit Ysidorus,
in loco prius allegato, et concordat Bartholomeus,
De Proprietatibus Rerum, in libro suo. Et si pictores
aliqui sint vocati ad depingendum invidiam, statim
ipsi pingunt hominem gladio seipsum occidentem et
equitantem super aprum vel verrem.
4 veniat B.
5 allegatis B.
28 B, interficientem A, C.
114
De istis die, ut Magister dicit mens Franciscus, in
capitulo 111° libro suo De Armis Pin gen dis, de qua
materia ego non tractabo, quia sufficiunt dicta sua et
dicta Domini Bartholi, qui valde comis est et famosus.
Est itaque tantae feritatis, quod mortem parvi
pendens contra venatoris ferrum intrepide se ingerit,
et multociens telo transfixus venatorem interficit vel
occidit, ut testatur Avicenna in capitulo suo, De
Origano, quadam herba.
Aprum vel verrem in armis portare significat homi-
nem invidum, bellatorem subtilem et fortem, qui mori
potius desiderat quam fugiendo vitam servare. De
isto ego plus dicerem, nisi esset suspicio de aliis
animalibus.
De cane. Canem in armis portare significat virum
benevolum, fidelem bellatorem, qui dominum suum
nunquam deserere proponit, neque vita neque morte,
et pro domino suo morti se subicere paratur, ut notat
Bartholomeus, De Proprietatibus Reruns capitulo
De Cane.
De dracone. Draconem autem portare magnum
ac egregium portatorem signat, quia draco est animal
maxime sitiens et sitibundum, in tantum quod vix
potest aqua satiari, et ideo aperit os suum ad ventum,
ut sic suum extinguat ardorem. De istis notatur per
leronimum in suo libro De Animalibus, in capitulo
i~4 в.
iz De istis ego plus dicerem; sed amor Hibernie tacere me compellit
A, C.
14. Die secundum quod videris eorum proprietates esse bonas vel malas,
et si videris aliquem portantem arma seu insignia, cognosces primo eius
proprietates et condiciones. Visis autem illis et cognitis, da sibi secundum
quod naturale tuum ingenium tibi demonstravit, ut ff. Ad Legem Aquil. B.
(This passage belongs more properly to the De Urso section, see p. 117.)
”5
De Leone; et concordat cum eo Bartholomeus, De
Proprietatibus Reruns libro XVIII°, capitulo xxxv°.
De equo. Equum in armis portare etiam significat
hominem benevolum ad bellandum pro minima causa,
quia equi solo et modico tubae sono ad bellum excitan-
tur. Significat etiam hominem bene formatum, et
habentem quatuor proprietates equorum, quae sunt
hae, forma, pulchritudo, meritum, et color. Forma,
ut fiat corpus validum et altum cum longis lateribus
substratis, dunes habens rotundos, pectus late patens,
et totum corpus densitate nodosum. Pulchritudo
attenditur ut habeat exiguum caput cum pelle solis
ossibus adhaerente, aures habens breves et acutas,
oculos grandes cum coma densa et cauda curta.
Meritum attenditur ut scilicet sit animo audax, pedibus
alacer, trementibus membris, quod fortitudinis est
indicium. Color etiam in eo spectatur, qui color in
pilis nunc est albus, nunc est niger, nunc est roseus,
nunc est varius vel guttatus vel canus; et varius color
equum multum decorat. De istis est Ysidorus, libro
VII0, et concordat Bartholomeus, De Proprietatibus
Rerumy capitulo XXXVI0, libro XVI11°, et concordat
Franciscus, De Picturis Armorum, circa medium, ubi
loquitur de equo.
De urso. Ursus dicitur ab urgendo, quia fortiter
urget ac astringit quern apprehendit, ut dicit Plinius,
libro VIII°, capitulo XXXVIII0. Est autem animal
iracundum et impatiens, et vult se vindicare de singulis
qui eum tangunt; et ideo si aliquem invadentem se
5 solo et medio tube A, solo et modico C, solo sono tube B.
io subscriptis B.
io pectus latus et potens В ; densitate A, designate B, designate C.
2i concordat Franciscus et Bartholomeus de picturis . . . А, С.
27 iratum B.
116
invaserit, et si alius eum tetigerit, dimittit statim
primum, et prosequitur secundum; et si tertius eum
laeserit, tarn primum quam secundum deserit, et mox
contra tertium insurgit: cuius fbrtitudo multum viget
in bracchiis, et multociens ursus esuriens mel ab apibus
extrahere cupiens arte cuiusdam mallei solet impediri:
qui pendentem malleum a se proicit, sed rediens
malleus ipsum ad aures tangit. De quo indignatus
fortius a se malleum reicit, qui impetuosius ursum
statim ferit, et tamdiu contra truncum sive malleum
resurgit, quousque ex frequenti ictu suum debile
caput deficit, [et] cadens inferius super palos et certos
stimulos ibi prius positos propria stultitia se occidit.
De istis est Aristoteles, libro VI0, De Animalibus^ et
concordat Plinius et Bartholomeus in capitulo De Urso.
Ursum autem portare significat fortem bellatorem non
tamen prudentem.
Haec exempli causa de bestiis dixisse sufficiat. De
aliis vero animalibus die secundum quod videris eorum
proprietates esse bonas vel malas. Cum autem videris
aliquem petentem arma seu insignia sibi assignari,
cognoscas primo eius conditionem. Qua visa et
plenius intellecta, da illi secundum quod naturale
tuum ingenium tibi demonstravit, ut ff. Ad Leg. Aquil-
I. illius.
De avibus. Postquam sufficienter diximus de
animalibus quadrupedibus, nunc dicendum est de
3 quam tam primum quam secundum B.
6 cupiens arte cuiusdam extrahi mallei solet impediri B.
11	debile quod habet caput A.
12	palas B.
13	cecidit B.
17	B, prudentem ut dicit Philosophus C.
18-25 Cf. Note, p. 115.
Ad Legem Aquileiam^ D. IX, ii.
117
avibus. Et primo generaliter die quod ipsi qui aves
vel volatilia portant non sunt tam solidi vel stabiles
sicut illi qui animalia quadrupedia portant.
De aquila. Aquila est avis quae velut regina inter
alias aves obtinet principatum sive dominium; et est
avis maxime liberalis. Nam praedam quam capit non
nisi nimia fame arceatur sola comedit, sed avibus earn
sequentibus quasi communem earn spargit et exponit,
sua tamen primitus recepta portione. Sed cum praeda
prius rapta sibi non sufficit, tamquam rex de publica
re vivens, C. De lure Fisci, per totum librum, avem sibi
proximiorem rapit, et in medio illam ponit. Et illam
aquilam omnes aliae aves insequi solent, sperantes
de eius praeda quod eis debeat aliquam portionem
impartiri. Dicit enim Plinius quod herodius et
similes aves praedae, quando audiunt aquilas, vix
praedantur illo die, et hoc est forsitan ex timore.
Habet etiam aquila unum pedem clausum ad modum
anseris, cum quo se regit in aqua, quando descendere
solet pro praeda: alium vero habet divisum cum acutis-
simis unguibus, cum quibus praedam rapit, ut dicit
Aristoteles, libro XII0.
Ex quibus conclude quod principaliter decet Roman-
orum Imperator in armis suis aquilam portare, qui de
facto portat aquilam nigram cum duobus capitibus,
ut dicit magister meus. Sed tu die quod ipse portat
Aquilam fissam et explanatam in campo aureo (XIX f).
3 quadripedia B.
8 et exponit B.
15 herodius et similes aves ipso die quo audiunt aquilam vix praedantur,
et hoc forsitan accidit propter timorem A, C.
De lure Fisci, С. X, i.
118
Et de ista materia die ut ego dixi de aquila in capitulo
de colore aureo, et in capitulo quod incipit, Color
autem niger, die ut ibi.
De acci pitre. Accipitrem in armis portare est
signum quod primo portans fuit gracilis vir et non
fortis, sed animo melius armatus quam corpore.
Nam accipiter est avis quae plus animo quam ungulis
est armata, et quod in quantitate corporis natura
denegatur, hoc ei in virtute, prudentia, et audacia
animi recompensatur, ut dicit Ysidorus, cum quo
concordat Aristoteles, libro XI V°.
De bubone. Bubo est avis multum onerata plumis
et gravi detenta pigritia, in die commorans in cavernis
et in locis umbrosis, in nocte tamen volitans et quaerens
rapinam. Et fortior est de nocte quam de die, ut
dicit Aristoteles, libro VIII°. Et omnibus aliis volu-
cribus haec odio habetur. Templa frequentat tempore
nocturno, ut de oleo lampadum satietur. Mures et
vespertiliones venatur et comedit. De nocte volat,
et de die in parietum rimulis se abscondit.
Bubonem ergo portare desidem et vecordem ad
actus bellicosos demonstrat, et de rapina viventem. De
1-3 A. Sed si quaeras quare habet campum aureum et non argenteum,
cum color aureus non sit principalis color, et servire debeat melioribus et
principalibus, turn dicatur de eo ; Sicut Dominus in caelo, ita Imperator in
terris, ut fl. Ad. Leg. Rhod. De lactu, 1. deprecatio, et C. De Ouadriennii
Prescriptione, Bene a Zenone^ die quia aurum est metallum mitissimum, et
quia non decet Imperatorem in omnibus esse ferocem, sed in quibusdam
mitem, assumpsit sibi pro temperamento aureum colorem. Et quare habet
aquilam explanatam cum capite fisso ? Quia Imperator non est declinans
ad utramque partem, ut lustinianus in Prohemio, in principio, ubi habetur,
“Imperatoriam maiestatem non solum armis decoratam verum legibus
decet esse armatam etc.” Et ille color niger in aquila est signum ferocitatis
ut supra dixi de coloribus. Color autem niger B.
The Welsh version agrees with the inclusion of the arms of the Emperors
of Rome in this chapter on the eagle.
119
quo loquitur textus C. De Effractoribus et Expilatoribus
Ecclesiarum, per processum, et De Requirendis Reis,
1. ultima.
De columba. Columba dicitur a colore quern
habet in collo, et est avis mansueta hominum frequen-
tiam et consortium desiderans et diligens. Vel dicitur
columba quasi colens lumbos, quia multum exercet
actus veneris, ut dicit Ysidorus in capitulo De Columba.
Est pacis nuntia et laetitiae, ut patet in Gen., capitulo
VI11°, simplicitatis forma, natura munda, pietatis
aemula, societatis arnica, iniuriae invenitur immemor.
Est etiam naturaliter timida, raro secura nisi in fora-
mine, et est valde obliviosa. Haec leronimus, et
concordat Aristoteles, libro VI°.
Columbam portare igitur est signum simplicitatis,
et quod portans plus confidit in sociis suis quam
in propria fortitudine. Et columbam in armis portare
bene pertinere solet ad haraldos armorum, qui dimissa
arte sua sibi et suis arma assumunt; et dicit leronimus
in libro IV° quod in Aegypto et in Syria instruitur
columba ut literarum sit baiula de una provincia in
aliam. Et cum illo concordat Bartholomeus, De
Proprietatibus Rerum, libro XI1°, capitulo vii°.
De cornice. Cornicem sive monedulam in armis
portare significat garrulatorem magnum, subdolum,
6	B, hominis consortium diligens А, С.
7	quia A, C, qui B.
7	А, С, frequentat actus venereos B.
12	А, С, foraminibus B.
19	quia dicit B.
20	B, egroto et in suria A, C.
24	A, C, sive monedulam B.
25	signat B.
De Effractoribus et Expilatoribus, D. XLVII, xviiL
De Requirendis Reis, С. IX, xl.
120
et incolis ubi habitat nocentem, et seipsum libenter
exaltare volentem; quia cornix est avis garrula et impia,
incolis valde nociva: nam aquilam quam tangere formi-
dat garritu et volatu insequitur, sed de sua improbitate
non semper lucrum reportat, quia post longam aquilae
dissimulationem, aliquando ab ea cum rostro percuti-
tur, multociensque interficitur, quando ei plus debito
et solito appropinquat. Et de talibus loquitur textus
in 1. Omnes, C. De Decurionibus, et 1. Curiales, eodem
titulo.
De cigno. Cantores milites facti vel ad dignitatem
exaltati cignum in armis portare debent, quia cignus a
canendo est dictus, in cuius alis maxima est fortitudo.
Quosdam tamen ego vidi cignum in armis portantes
qui cantores non fuerunt. Interrogavi quoque regem
haraldorum quaerens ab illo quare illis signum in
armis assignavit portandum. Qui duas rationes
assignavit, scilicet, quod fuerint pulcherrimi viri, et
quia habuerint longa colla. Elige tu ergo rationem
meliorem, et die in isto sicut tuum naturale ingenium
te edocuit. Sed forte quaeris a me qualia arma
portent hi qui non nobiles ex nativitate sunt. Et de
ilia quaestione die ut dicit Dominus Bartholus in
tractatu suo De Armis Pingendis, statim vero post
principium, qui allegat pro se Ad Recognoscendos, C. De
Ingen., et C. De Codicillis, 1. Si idem.
3	nocentem В, от. A, C.
8	B, importat A, C.
и De Cigno А, от. В, С.
17	portandum В, portare A, C.
19	A, C, elige tu unum de rationibus B.
22	portant B, deinde A, C, demum B.
De Decurionibus et Filiis Eorum, С. X, xxxi.
De Ingenuis Manumissis, С. VII, xiv, io.
De Codicillis, С. VI, xxxvi, 7 (see p. 169 n.).
121
De gallo. Gallus est avis satis audax et animosa.
Quare contra adversaries fortiter pugnare solet. Deinde
obtenta victoria statim cantat. Haec Plinius, libro
XXIX°, capitulo IV°. Galium autem portare cum
crista sua est signum boni et fortis bellatoris; sed si
crista careat, est signum quod portans cristam suam,
scilicet, galeam, in bello perdidit, vel quod est spado,
quia caponem gerit. Nam est signum caponis cum
crista tollitur.
De grife. Grifes in armis portare est signum
magni viri et fortis bellatoris duplicem conditionem
habentis, quia avis ilia in capite et alis similis est
aquilae, in posteriori vero parte est similis leoni. Vide
ergo de conditionibus eorum.
De merulo. Merulos in armis est signum quod
portans effectus est nobilis per suam fortitudinem, vel
secundum quosdam, quia non habet substantiam
magnam in bonis, sed deest sibi fundamentum, et
vivere videtur de perquisitis et perquirendis. Nam
aves ipsae, scilicet meruli, debent depingi sine pedibus
quia fundamento carent seu substantia. Et tales qui
portant haec arma in domibus et servitiis regum ac
aliorum sunt, et vivunt de gratia dominorum. Et
tamen nobiles sunt.
Ex quibus concludo quod quis non solum per copiam
divitiarum consequitur nobilitatem, sed multociens
per alias virtutes, ut supradixi, et notatur per
Bartholum, et C. De DignitatibuSy 1. i.
5 fortitudinis bellatoris B, boni . . . debellatoris А, С.
io De Grife . eorum В, С, от. A. There is a break in the reading
of MS. В after the De Grife section. It is resumed with the words regula est
sic intellegenda (see p. 124, n.).
De Dignitatibus, С. XII, i.
122
De piscibus. lam proximum est ut de piscibus
dicamus, et primo de lucio.
Lucium vero portare significat hominem rapacem
ac virorum inferiorum oppressorem, quia lucius est
piscis ipsam proprietatem habens ut minores se come-
dat, ut sufficienter notum est. Sed hie nota, quod haec
regula non est semper generalis, scilicet, ut portans
tale signum vel tale animal est talis vel talis conditionis,
sed fallit aliquando, ut forte aliquis homo vocatus est
Lucius et est bonus, et tamen portat in armis lucium.
Et sic potest quis aliquando sumere arma sua a nomine
suo vel a patria in qua natus est, ut forte Cornubicus
assumit sibi cornicem in armis suis, et tamen non
sequitur quod ipse habet conditiones corniceas. Ubi-
cumque igitur videris arma discernenda, suppositionem
praedictam praemitte.
De cancro. Cancrum portare est signum quod
portans protervus et in tibiis guttosus est. Et sic
iudica de ceteris piscibus cum ipsos in armis videris,
ut habita ipsorum proprietate eandem conditionem da
portanti, observata tamen suppositione quae in praece-
denti regula continetur. Et idem iudicandum est de
arboribus et herbis, si in armis portentur, quod raro
visum est.
De Crucibus.
Sufficienter in praecedentibus visum est de signis
viventibus. Sequitur iam ergo videre de figuris
mortuis; sed quia inter omnia signa mortua dignius
est signum crucis, cum de ipso signo dicatur Salve
crux sanctay arbor digna, etc., hinc est quod de ipso
123
signo primo tractare intendimus. Cum istis concordat
Sacra Scriptura, ubi Sola digna tu fuisti^ etc. Ipsius
signi duodecim differentiae inveniuntur, scilicet, Crux
Plana, Crux Ingradata, Crux Truncata, Crux Patens,
Crux Figitiva, Crux Cruciata, Crux Molendinaris,
Crux Florida, Crux Nodulata, Crux Florida Patens,
Crux Florida Nodulata, Crux Dupla Partita.
De cruce plana. Crux plana est talis ut supra.
Et plus dubitatur de ipsa cruce quam de omnibus aliis,
et propter regulam quam ponit Magister meus Fran-
ciscus, scilicet, quod semper a cono, si conus unius
coloris fuerit, est incipiendum in discretione armorum;
et color ille conalis est campus ipsorum armorum. Quae
regula est sic intellegenda, scilicet, Semper a cono
est incipiendum. Hoc verum est si color illius coni
fuerit maior et copiosior color in armis. Et tunc si
quaeratur quomodo portat sanctus Georgius ? Die
quod ipse portat crucem planam rubeam in campo
argenteo. Idem in sermone latino non est dubium.
Et Gallice sic, Il port d'argent une crois playn de goules.
Et sic sunt omnia arma discernenda quae habent talem
crucem (I a).
De cruce ingradata. Ista etiam crux solet ali-
quando ingradari, ut hie patet. Et tunc sic debet
discerni vel describi: Portat unam crucem rubeam
ingradatam in campo argenteo. Et Gallice sic, Il port
d'argent une crois engraile de goules (I b).
i concordat alibi sacra scriptura ibi. Sola digna tu fuisti, etc. Pro
cuius signi nostri est subtiliter concipiend. quod ipsius signi xii differentiae
inveniuntur С. Cum istis concordat sacra scriptura ibi, sola digna tu
fuistis : ipsius signi ... A.
11 eius coloris А, С, unius suits better. Cf. Welsh version and the other
Latin version.
14	regula est MS. В resumes here.
There is no consistency in the French spelling. Sometimes we have det
goules, and at other times de goules, de gowles, de gowl.
124
De cruce truncata. Item solet haec crux aliquando
truncari, ut hie patet; et sic debet talis crux discerni.
Portat unam crucem truncatam rubeam in campo
argenteo. Et Gallice sic, Il port d' argent une crois
recoupie de goules (I c).
De cruce patenti. Quarta differentia signi est
talis quae vocatur crux patens; quae crux in medio
minor est quam in finibus suis, et habet angulos
patentes ut in exemplo isto, et sic debet discerni.
Portat unam crucem patentem rubeam in campo aureo.
Et Gallice sic, Il port d'ore une crois paty de goules
(II a, c).
De cruce figitiva. Quinta differentia signi crucis
est crux figitiva, ut hie. Et vocatur figitiva crux quia
de facili potest talis crux figi in terram; et sic debet
discerni. Portat unam crucem figitivam de argento
in campo rubeo. Et Gallice sic, Il port de goules une
crois fiche d'argent (cf. I f).
De cruce cruciata. Sexta differentia est crux
cruciata, ut hie patet. Et vocatur crux cruciata quia
in quolibet fine habet crucem; et sic debet discerni.
Portat unam crucem cruciatam de rubeo in campo
aureo. Et Gallice sic, Il port d'ore une crois croslet de
goules (II f).
De cruce molendinari. Septima differentia signi
crucis est crux molendinaris, ut patet hie. Et vocatur
crux molendinaris quia similis est cuidam instrument©
ferreo in molendino usitato, quod portat lapidem
15	in terra B.
18	crois fige A, C, fiche B.
23 une croise croslet B.
Tbe crux truncata 75 not tbe raguly cross as given in Byssbe's edition (I d).
CI tbe Welsb version.
12$
molarem, et sic debet discerni. Portat unam crucem
molendinarem auream in campo rubeo. Et Gallice
sic, Il port de goules une crois moleyne de ore (II e).
De cruce Florida. Octava crux est crux florida,
ut hie patet. Et vocatur crux florida, quia fines eius
aptantur ad modum floris. Talem autem crucem in
armis portans sic portare concipitur. Portat namque
unam crucem floridam de nigro in campo aureo. Et
Gallice sic, Il port de ore une crois floree de sable (cf. II d).
De cruce nodulata. Nona differentia est crux
nodulata, ut hie patet. Et vocatur crux nodulata,
id est, fibulata, quia fines eius aptantur ad modum nodi
sive fibulae. Et portat unam crucem nodulatam
nigram in campo argenteo. Et Gallice sic, Il port
d'argent une crois botene de sable (III a).
De cruce Florida patenti. Decima differentia est
crux florida patens, ut hie. Et vocatur crux florida
patens quia patens est ut supra, sed habet in finibus
suis quasi florem. Et portat de argento cum cruce
florida patenti de rubeo. Et Gallice sic, Il port d'argent
une crois patie floree de goules (II b).
De cruce Florida nodulata. Undecima differ-
entia inter cruces est crux florida nodulata, ut patet.
Et vocatur sic quia habet flores in finibus suis, et in
quolibet puncto cuiusque floris habet unum nodum
sive fibulam. Et portat de argento cum una cruce
florida fibulata de auro. Et Gallice sic, Il port d'argent
une croisflourte botonne de ore (cf. Ill b).
i molarem B.
3 molen d’ore B.
9 florre B, flourte А, С.
15 un crois B. The MSS. sometimes give une croys, crois, etc., and
sometimes un croys, un crois, etc.
126
PLATE XIX
PLATE XX
De cruce dupla partita. Duodecima differentia
huius signi est crux dupla partita, ut hie patet. Et
vocatur crux dupla partita quia si esset partita adhuc
esset dupla. Et portat unam crucem partitam duplam
de azoreo in campo aureo. Et Gallice sic, Il port de
ore une crois double partie d'azour (IV b).
Et nota quod istae cruces non sunt proprie signa
sed differentiae signorum. Quare die quod rex
haraldorum videns aliquem cupientem habere arma,
ignorans aliquam bonam vel malam conditionem vel
proprietatem in eo, debet assignare sibi aliquam de
crucibus supradictis, quia crucem portare signat
portantem non habere aliquam causam vel condi-
tionem secundum quam possent sibi arma assignari,
sed signat hominem brutalem.
De Armis Quarteriatis.
Sunt et alii qui habent arma sua quarteriata plana de
diversis coloribus ut hie patet. Et portat de auro
et rubeo in campo quarteriato. Et Gallice sic, Il port
quartette de ore et de goules (V c).
Et hie nota quod a colore exeunte a capite armorum
in dextero latere in armis quarteriatis semper est
incipiendum.
De armis quarteriatis ingradatis. Sunt et alia
arma quarteriata ingradata. Et quomodo arma pos-
sunt ingradari vide hie in scuto (VI b). Et vocantur
3	quia etsi A, C. si B.
12	portare А, С.
In the De Militari Officio we have the following list of crosses borne in
arms in addition to these twelve : Crux Aequalis, Crux Plana Cordata,
Crux Plana Perforata, Crux Talentata, Crux Florida Patens Figitiva, Crux
Plana Undosa, Crux Invecta (Crois Verre), Crux Masculata, Crux Inversa
(Crois Recercylee), Crux Furcata, (Crois Furche), Crux Dupla Partita
Florida, Crux Tripartita Florida, Crux Molendinaris Umbrata, Crux
Florida Patens Umbrata, Crux Fimbriata, Crux Erminalis sive Eremitica.
(Bysshe, op. cit., pp. 211-22.)
127
N
ingradata quia colores inseruntur gradatim unus in
alium. Et sic describitur. Portat namque de argento
et azoreo in campo quarteriato ingradato. Et Gallice
sic, Il port quartele engreile d'argent et azour (VI b).
De armis quarteriatis irrasis. Sunt et alia
arma quarteriata irrasa ut hie. Et portat de argento
et rubeo in campo quarteriato irraso. Et Gallice sic,
11 port quartele rase d' argent et goules (V b).
De armis quarteriatis indentatis. Sunt itaque
alia arma quarteriata indentata, ut hie. Sed hie
cavendum est quia quaedam sunt arma quarteriata
indentata et quaedam inbatellata. Indentata sunt
semper quarteriata, inbatellata nunquam, ut hie in
scuto. Et portat sic qui habet indentata arma. Gallice,
Il port quartele endentie d*argent et sable (V e).
Et qui portat arma inbatellata sic Gallice debet
discerni, ut hie in scuto, Il port d'ore et sable enbatelle
(cf. VI f).
De armis palatis. Sunt et quaedam arma palata, ut
hie in scuto patet. Et vocantur palata quia aptantur
ad modum pali, ut in 1. Pali, ff. De Perborum Significa-
tion e^ et ff. De Legatis, in 1. Pali. Et portat arma
palata de argento et azoreo. Et Gallice sic, Il port
paly d'argent et azour (VI a).
De armis barratis. Sunt etiam arma barrata ut
hie. Et vocantur barrata quia aptantur ad modum
barrarum; et quid est barra dicetur inferius. Et portat
13	ut plenarie patet in scuto B. Apparently, and this is made clear by
a sketch in tbe other Latin text, embattled is party per fess, and indented
is quarterly.
De Verborum Signification, D. L, xvi.
De Legatis et Fideicommissis, D. XXXII, iii, 56.
128
[arma barrata de argento et nigro]. Et Gallice sic,
Il port barry d' argent et sable, ut hie in scuto depingitur
(VI d).
De armis inangulatis. Sunt etiam arma inangu-
lata, quasi contrario modo angulata, ut conus contra
conum in medio. Et portat arma inangulata de
argento et rubeo. Et Gallice sic, Il port d' argent et
goules jerconis, Et dicitur jerconis quasi conus contra
conum, ut hie in scuto discerni potest (V d).
De armis bandariis. Sunt etiam arma quaedam
quae vocantur bandaria, ut apparet hie. Et vocantur
bandaria quia sunt quasi de bandis facta. Et portat
arma bandaria de auro et azoreo. Et Gallice sic,
Il port bendy d'ore et d'azour (VI c).
Et nota quod filius desiderans portare colorem campi
tarn armorum paternorum quam maternorum, potest
et debet eligere de istis octo differentiis supra notatis.
Et si velit, potest portare ipsos colores in armis
quarteriatis planis, vel in armis quarteriatis ingradatis,
vel in armis quarteriatis indentatis, vel in armis
quarteriatis invectis, vel in armis palatis, barratis,
inangulatis, vel bandariis, ut supra de omnibus
apponitur signum.1
Est etiam aliud differentiae signum quod laicis
attribuitur, scilicet, signum capitale. Et tale signum
capitale significat quod portans primo ipsa arma
i Not in MSS.
z ut hie in scuto in margine B.
8 yercunis B.
^rma quarteriata invecta have not been previously mentioned. See note
to Welsh version, p. 6. MS. С omits irrasis and MS, В omits invectis.
129
assumpsit. Et si filius eius habuerit patrimonium
augmentatum, posset sibi assumere signum aliud
capitale.
Sed si aliquis dominus ecclesiasticus non habens
arma, a rege haraldorum petit sibi arma assignari, tunc
potest ipse rex haraldorum dare sibi duo talia signa
capitalia vel tria ad maximum; quia patrimonium
domini ecclesiastici, quamvis fuerit augmentatum, non
transit ad heredes sed ad successores; et mortuo illo
domino moriuntur et sua arma seu insignia. Prae-
dicta tamen intellige de armis propriis ipsorum
ecclesiasticorum dominorum: secus est de armis ad
ecclesiam solam pertinentibus, et ex praedictis collige
differentiam inter heredes et successores. Heredes sua
arma portantes possunt sua arma maiorare vel minorare
cum concilio regis haraldorum, secundum quod eorum
substantia crescit vel minuitur. Sed successores
eadem arma debent portare quae a suis antecessoribus
fuerant apportata non augmentando nec diminu-
endo, ut patet in abbatibus, episcopis et aliis.
Et ratio est quia heredes portant arma suorum paren-
tum, episcopi vero et abbates suarum ecclesiarum.
Quare die, quod heres laicus, si habuerit duo signa
capitalia in suis armis cum substantia diminuta seu
minorata, potest demere unum signum ipsorum
duorum. Non ita potest dominus ecclesiasticus facere.
Et e contra, si pater alicuius portaverit unum signum
capitale, et postea heres eius inventus est pinguior in
substantia et bonis quam fuit eius pater, ut per marita-
gium vel per fortitudinem, potest assumere sibi aliud
signum capitale. Item ilia signa sunt isto modo
25 A, C, se maiorata B.
26 Nam et ita B.
130
Gallice describenda. Il port d' argent un cheveron de
sable (XI b). Vel sic, Il port de sable deux cheverons
d'argent (cf. XI c).
Item ista signa capitalia sunt aliquando transposita,
ut patet hie in scuto. Et tunc die quod portans arma
perdidit suae substantiae partem, sed tamen est in spe
recuperandi ipsam partem amissam, non proponens
istud signum in toto demere, sed istud signum portat
transpositum, ut supra. Et qui talia arma portat sic
Gallice portat. Il port d' argent deux cheverons transposes
de sable (XI f).
Et hie cave de opinione eorum qui dicunt supra-
dictum esse psalterium, Gallice, un salt er, quam opinio-
nem ego non approbo, quia pro eo fundamento nullam
penitus rationem invenio.
Sunt etiam insuper alii qui portant arma pilata, ut
hie, quia in illis formantur et pinguntur quaedam pilae,
ut patet. Et portat tres pilas de nigro in campo aureo.
Et Gallice sic, Ilport d'ore trois piles de sable (XII c).
Et tales pilas portare significat quod portans
adquisivit substantiam suam solo labore, vel per suam
laborem dives effectus est, quia tales pilae significant
laborem. Et ubicunque tres pilas inveneris sine
aliquibus aliis differentiis, die quod ille qui eas portat
vel suus antecessor laborarius erat. Sed illae pilae
semper sunt nigri coloris vel blodii.
6 perdit А, С.
7 propones А, С, in totum B.
11 de sable В, от. А, С.
13	i.e. Saltatorium.
13	sauter А, С.
14	quia pro ea fundanda non invenio rationem B.
18	ut patet in margine B.
20	tales pilos B.
22	quia pili signant B.
25	vel suus antecessor legitimus prius iptai in armis suit assumpsit et
ibi sumpsit fundamentum B.
25	Sed ilia . . . blodii А, С.
131
Cave tamen de significatione [equivocata] in pilis,
[ut testatur equivocus versus
Est pila pes pontis, pila Indus, pila taberna,
Pila terit pultes, et pila geruntur in hostes.]
Quaedam sunt pilae rotundae ut hie patet. Sunt et
alia quae portantur quae dicuntur artocriata, et sunt
rotundae ad modum pilae, sed sunt de argento, ut hie.
Et portat tres artocopas in campo rubeo. Gallice sic,
Il port de goul trots torteus d'argent (XIII a).
Sunt etiam arma cum serusis quae aptantur ad
modum pilae, sed semper sunt rubei quasi serusa.
Et portat de auro cum tribus serusis. Gallice, Il port
de ore cum troys seruses, ut hie.
Et nota quod cuiuscunque coloris fuerint, si tamen
non sunt aureae, sunt pilae. Sunt tamen rotundae
et solidae. Et dico solidae quia sunt certa signa
rotunda quae non sunt solida, ut sunt annuli, ut hie
patet. Et qui ista signa portat sic portare videtur*
Portat namque sex annulos aureos in campo rubeo.
Et Gallice sic, Il port de goules sex annulets d'ore. [Ista
signa portare] signum est quod fidelis est et beneficii
recepti memor, et non obliviosus, quod scribitur
Annulo fideL> subarravit me, etc. Et Moses annulum
memoriae tradidit uxori suae (XIII c).
Si vero ipsa signa rotunda fuerint et solida et aurea,
tunc vero non pilae sed talenta vocantur, Gallice
1 Cave tamen de signatione huiusqui in pilis quia quedam sunt pile
rotunde ut hie patet. Et nota quod cuiuscunque coloris . В, от. A, C.
6 Artocreas = Panis carnem continens. Artocopa = Quaevis placenta,
panis quidam dulcarius et arte confectus. (Migne.)
10-13 А, С, от. В.
14 Et nota . . . pilae В ; Et nota . . fuerint si tamen rotunde fuerint
et solide et dico solide quia sunt certa signa rotunda que non sunt solida,
ut sunt annuli, ut hie patet A, C (corrupt).
20-24 От. В, Et quia ista portat signum est A, C.
132
besauntes^ ut hie in scuto. Et qui haec arma portaverit
sic portare videtur. Portat de rubeo cum tribus
talentis. Et nota quod hie non est necessarium dicere
colores in talentis, quia si non sunt aurei coloris, talenta
non sunt. Et Gallice, Il port de goules trois besauntes
(XIII b).
Etex praedictis collige differentiam inter pilas, muas
(arnas), talenta, et maculas, artocopas, vel serusa. Sunt
autem omnium colorum pilae praeterquam aurei
coloris, ac rotundae et solidae, et vocantur Gallice
peletts. Muae (arnae) vel talenta sunt etiam similia
pilis, sed sunt semper aurei coloris, ut supradixi.
Maculae vero sunt semper solidae, nunquam vero
rotundae, ut hie in scuto.1 Et qui haec arma portaverit
sic portare dinoscitur. Portat autem de nigro cum
tribus maculis argenteis. [Haec signa portare] est
signum quod primo ea assumens fuit piscarius. Et
Gallice sic, Il port de sable trois mascles d'argent d).
Sed in istis etiam cave de stellis. Sed stellarum
notitiam habere potes per radios tortuosos ut hie. Et
portat de rubeo cum una Stella de auro. Et Gallice
sic, Il port de goules une estoil de ore. Et nota quod ista
non sunt proprie signa sed differentiae signorum ut
supradixi (XIII f).
7 pilas muas talenta A, pilas aureas talenta С, pilas arnas talenta B.
8 vel serusa ; quia secundum diversos nomina postulant A, C.
11 Mue vel talenta A, C, Arne vel talenta B.
16 Et qui haec arma portaverit signum est quod primo ea assumens
fuit piscarius A, C ; Et qui haec arma portaverit sic portare dinoscitur.
Portat autem de nigro . . . B.
18 molletts B, mascles A, C.
2o tortuose B.
22 un erer d’our B.
25 ut supra B.
x<Tbe mascles in Bysshe's edition are pierced. Read maculae nonnumquam
Mint solidae (?).
133
De Labellis.
Sunt etiam labellae in armis quorundam, et illae
semper sunt differentiae signorum, ut hie patet. Et
qui haec arma portat sic portJre videtur. Portat
autem de auro cum tribus pilis rubeis cum una labella
de azoreo. Et Gallice sic, Il port d'ore et trois peletts
de goules et un labell de azour (XV d).
Pro quibus labellis antedictis est diligenter animad-
vertendum, et conclusionaliter advertendum quod
primus filius, scilicet heres alicuius, portabit integra
arma paterna, et durante vita sui patris aliqua modica
cruce vel parva differentia uti debet. Post mortem
vero patris integra arma sui patris portabit. Secundus
vero filius portabit arma patris sui integra cum una
labella, quae labella tres habebit pendulas, Gallice
pendaunteS) ut patet in armis proximo praeteritis. Et
ratio est quare potius habebit tres pendulas quam
quatuor vel quinque, quia per primam pendulam
significatur pater eius, per secundam vero frater primus
et heres, et per tertiam significatur primus assumens
post heredem, qui est frater secundus. Si vero fuerint in
armis quatuor tales pendulae, die quod portans fuit
filius tertius; si vero quinque, die quod fuit quartus
filius qui ilia arma portavit, et sic de ceteris. Tamen
his diebus reges armorum ad libitum dant differentias
armorum.
Et generaliter nota quod differentiae signorum ut
cruces, labellae, et ceterae, non pinguntur ultra
numerum decennarium. Et si in maiori numero
pingantur, tunc est ibi pulverizatio, ut hie; et multo-
ciens contingit de cruce cruciata, ut hie. Et portat
29 decennariorum B.
134
de rubeo campo pulverizato cructbus cruciatis de
auro (XV a).
Sunt insuper alii qui portant flores arborum vel
herbarum, ut hie. Et portat de azoreo cum tribus
floribus aureis (XV c).
Et die quod portare flores ut rosas et tales est signum
instabilitatis, quia non sunt per annum duraturi, nec
per totum annum permanent. Merito ergo fuerunt
arma ista ad regem Francorum missa a Deo, quia ut
credo, cum Deus ipsa arma misit per angelum defer-
rens, per ea inconstantiam et instabilitatem in Francia
illis temporibus esse monstravit et similiter in diebus
seminavit. Haec Franciscus de terra sua loquitur.
Sunt insuper et alii domini qui fusulos portant ut
hie. Et die quod ipsa arma sumpserunt suam
originem ab aliquo textore ut ego credo, quia fusuli
sunt instrumenta ad textores pertinentia; et sic videtur
portare qui haec arma portat. Portat autem tres
fusulos rubeos in campo argenteo. Et Gallice sic,
Il port d' argent trois fusilles de goules (XIV f).
Sunt et alii qui portant lodisingos, et sunt breviores
quam fusuli (vel fusilli), ut sunt hie. Et sunt lodisingi
quasi scaccaria angulatim versa. Et hie portat de
argento cum sex lodisingis de rubeo. Gallice, Il port
d'argent six losinges de goul (cf. XVI c).
4 vel herbarum B.
io Cum Deus ipsa misit angelus deferens ea instabilitatem in Francia
seminavit В ; in Francia illis temporibus monstravit esse, et similiter in
diebus seminavit. A, C.
13 de terra A, C, a terra В. (С/. tbe Welsh version, A hynn a ddywaid
Ffranciscus o’i dir ef ehun yn i lyvyr Ffrangec.) Tbe pbrase o’i dir ef ehun
may be translated a terra sua, or de terra sua.
21 iodisyngos A, C.
135
Et nota quod possunt perforari tam lodisingi quam
fusuli; et sic de aliis pluribus.
Sunt insuper alii qui portant arma undosa, ut hie
patet. Et portat arma undosa de rubeo et auro. Et
Gallice sic, Il port de goules et d'ore undi%. Et vocantur
undosa arma quia hunt ad similitudinem undae
currentis (XVI d).
Sunt etiam alii qui portant de coloribus invectis
barratis, ut sunt arma quae sunt depicta. Et Gallice
sic, Il port de sable et argent en ver barrey, Et vocantur
arma invecta barrata quia sunt barrata cum diversis
coloribus in ipsis barris invectis, ut patet. Et dicuntur
barrata quia appropiantur ad modum barrarum (XI d).
Sunt et alii qui habent arma duplicata, ut inferius
patebit. Et nota quod quis potest duplicare vel
triplicare vel quadruplicare arma sua secundum quod
sibi placuerit, ut si pater eius portaverit arma patris sui
una cum armis matris suae, et filius eius desiderans
portare etiam matris suae, potest et tunc portare arma
ilia duplicata quae fuerunt patris sui una cum armis
matris suae, et sic erunt triplicata ut supra patet. Et
portat arma paterna et materna. Et Gallice sic,
Il port de pere et mere (cf. IX b). Et tunc descenden-
dum est ad partes, et primo ad ipsa arma quae ponuntur
in dextera parte armorum vel scuti. Vel potest quis
portare arma quarteriatim, ut hie, et tunc integra arma
in quolibet quarterio sunt depingenda, ut patet in
5 undiz А, С, undes B.
9 et sunt arma B.
io in verre A, C, en ver B, depicta in margine B, inferius depinguntur
A, C.
12 ut patet B, ut patet supra in scuto proximo A, C.
12 et dicuntur . barrarum А, С, от. В.
23 pier et mier B.
136
armis regis Angliae, qui portat arma Angliae cum
armis Franciae quarteriatim. Et Gallice sic, Il port
guartie Engliterre et Fraunce. Et tunc descendendum
est ad partes, ut supra dixi, et primo ad dexteram
partem capitis scuti (IX c).
Sunt etiam alii qui portant unum scutum intra aliud,
ut hie. Et die quod hie, qui haec arma portat, taliter
portat, Il port d'azour et d'or barry paley ieronnis et un
faus scochon d'argent (IX a).
Et hie cave de armis borduratis sive fimbriatis, ut
in scuto sequenti signatur. Et ne timeas dicere quod
talia arma sunt bordurata sive fimbriata si color ipsius
bordurae fuerit sequens per totum. Et portat unam
crucem ingradatam de nigro in campo aureo cum una
bordura de rubeo. Et Gallice sic, Il port d'or un crois
engraile de sable et un bordur de goule (VIII d).
Vel potest bordura esse pulverizata ut hie. Et
portat leonem rubeum rapacem in campo argenteo cum
una bordura de nigro pulverizata cum talentis. Et
Gallice sic, Il port d' argent un lyon rampaund et un bordur
de sable besaunt (VIII b).
Sunt alii qui habent arma cum bordura ingradata,
ut hie. Et portat de nigro cum tribus maculis et una
bordura ingradata de auro. Et Gallice sic, Il port de
sable trois moletts et un bordure engreile de ore (VIII a).
Et cave hie de illis armis quae habent aliqua arma
intra se, ut dixi supra: et potes facillime ea cognoscere
3	quarterli А, С, France B.
6	infra scutum B.
8	ierconnis B, reconnus A, ieronnis C.
9	scochyn A, C.
16	sabell A, C, sable B.
19	talentis aureis А, В, C.
20	B, leoun A, C.
21	A, C, besauntes B.
137
quia scutum exterius factum est de pluribus coloribus
diversimode positis, ut supra patet.
Sunt etiam alii qui signum bastardiae portant; et
tales portant arma suorum parentum Integra cum
quadam benda ex transverse, ita tamen quod ipsa benda
incipiat in dextera parte armorum et protrahitur versus
angulum alium, ut hie patet. Et portat de argento
cum duobus fusulis de nigro cum una benda ex trans-
verse de rubeo. Et Gallice sic, Il port d'argent deux
fusills de sable et un bend de goules (cf. X e).
Vel potest bastardus portare scutum de alio colore
cum armis patris sui in supra dicta benda, ut hie
depingitur. Et qui haec arma portat sic portare
dinoscitur; Portat namque de auro cum una benda
de nigro cum tribus aquilis de argento. Et Gallice
sic, Il port de ore un bende de sable et treis egles in se
mesmes (X c).
Et collige hie differentiam inter bendam, barram,
barrulam, et fissuram. De bendam dictum est supra.
Barra est ilia quae ex transverso ducitur, et est maioris
latitudinis quam est barrula, ut patet hie de barra.
Et portat unam barram de nigro in campo aureo.
Et Gallice sic, Il port de ore un bar de sable (X b).
6 in dextera. Read in sinistra ?
io Read un bend a travers (?).
12 B, insuper dicta benda A, C. Should this bend be sinister t Tbe
sketches illustrate the ordinary bend. For another use of the bend as the field of
ancestral arms, see Bysshe, p. 234* Optiinus certe modus portandi diversa
arma in uno scuto habetur in istis bendis, quia habens patrimonium a suo
patre dimissum, et alias certas terras per matrem sibi provenientes, quibus
quidem terris maternis certa appropriantur arma ab antique, ut forte quia
ipsa arma materna sortiuntur nomen progeniei suae : tunc potest ipse heres
si voluerit portare Integra sui patris arma in piano scuto, et in tali ben a
potest portare arma materna .
16 in se mesmes А, С, от, В.
138
Sunt etenim barrulae quae multociens depinguntur
cum barra ut hie patet. Et portat de argento cum una
barra et duabus barrulis de nigro. Et Gallice sic,
Il -port d'argent un bar de sable et deux barreletts de mesme
(XI a).
Fissura est ilia quae incipit a sinistris ipsius scuti
et protrahitur versus dexteram ut hie patet. Et portat
de rubeo cum una fissura de argento. Et Gallice sic,
Il port de goules un fers d'argent (XIV a).
Haec fissura aliquando invenitur ingradata ut hie.
Et eodem modo possunt bendae et barrae ingradari, sed
nunquam barrulae. Et portat de auro cum fissura
ingradata de argento. Et Gallice sic, Il port de ore
un fers engreile d'argent (XIV b).
Sunt et alii qui fontes portant, ut hie. Et talia signa
prudentiam significant, et tunc in illis die quod ilia
arma fuerunt portantibus data propter suam pruden-
tiam, ut sufficienter patet per ea quae dixi in praeceden-
tibus, et sic portat. Portat namque sex fontes de
argento in campo nigro. Et Gallice sic, Il port de sable
sex fonteyns d’argent (XII f).
Sunt et alii qui portant unam frettam, ut hie. Et
portat de rubeo cum una fretta de auro. Et Gallice
sic, Il port de goules une frette de or (XVI e).
Sunt et alii qui portant in armis suis animalia rescissa,
et sunt specialiter leones. Et die quod qui talia arma
4 une barre B.
4 В, II port d’argent un bar et deux barreletts de sabill A, C.
4 barletts B.
9 fers A, B, C,fissure in other text {see p. 191 n). Upton, p. 243,
gives Gallice, baston.
15 ut hie, vel talia signa quae designant prudentiam A, C.
17 data B, assignata A, C.
21 founteyns B.
26 et die quod A, C, Et qui talia arma B.
139
portat sic portat. Portat namque de argento cum
leone rapaci rescisso de nigro. Et Gallice sic, Il port
d'argent un lyon rampaund recoupe de sable^ ut aperte
patet in sequent! scuto (XVII c).
Et aliquando portatur tale animal rescissum, habens
tamen ambas partes corporis sed diversi coloris, ut hie.
Et portat de argento cum leone rapaci partito rescisso
de nigro et rubeo. Et Gallice sic, Il port d'argent un
lyon rampaund de sable et goules recoupie partie (XVII b).
Sunt et alii qui portant animalium capita plana ut
hie. Et sic portat, Portat namque de argento cum
capite leonis piano. Et Gallice sic, Il port d'argent un
tet de lyon playn \de sable\ (XVII a).
Sunt et alii qui habent capita irrasa animalium.
Et portat de argento cum capite irraso de nigro. Et
Gallice sic, Il port d'argent et un tet de lyon rase de sable
(XVII d).
Et nota quod illud quod diximus hie de capite
leonis habet etiam locum in aliorum animalium capiti-
bus, ut in capitibus equinis, taurinis, bovinis, ursinis,
leopardinis, et caninis. Et idem potest fieri de
capitibus avium, ut de capitibus gallorum, picarum,
pavonum, et similium.
Sunt insuper alii qui portant signa crescentis lunae,
ut hie. Et portat de argento cum tribus crescentibus
de nigro. Et Gallice sic, Il port d'argent et trois
cressaunts de sable (cf. XX c).
Sunt insuper alii qui habent arma barrata tortuosa
acuta. Et Gallice sic describuntur, Il port d'argent
et sable dansete (cf. VI e).
i sic portare dinoscitur B.
3 sabill A, C.
9 recoupy party A, C.
13 de sable от. А, В, C.
140
Sunt et alii qui habent arma scaccarisata, ut sunt
ista quae hie depinguntur. Et portat de azoreo et
aureo scaccariatim. Et Gallice sic, Il port de a%our et
de ore chekkie (XX b).
Et cave de ilia regula quam supra posui, scilicet, de
inchoatione, ubi arma diversi coloris in cono in
descriptione inchoanda sunt, de qua materia die ut
dixi supra de cruce plana. Cave etiam de armis domini
Bartholi, qui asserit in tractatu suo De Armis Pin-
gendis paulo post principium, quod rex Boemiae con-
cessit sibi et ceteris de agnatione sua, leonem rubeam
cum duabus caudis in campo aureo. Cuius dictum
ego non approbo, quia contra naturam est quod unum
animal posset habere duas caudas. Sed tu die quod
portat leonem rubeum cum cauda bifurcata in campo
aureo. Et Gallice sic, Il port de ore un lyon fourche
de goules. Et dicitur fourche quia furcatur (XXII e).
Et nota quod plures sunt modi leonum in armis.
Sunt enim leones saltantes, iacentes, sedentes, rapaces.
Et Gallice sic, un leon\saliant (XXII f), un leon seiant^
un leon wuchang et un leon rampant.
Sunt insuper alii qui habent arma scaccariata
bendaria, ut hie. Et portat arma scaccariata bendaria
de rubeo et argento. Et Gallice sic, Il port checute
bende de goules et argent (XXI a).
Cavendum est etenim de armis regis Scotiae, quae
hie depinguntur, qui Gallice sic portat. Il port de ore
un lyon rampaunt ovesque un double traite flurte, alias
centry, transposid de goules (XXV e).
i scaccariata B.	3 aureo A, C, argento B.
3 dargent et dor B, chekkie B, sheccute A, C.
9 qui ut asserit A, C. 17 forgee B, fourche A, C. i&_22 от. B.
25 chekkure B. 26 C, Scottorum B. 28 alias centry B.
141
Sunt insuper aliqui qui portant crucem furcatam
quam quidem vidi portari a quodam Anglico qui
vocabatur lohannes Vesey (Beisy), qui Gallice sic
portavit, Il port de goules un crois furche d'argent.
Ulterius namque subtiliter est distinguendum de
isto termino tres vel tria, ut forte aliquis portat tres
coronas rubeas in campo argenteo, ut hie. Et nota
quod si ipsae tres coronae triangulatim ponantur in
scuto, non est dubium quin sufficiat dicere isto modo
Gallice, Il port de argent ove trois corones de goules
(cf. XX d). Sed si ponantur tales coronae palatim,
ut hie in scuto, numquid sufficit dicere quod talis
portat tres coronas de auro in campo rubeo ? Die
quod non; nam ex hoc pictor vel aliquis audiens non
reportabit sufficientem eruditionem. Sed sic est
dicendum, quod talis portat tres coronas ad modum
pali ut ibi. Et idem est dicendum de armis istis in
quibus ponuntur tres coronae barratim, ut hie patet.
Et sic Gallice, Il port de argent et trois corones barrey,
vel secundum quod est in scuto (cf. XX f).
Praeterea quaero, quis potest dare arma ? Et die
quod rex, princeps, rex armorum, vel haraldus, ut
dicit Bartholus. Item quaero, quare arma fuerunt
inventa ? Die ad cognoscendum unum hominem ab
alio (C. De Ingenuis in 1. ad recognoscend.}.
Notabis etiam quod unus homo non potest assumere
arma alterius in eodem regno, sicut nec unus notarius
3 Vesey A, Vesy С, Beisy B, et fuit magnus in temporibus suis A.
The furche cross was very similar to the moline cross.
12 А, С, non sufficit taliter dicere ; nam ex hoc . . . B.
16 ad modum pali B, end of MS. B.
De Ingenuis Manumissis^ C. VIII, xiv, io.
142
PLATE XXI
TRACTATUS DE ARMIS1 (II)
Armorum tractatus extractus anno Domini millesimo
CCCCq XLIX° regnique Regis Henrici Sexti post conquestum
Anglie vicesimo octavo, partim ab illo tractatu edito ad
instanciam domine Anne quondam Regine Anglie secundum
tradicionem Francisci, partim ab aliis, ubi proponitur differ-
encia colorum et quis color dignior seu nobilior dicitur; secundo
qualia signa sunt in armis portanda, qualiter et quid per ilia
signa representatur; tercio per quid scietur per quantum arma
et signa habita distent a primo assumente.
Arma dicuntur ab armis, id est, scapula vel humerus.
Sed humerus proprie est hominum, armus bestiarum.
Dicuntur arma quia tegunt hominem vel quia armis,
id est brachiis, exercentur. Et generaliter arma dicun-
tur omnium tela. Turn proprie arma quibus defendi-
mur, tela quibus oppugnamus et in hostes mittimus.
Usus armorum erat post diluvium, cum tunc primo
apparuit arcus celestis, id est, iris, diversi coloris. Per
colores eius decernuntur arma. Ille arcus proprie
est via ipsius dee, id est, Junonis, id est aieris. Dicitur
autem Iris ab er, quod est lis, quia raro mittitur nisi ad
litem et discordiam concitandam. Ille arcus quadri-
color ex sole adversus nubibus formatur. Et secun-
dum maiorem densitatem nubis acceditur ad colores
affines nigredini, et secundum maiorem raritatem ad
colores acceditur affines albedini. A quatuor dementis
3, 5 partem.
5 tradiconem.
17 areus.
1 British Museum Add. MSS. 28791, folio 5 (p. 9 new page). There is only
one manuscript reading of this text. The actual spelling recorded is
therefore maintained (e.g. tradicionem, dee=deae, forcior=fortior).
I44
quadripertitum contrahit colorem, ab igne rubeum, ab
aiere ceruleum vel lividum vel purpureum, ab aqua
viridem, a terra nigrum.
Primo pro nobilitate coloris discernenda, et quis
color nobi(p. io)lior sit. Notentur dicta Bartholi in
suo tractatu, De Armis Pingendis, circa medium, et
ilia que notantur per Philosophum in libro De Sensu
et Sensato, per totum, ubi dicitur: Omnis color dicitur
nobilior vel inferior duobus modis. Aut color dicitur
nobilior secundum se vel secundum quod magis
participat de albedine vel minus. Sed primo modo
duo sunt tantum colores, albus et niger. Ceteri alii
colores descendunt et fiunt ex istis, ut vult Philosophus,
De Sensu et Sensato.1 Quamvis dominus Bartholus
teneat quod color niger est vilissimus, tamen tenendum
est secundum philosophum, quod duo sunt colores
principaliores. Omnes alii colores artificialiter fiunt
ex illis, ut azorius color et aureus.
Sed hie premittitur color azorius aureo, quia azorius
resultat ex commixtione albi coloris et nigri nulla alia
operacione data: alii vero colores ex pluribus materie-
bus albis et nigris una cum operacione ignis vel aqua
fiunt et recipiunt suam claritatem. De quibus colori-
bus et eorum racionibus sic suadetur Color albus
dicitur nobilior quia in loco distanciori percipi potest.
Eciam per colorem album lux designatur, et contrarium
lucis sunt tenebre, per quas designatur nigredo, que
minoris valoris est quam albedo, ut dicit Bartholus et
5 Bartholomei.
17 quod color a niger.
17 alie colores.
19 auzoreus.
1 For Aristotle’s views on vision and colour see De Coloribus, De Anima,
II, vii, De Sensu et Sensato, ii, iii, iv.
145
Commentator Averoys in libro De Sensu et Sensato,
ubi dicitur quod opposita iuxta se posita magis
apparent.
Color azorius. Color proximus albedini ut dicit
dictus Franciscus est azorius, per quern representatur
nobilis aier, qui est habile receptaculum tarn lucis quam
tenebrarum, et est primus color medius.
Color aureus. Secundus color medius est aureus,
et aurum dicitur ab aura, eo quod pre ceteris metallis
fulgeat, ut dicunt Papias et Isidorus libro xvi° etc.
Naturale metallorum est, ut eorum splendor alia luce
repercussus plus fulgeat.1 Nec color (p. 11) aureus
est tanti valoris quanti est color albus, sed a luce sua
capit essenciam et claritatem, ut vult Bartholomeus,
De Proprietatibus Rerum, capitulo De auro. Si obicia-
tur aurum esse metallum nobilissimum, ergo eius color
est nobilior ceteris coloribus, respondet idem Bartholus
ibidem, dicens quod plus de argento vivo quam de
sulphure albo recurrere consuevit ad composicionem
auri: quare ex materiebus al bis aurum capit suam
tarn soliditatem quam nobilitatem: cum quo concordat
Ricardus [Rufus] qui multum tractavit de metallis.
Et secundum Albertum aurum recipit solem, et sulphur
ac argentum vivum sunt parentes metallorum: nam sul-
phur [est] ut semen patris, argentum vivum ut semen-
struum matris. Et respiciunt singula metalla singulas
planetas,—plumbum Saturnum, cuprum Jovem, fer-
rum Martem, aurum Solem, stannum Venerem, argen-
i Avoroys.
6 receptaclium.
27 fferrum Martem.
1 Aurum ab aura dictum, id est ab Splendore, eo quod repcrcuMO aere
plus fulgeat. Isid.) XVI, 18.
146
turn vivum Mercurium, argentum Lunam. Eciam
septem lapides capiunt suos colores et quandam
proprietatem a predictis planetis ut dicit Alanus in
libro De Planctu Nature, paragrafa prima,—adamas
a Saturno, achates a love, amtestes vel anicotestes vel
ametestes a Marte, carbunclus a Sole, sapherus a
Venere, iacinctus a Mercurio, margarita sive berillus a
Luna.1
Color rubeus. Color autem rubeus est tercius
color (p. 14) medius ab extremis albedinis et nigredinis
equidistans, qui in superficie corporis perspicui resul-
tat per incorporacionem dicti luminis ignei atque puri ;
ideo intense rubeum admodum lucidi disgregat visum
et nigrum aggregat visum. Hine pannorum venditores
suspendunt pannos rubeos ante lucem, ut videntes
alios pannos coloratos, propter nigredinem et rubed-
inem spiritum visibilem disgregantem, minus valeant
coloris decernere varietatem, ut dicit Commentator
Averoys in libro De Sensu et Sensato. Quo colore
nemini licebat uti sine speciali principis licencia, nisi
principi, ut notatur C. Que res venire non possunt, 1,
i et ii; et huic constitution! contravenientes capite
puniuntur, C. De Vestibus Olob., 1, iii, eciam in fine
ipsius legis, C. De Officiis, etc. Et racio quare (p. 15)
pocius iste color attribuitur principi quam alius color
7 margarita sive vino. Read sive berillus (?). Cf. Upton, De Colore
Albo, p. 104. Huic autem colori appropriatur quidam lapis preciosus qui
est berillus, cuius decern sunt species, ut refert Ysidorus. Set ille berillus
optimus est qui colorem habet aqueam ad modum cristalli.
8 Faulty pagination. MS. reads : Color . . . tercius color et eiusdem
repercussiva. Vide note on p. 150.
Quae Res Venire Non Possunt, С., IV, xl.
De Vestibus Hol over is, С., XI, ix.
De Officiis Comitis Sacrarum Largitionum, С., I, xxxii.
1 Vide Satirical Poets of tbe Twelfth Century, Rolls Series, Vol П, pp. 433
et sqq.
147
ut albus vel niger vel azorius fuit quia iste color rubeus
signiAcat ferocitatem, et principes in correctionibus
et contra inimicos essent feroces. Ideo illis iste color
attribuitur, ut inferius eciam dicetur.
De colore viridi. Quidam addunt alium colorem,
scilicet viridem. Ut quidam intimant, habuit prin-
cipium a quodam histrione milite seu gaudente, ut dicit
dominus Bartholus, C. De Dignitatibus, 1. i, circa
medium tractatus sui. Sed quia in quorundam
dominorum in Anglia armis color talis invenitur,
portantem non reprehendit.
Sed racio quare antiquitus ille color inter colores
armorum non erat admissus; exstitit nam absurdum,
et inconveniens erat antiquis, ponere triplicem differ-
enciam coloris, sic dicendo: Colorum quidam sunt
principales secundum se, quidam medii, et quidam
submedii. Viridis color, et alii si inveniantur, vocatur
color submedius, quia non potest Aeri ex duobus
coloribus principalibus, scilicet albo et nigro, sed ex
azorio et aureo coloribus mediis mixtis adinvicem.
Ideo non potest dici color medius, quia colores medii
Aunt per commixtionem duorum colorum principalium.
Ideo oportet vocare viridem colorem submedium.
[Sunt qui dicunt] quod color est lux incorporata in
perspicuo terminate; et due sunt differencie perspicui.
Aliud est perspicuum separatum a terrestreitate, aliud
impurum terrestreitate admixtione. Lux quadrifarie
partitur, quia aliqua lux est clara vel obscura, pauca vel
6 antimant.
13 Cf. p. 99. Quia . . non invenitur, reprehendo in nostrum libellum
colorem admisimus.
12 Et secundum hunc. Upton (p. 100) gives : Et illi dicunt quod color
est lux incorporata perspicuo. Habet enim perspicuum istas differencias;
aut enim perspicuum est purum. . . .
148
multa, secundum Aristotelem et Averoys, qui poniint
nigredinem privatum, albedinem habitum sive formam.
Colores proximi albedini in quibus potest fieri recessio
et permutatio albedine duo sunt et non plures (p. 16).
Neque pauciores sunt. Erunt proximi nigredini
quibus a nigredine versus albedinem ascenditur donee
fiat occursus colorum aliorum, quibus ab albedine
descendit. Cum autem albedinis essenciam tria con-
stituant, videlicet, lucis multitude, eiusdem claritas,
et perspicui pigritas, duobus manentibus cuiuslicet
trium potest fieri remissio, eritque per hunc modum
trium colorum generacio, vel quolibet trium solo
manente duorum reliquorum erit remissio, et sic in
universo absque albedine erit septem colorum immedi-
ata progressio. Consimilis racio est per quam ascendi-
tur a nigredine per septem colores, scilicet proximos
versus albedinem ascensione.
lam videantur raciones probantes unum colorem
esse meliorem vel nobiliorem.
Dicitur quod color albus fertur nobilior propter
tres raciones.
Prima, quia potest color ille mutari in omnes colores
medios et submedios. Secunda racio est quia non
possumus dare contrarium directum alicuius alterius
coloris. Sed contrarium albedinis est nigredo. Sic
non possumus de medio colore aut submedio. Tercia
racio est quia color ille a loco [distantiori et] remotiori
potest percipi quam aliquis alius color. Ergo color
albus est color principalis et inter omnes alios dignior.
Iste due secunde raciones sunt philosophice, ubi
prius [De Sensu et Sensato]. De prima racione est
textus, et concordat Accursius in libro iii°, C. De Vest.
32 ex textus. Read est textus.
149
Olob, et per Bartholomeum, De Proprietatibus Rerum,
in capitulo De Coloribus, ubi dicitur, In nullo etenim
[melius] fundantur colores medii quam in albo, et
quanto album est intencius quod substernitur, tanto
adheret fbrcius color qui superinducitur, sive nigredo
sive pallor sive candor sive rubeus fuerit.
De colore nigro. Color autem niger est privacio
albi, sicut amarum est privacio dulcedinis. Unde
die quod albedo est prima origo colorum, sicut princip-
ium saporum est dulcedo, ut dicit Aristoteles, De Sensu
et Sensato, libro xix°, et sequitur ibi.1
Color niger nihil aliud est quam privacio albedinis
et ideo nigredo est species visibilis aggregativa (i i) et2
eiusdem repercussiva propter quod ledit visum quando
est nimis intensa, ut patet in diu carceratis, qui exeuntes
de carcere parum vident. Tamen Boicius, in Topicis,
capitulo quarto, Quando unum contrariorum est verum,
reliquum est falsum. Idcirco concluditur quod color
niger est secundus in dignitate.
De colore azorio. Color azorius qui color medius
est proximus dignitati sedem optinet post colores
supradictos; et est (p. 12) color ab albedine incipiens
et in nigredinem degenerans. Est enim celestis color
propter dominium aeritatis in superficie perspicui
materie pure, et assimilatur lapidi adamanti secundum
Ovidium, quia lapis ille, secundum Dioscoridem, est
lapis reconciliacionis et amoris; et concordat Bartholo-
meus, De Proprietatibus, libro xvi°, cap. viii°, et de sui
natura; hie color est maxime indicativus amoris, ut
patet per Ovidium, De Arte Amandi, libro primo, fere in
fine, ubi dicitur
Palleat omnis amans ; hie est color aptus amanti.
1 De Sensu et Sensato, IV, 442a.
1 The text here reverts to p. 11.
150
Istud patet in hominibus amorosis, qui pre amoris
magnitudine spiritus cordis incipiunt evaporare, prop-
ter quorum nutrimentum et restauracionem natura
calorem ab exterioribus ad interiora revocat et super-
ficiem cutis per substractionem calidi sanguinis reddit
azoriam sive pallidam. Aliam eciam causam ponit
Franciscus, assimilando colorem azorium ferro, quia
ferro debet prius Imperator quam cum alio metallo
coronari, ut notant doctores, capitulo Venerabilem,
Extra,* De Electione. Eciam patet per Hostiensem in
capitulo Super quibusdam, De Verborum Significatione;
et concordat dominus Speculator, titulo suo, De
Rescriptis, c. preeuntes, § si vero. Item, quod est
Authenticum: nam per ferrum designatur fortitudo,
quia sibi in fortitudine debet Imperator precellere
omnes homines, qua eciam rebelles et infideles repellere
poterit et expugnare. Adhuc aliam causam ponit idem
Franciscus: Color azorius prefertur aliis coloribus
mediis quia color iste fuit a deo missus per angelum
Karolo Magno regi Francorum pro subiecto ac funda-
mento suorum armorum. Detulit quidem angelus
scutum cum campo azorio, cum tribus floribus aureis,
et sic ibi color aureus fuit inferior colori azorio, (p. 13)
et sic fuit accidens et non substancia. Gallice sic
describitur; Il port azure, troys flours de lis d'or (XV c).
De istis patet in Cronicis de Karolo Magno, et notatur
argumentative saltepi Ixiii, d, Adrianus, et xxiv, q. viii,
hortatu. Item habemus quomodo color azorius fuit
alio tempore missus a deo, ut patet in Speculo Historiali,
De Vita luliani Apostate, libro xv°, cap°. xliii°, quomodo
a morte resuscitatus fuit sanctus Marcurius cui omnia
arma necessaria una cum scuto azorio et cruce florida
Ч1
et quatuor rosis aureis per angelum fuerunt dilata,
ut ipse Marcurius, Dei fortitudine et potencia, lul-
ianum Apostatamdebellaret, quem alta voce daman tern,
Vicisti, Gallice, vicisti,” interfecit.1 Que arma Gallice
sic desc[ri]buntur, Il port de azure une croys florte et
quatert rosys d’or (XXIV a). Sic patet quod dignior
est color azorius inter colores medios et submedios.
Color aureus. Color aureus est proximus huic
secundum Bartholum. Colores dicuntur nobiliores et
digniores propter illud quod representant, et sic propter
nobilitatem metalli color in se est nobilior seu melior.
Alii dicunt quod color aureus generatur a colore infimo,
videlicet, ex viride, qui color submedius est. Viridis
enim color in Autumpno existens in plantis mutatur in
yeme in colorem aureum sive croceum, quoniam qui-
dem in foliis est humida materia multo magis quam
materia glauca, aurea, vel crocea. Per accionem calidi
consumitur nec tamen omnino destruitur a calore
materiam alienante, licet frigus ibi dominetur. Frigus
dominans in materia mediocri generat colorem medium,
et quia potest melius mutare humiditatem quam siccit-
atem, idcirco generat (p. 14) ibi colorem medium
habentem magis de albo, cuius est color aureus vel
croceus. De istis est Commentator super hoc, Aris-
toteles, De Plantis in fine,2 et concordat Bartholomeus,
1 See Bysshe’s notes on this story (pp. 75, 76).
Sit apud te honor antiquitatis, sit ingentibus factis, sit fabulis quoque,
ut cum Plinio loquar. Vincentius sane lulianum a Mercurio occisum
tradidit, sed de tessera coelo missa, ne verbum quidem. A Daemone
interfectum narrat Socrates : at Damascenus et Nicephorus Mercurii et
Artemii Martyrum manibus cecidisse.
“The whole relation of the death of Julian is given by Ammianus (xxv. 3),
an intelligent spectator. The calumnies of Gregory and the legends
of more ancient saints may now be silently despised.” Gibbon, Roman
Empire., II, ioi n.
1 De Plantis, II, ix.
Ip
De Proprietatibus Reruns libro xix°, cap°. xi°. Sed
opinio Bartholi est de exemplo de luce in tractatu suo
De Armis Pin gen dis, in § Constat^ ubi dicitur, Constat
autem nil luce nobihus, ut in De Summa Trinitate et Fide
Catholic a, Ne Filius pro Patre, Autentica habita^ ibi totum
mundum illuminate et propter huiusmodi nobilitatem
nulli licet uti vestibus aureis nisi soli principi, ut C. De
Vestibus О lob. lib. i et ii, quia ipse dominus dixit quod
lux fuit de substancia coloris aurei et sic fecit simili-
tudinem inter colorem aureum et lucem, et ibi corriga-
tur Bartholus ipse. Nam albedo est color ex luce multa
et clara generatus in puro perspicuo. Si vero lux
pauca et obscura fuerit in perspicuo, nigredo necessario
generatur.
De colore nigro. Color autem niger est privacio
albi sicut amarum est privacio dul(p. iy)cedinis. Unde
albedo est prima origo colorum sicut dulcedo est
principium saporum, ut dicit Aristoteles, De Sensu et
Sensato^ libro xix°, et sequitur ibi. Color niger nihil
aliud est quam privacio albedinis: ideo nigredo est
spiritus visibilis aggregativa. Generatur [autem
nigredo ex luce pauca et obscura in perspicuo obscuro
et impuro], ut dicunt Aristoteles et Averoys, qui ponunt
nigredinem privacionem lucis et albedinem habitum
sive formam. Inepte ergo assimilavit Bartholus, quia
omnis lux aut est alba et sic clara, vel obscura et sic
nigra. Si fuerit ergo lux clara et multa in puro
De Sumina Trinitate et Fide Catholicay С., I, i, 8 (vide p. 105 n.).
Ne Filius Pro Patre (Nov. Constitution С., IV, xiii (vide pp. 105 n.).
De Vestibus Holover is et Auratisy С., XI, ix.
Auratas ac sericas paragaudas auro intextas viriles privatis usibus
contexere conficereque prohibemus. . .
Nemo vir auratas habeat aut in tunicis aut in lineis paragaudas, nisi hi
tantummodo, quibus hoc propter imperiale ministerium concessum est.
43
perspicuo albedo generatur ut vult Aristoteles, secundo
cap°. De Anima* et De Sensu et Sensato,* cap°. vii°.
Item sicut in medio perspicuo non terminato presencia
luminis in aiere facit lucidum, ita absencia tenebrosum,
sic enim in corpore terminato presencia lucis facit
coloratum, sic album, et eius absencia nigrum [ac]
tenebrosum, ita tamen quod non omnino lumen absit,
ut dicitur in libro De Sensu et Sensato* cap°. viii°.
Item fit generacio colorum mediorum secundum
suas differencias proporcionum et suam capiunt
dignitatem, ut patet per Bartholomeum, De Proprieta-
tibus Rerum. Item fit generacio colorum mediorum
principalium proporcionum, et quanto sunt proporcio-
nati bene, tanto sunt delectabiliores visui. Item
omnis color medius generatur per albedinem et nigre-
dinem, que nigredo vocatur alibi privacio albi et
obscuritas privacio lucis, ut [in libro] X° Metaphysice.
Generatur enim albedo ex aiere vaporose declinante
ad humiditatem aqueam, ut dicit Philosophus, libro
xix°, De Animalibus} et hoc per frigidi accionem. Nam
frigus albificat humidam materiam et denigrat siccam.
Calor vero humidam denigrat et siccam albificat.
(p. 18) In nullo autem colore melius fundantur colores
medii quam in albo, et quanto album est intensius quod
substernitur, tanto adheret forcius color qui superin-
ducitur et linitur, sive rubedo fuerit, sive alius color
qualiscunque.
13 proposicionum.
23-25 Copied a second time. (Vide p. 150, /. 5.)
25 super int ducitur.
1 De Animalibus T Cf. De Coloribus* I.
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otov irvpi koi dipt, Kat vbari Kai yp. drjp p,ev yap Kai v8wp
ка0’ сайта. тр Xcvxa, rb Se irvp Kai 6 т)Лю$ $av0d.
44
Ad albedinem pertinent candor, albor, et lux, et ab ea
descendunt quinque colores medii, videlicet, glaucus
[sive] flavus, pallidus sive azorius, rubeus, purpureus
sive puniceus vel murex, et viridis. Isti quinque
colores medii a nigredine ascendunt ad albedinem,
videlicet, griseus color qui parum participat de albe-
dine, plumbeus, cinericius, terreus, lividus; et sic
habemus duodecim colores, videlicet duos principals,
videlicet album et nigrum, et decern medii colores ad
tunicas armorum sive insigniorum pertinentes, sicut
tunica insigniorum Aaron, Exodi xxviii, fuit de duo-
decim coloribus, quibus coaptantur xii lapides preciosi,
ut in eodem capitulo.1
Sed qualia arma aut insignia portabant duodecim
tribus filiorum Israel ? Hebrei tradunt hec fuisse:
In Reuben mandragora, in Simeon hasta^ in Levi archa
testamenti, in luda leo, in Isachar asinus, in Zabilon
navis, in Neptalim cervus, in Gad leena, in loseph
taurus, in Beniamin lupus, in Dan serpens, Asher ante
edes habebat pelvem obumbrantem olivam. De istis
Numeri, capitulo secundo super verbis signa atque
vexilla.
De isto colore nigro fiebant arma Imperatorum que
adhuc ab Imperatoribus portari debent. Nam Impera-
tor portat aquilam nigram Assam explanatam in campo
aureo. Et si queratur quare Imperator portat colorem
aureum cum color aureus non sit principalis color, et
sic serviri (p. 19) debeat de principalibus (cum de eo
19 Dan ante edes. Read Asher.
1 Exodus xxviii, 16-20: Quadrangulum erit (sc. rationale) et duplex.
. . . Ponesque in eo quattuor ordines lapidum. In primo versu erit lapis
sardius et topazius et smaragdus. In secundo carbunclus, sapphirus,
et iaspis. In tertio ligurius, achates et amethystus. In quarto chrysolithus,
onychinus et beryllus.
45
dicatur ff. Ad Leg. Ro. De lactu, L. Deprecacio; et
De Quadrenii Prescripcione, L. Bene a Zenone, sicut
deus in celis ita imperator in terris\ ad hoc dicitur, quod
aurum metallum est mitissimum, et quia non decet
Imperatorem in omnibus esse ferocem, sed in quibus-
dam mitem, sumpsit sibi de temperamento colorem
aureum. Quare habet aquilam Assam explanatam ?
Quia Imperator non foret magis declinans ad unam
partem quam in aliam, sed respiciens ad equitatem
iurium et armorum, ut lustinianus in principio, ubi
habetur, Imperatoriam maiestatem non solum armis decora-
tam, sed eciam legibus oportet esse armatam^ ut utrumque
tempus bellorum et pads recte possit gubernare et princeps
Romanusy etc. Quare aquilam nigram? Quia color
ille in aquila est signum ferocitatis et Imperator debet
esse ferox in hostes et aquilam portat et non aliud
animal propter proprietates aquile, de quibus infra
capitulo De Aquila.
De colore rubeo. De rubeo colore dicitur super-
ius quod iste color signat ferocitatem vel terrorem
argumento textus Institutionum^ De Obligationibus, Que
ex delicto^ § Interdum, ubi dicitur de eo qui panno rubeo
2i arguit textus.
Ad Legem Ro. = De Lege Rhodta et lactu, D., XIV, ii, 9. Ego quidem
mundi dominus.
De Quadrienio Praescriptione^ С., VII, xxxvii. 3.
Justinianus in Principio. Institutiones. Proctnium^ I, i.
Imperatoriam maiestatem non solum armis decoratam, sed etiam
legibus oportet esse armatam, ut utrumque tempus et bellorum et pacis
recte possit guvernare, et princeps Romanus existat non solum in hostilibus
proeliis, sed etiam per legitimos tramites calumniantium iniquitates expel-
lens, et fiat tam iuris religiosissimus quam victis hostibus triumphator.
De Obligationibus, J., IV, i, 11.
Interdum furti tenetur qui ipse furtum non fecerit; qualis est cuius ope
et consilio furtum factum est. In quo numero est qui tibi nummos excussit,
ut alius eos raperet, aut obstitit tibi, ut alius rem tuam exciperet, vel oves
aut boves tuas fugaverit, ut alius eas exciperet: et hoc veteres scripserunt
de eo, qui panno rubro fugavit armentum.
156
fugavit armentum. Nam naturaliter leones et animalia
ferocia ilium colorem ab[h]orrent et timent. Quern
colorem in armis portat Rex Anglie et antecessores sui
de linea Willelmi Conquestoris Anglie; et ab Edwardo
tercio post conquestum fiebant arma Regis Anglie
quarteriata cum armis Regis Francie (IX c).
De coloribus submediis. Colores submedii dicun-
tur qui non fiunt ex coloribus principalibus, ut est
color viridis, et omnis color submedius est nobilior
vel vilior secundum quod a nobilioribus vel vilioribus
coloribus suam capit essenciam (p. 20) et claritatem.
De signis. Consequenter de signis est tractandum,
et inter signa vivencia sunt digniora quam mortua, ut
ff. De Verborum Significatione, L. Qui mortui; C. De
Posthumis Heredibus, L. II, xiv, q. ii, Quam posterum.
Et inter signa vivencia nobiliora et digniora sunt signa
masculini sexus, ut ff. De Senatoribus^ 1. i in textu.
Quare primo dicendum est de masculinis animalibus,
et primo de leone.
De leone. .Leon, Grece, Latine rex interpretatur,
quia rex animalium est,1 ut dicit Isidorus, libro XI1°,
et de summa generositate est, alibi nudus, collum et
humeros vestitur pilis, ut dicit Plinius, libro VI11°,
7 dicitur.
23 collum et humeris vestitur.
De Verborum Signification^ D, L, xvi, p. 129. Qui mortui nascuntur
neque nati neque procreati videntur, quia nunquam liberi appellari
potuerunt.
De Postumis Hcredibus Instituendis Vel Exberedandis, С, VI, xxix.
De SenatoribuS) D, I, ix. Consular! feminae utique Consularem virum
praeferendum nemo ambigit. Sed vir Praefectorius an Consular! feminae
praeferatur, videndum. Putem praeferri, quia maior dignitas est in
sexu virili.
xLeo autem Graece, Latine rex interpretatur, eo quod princeps sit omnium
bestiarum. Isidore, XII, ii.
47
capitulo XVII0.1 In periculis est maxime probitatis,
quia quando prosequitur a venatoribus et a canibus,
non latitat nec occultat se, set sedet in aperto campo,
ubi videri possit, et ad defensionem se parat. Qui
ergo leonem seu leones in armis portant eius naturam
sequerentur. Et quando vulneratur, mira observa-
tione novit se primo tangentem, et in multitudine
positum invadit et interficit aut interficitur.2
Ipsum animal est valde gratum, cognoscens et
diligens sibi benefacientem ut notat Plinius per multa
exempla, libro VIII0, capitulo XVIII0.3 Et dicit
Aristoteles quod leo est animal fortissimum, cuius ossa
sunt ita dura ut ex eorum collisione per repercussionem
exit ignis, ut dicit Aristoteles, libro secundo, De
Animalibus^ et concordat Avicenna. Cum autem iratus
fuerit alte rugit, ad cuius vocem animalia cetera ter-
rentur, et subito figunt gradum [quasi] edictum regis
eorum spectantia, ut dicit Dioscorides, De Animalibus^
libro XVII1°. Predam eciam [quam] capit, solus
comedere erubescit, et ideo alia animalia eum sequun-
tur, sperantes aliquid de ipsa preda liberalitatis causa
relinqui, ut (p. 21) dicit Plinius.
Leonem ergo portare ferocitatem et fortitudinem
una cum generositate signat. Naturam hanc scilicet
2 in canibus.
13	colucionem.
18	Diascorides et de animalibus.
19	Predam eciam ruput.
'Leoni praecipua generositas, tunc cum colla armosque vestiunt iubae
(Hist, Nat., VIII, xvii).
*. quamlibet magna canum et venantium urgente vi, contemtim
resistansque cedit in campis, et ubi spectari potest: idem ubi virgulta
silvasque penetravit, acerrimo cursu fertur velut abscondente turpitudinem
loco.... Vulneratus observatione mira percussorem novit, et in quantalibet
multitudine appetit (ibid., VIII, xix).
aSunt vero et fortuita eorum quoque clementiae exempla (VIII, xxi).
*Historia Animalium, IX, 629 b 7.
158
PLATE XXIII
PLATE XXIV
leoninam sequi solet Rex Anglie, qui portat in suis
armis tres leones [aureos] peditantes in campo rubeo.
Quare portat rubeum ? Quia color rubeus signat
ferocitatem contra inimicos. Quare leones aurei
coloris et non alterius colons ? Quia aurum est
metallum mitissimum, et cum non deceat aurum
portantem vel praebentem in omnibus esse ferocem,
sed in quibusdam mitem. Ideo pro temperamento
habeat colorem aureum.
De leopardo. Leopardus est bestia sevissima ex
leena et pardo per adulterium generata,1 ut dicit
Ysidorus, libro XII0. Valde preceps est et si tit
sanguinem, varium habens colorem a pardo patre.
Sed quomodo cognoscitur leopardus a leone ? Dicit
Bartholus, De Picturis Armorum^ quod ubicunque
depingitur leopardus, est varii coloris habens pectus
planum, sed leo hispidum. Sed quidam dicunt quod
leo debet depingi cum plana facie et leopardus cum
media facie. Sed si ilia regula esset vera, sequeretur
quod leones non possunt depingi rapaces, quod est
contra iura, ut patet per 1. Ursus, ff. De Adquirendo
Rerum Dominio, ubi dicitur quod animalia depingi
debent et designari in actu ferociori. Sed sic est de
leone, ergo, etc. Et concordat, L. i, ff. De Postulando^
§ bestias. Et secundum aliquos leopardum portare
est signum quod portans aut saltern primus assumens
fuerat in adulterio generatus. Et potest dici quod
7 regiam portantem vel probitatem.
25 leopardum est signum portare.
De Adquirendo Rerum Dominio, D, XLI, i. (There is no reference to
Ursus.)
De Postulando., D, III, i, 6. Bestias autem accipere debemus ex feritate
magis quam ab animalis genere ; nam, quid si leo sit sed mansuetus, vel alia
dentata bestia mansueta ?
1 Leopardus ex adulterio leaenae et pardi nascitur. Isid., XII, it.
49
p
isti magni abbates debent in suis armis leopardos et
mulos portare, quia leopardi et muli et animalia per
adulteria generata habent instrumenta generandi, non
tamen habent actum, scilicet, exercitium. Et (p. 22)
sic abbates habent mitras, baculos, et cetera instru-
menta episcopalia; non tamen habent actum vel
exercitium episcoporum. Unde scribitur [quod]
mulus et abbates sunt in honore pares.1
De pardo. Pardus est bestia velox valde, colore
albo orbiculata ut pantera, preceps in sanguinem,
moritur solo saltu. Non differt colore a pantera,
nisi quod pantera habet maculos albiores, ut dicit
Plinius2 libro VIII°. Ista bestia multum affectat
comedere fimum humanum,3 unde venatores suspen-
8 in amore pares.
11 differt a calore.
1	Speculum Stultorum.
Caetera cum desint quae sunt comitantia mitrae
Quid iuvat hac sterili conditione frui ?
Plenus praesul его, quia pontificalibus uti
Nolo velut mulus, sed volo sicut equus.
Annulus abbatis et mitra sophistica semper
Sit procul a nobis, et decus absque Deo!
Abbatum steriles mitras, quas nulla sequuntur
Chrismatis officia, non probo, sintque procul.
Gignere cum nequeat, sua sic genitalia gestat.
Mulus, et est sterilis tempus in omne suum
Cum rem non habeat, sua sic insignia portat.
Hi qui nomen habent officioque carent.
Mulus et abbates sunt in honore pares.
Abbatis tantum capiti valet infula quantum
Testiculos mulo pendere quisque velit
Qui ne pontifices fiant, sunt apocopati
Ne sint abbates syncopa mitra facit.
Nigellus. Rolls edition, p. 69.
Cf. Arist. De Anim. Generatione, 748 a 1 (De Mulo).
2	Quidam ab iis pantheras candore solo discernunt; nec adhuc aliam
differentiam inveni (VIII, xxiii).
3	Cf. Arist. Hist. Animal. IX, 612.
160
dunt stercora humana in arboribus, ad que dum ascendit,
a venatoribus interficitur. Eciam animal est multum
degenerans, quia coit cum leena, ex cuius adulterio
generatur leopardus, Aristoteles, libro VIII0, De
Animalibus. Et raptis catulis suis est magis sevus, in
glossa Osee.1 Pardum ergo et panteram portare est
signum condicionis servilis preterite vel omisse.
Vulgariter dicitfur], Quamvis poma ab arbore procul
abiciantur, dat sapor intuitus de quo ligno generantur,
ut ff. De Servitute, L. Ut pomum; et L. Definimus;
De Agricolis censitis, L. Eciam cum satis, eodem titulo.
De ista materia sufficienter in consilio Bartholi quod
incipit Occurentia^ et ideo de pantera quia de similibus
idem est indicium, ff. ad L. Aquil. illud; C. De Patribus
qui filios distraxerunt, L. i.
De cervo. Cervus,2 ut dicit Aristoteles, libro VI11°,
De Animalibus^ est animal non habens fel, et inter
omnia animalia bruta est prudentissimum et forte
De Servitutibus, D, VIII, i, 8. Ut pomum decerpere liceat et ut spatiari
et ut coenare in alieno possimus, servitus imponi non potest.
De Agricolis Censitis vel Colonis, С, XI, xlvii, 13, 23. Definimus, ut inter
inquilinos colonosve, quorum (quantum ad originem pertinet vindicandam),
indiscreta eademque paene videtur esse conditio, licet sit discrimen in
nomine, suscepti liberi, vel utroque vel neutro parente censito, statum
paternae conditionis agnoscant.
Ad Legem Aquileiam, D, IX, ii, 32. Illud quaesitum est, an quod
Proconsul in furto observat, quod a familia factum sit, id est, ut non in
singulos detur poenae persecutio, sed sufficeret id praestari, quod prae
standum foret, si id furtum unus liber fecisset, debeat et in actione damni
iniuriae observari. . .
De Patribus Qui Filios Suos Distraxerunt, С, IV, xliii.
1 Aiunt qui de bestiarum scripsissent naturis, inter omnes feras nihil esse
ursa saevius cum perdiderit catulos, vel indiguerit cibis ; et non solum
pantherae, pardi, et ursae comminantur, sed leonis quoque et omnium
bestiarum quae gignuntur in saltibus. Jerome, Comment, in Osee, Cap. xii,
v, 7, 8. (Migne Patrol., XXIII, col. 934.)
2 Historia Animalium, IX, 611®.
161
valde; nam de prudencia sua facit cervam parere iuxta
viam ubi alia animalia non audent venire propter
advenientes homines. Item post partum filiorum
suorum ducit eos in quasdam cavernas, que nisi
unicum non habent introitum; qui ibi potest resistere
omnibus (p. 23) animalibus venientibus ad se. Item
deprehenditur eius etas per cornuum ramos, quia
singulis annis crescit sibi de novo unus ramus, ut dicit
Ysidorus, libro XI1° et omni anno [vere solent eius
cornua cadere, et tunc] inermis est;1 sed ex prudencia
sua et discrecione pugnare non affectat quousque
crescentibus cornibus suis iterato sibi armatura eveniat,
ut dicit Plinius, et concordat Philosophus.
Cervum autem in armis portare est signum quod
portans vel saltern primo assumens fuit pauper in
prima etate sua, cuius eciam substancia de anno in
annum crescebat aliquantulum. Apparet eciam quod
portans fuit prudens in actibus bellicosis [et subtilis]
et non temerarius, scilicet, ut inimicos suos invaderet
sine armis et sufficienti proteccione, sed expectat
quousque crescente cornu [h]abilius poterit, et cet.
De apro. Aper, ut dicit Bartholomeus, De Propri-
etatibus Rerum, est porcus silvestris vel agrestis, qui
valde sevus et invidens est, ut dicit Isidorus, libro XI1°.
Dicitur aper a fera, id est, ferocitate, quia secundum
quantitatem sui corporis sui ferus est et crudelis;
unde et apud Grecos affer quasi ferus nuncupatur.
A Latinis vero vocatur verres a viribus, quia grandes
8 ut dicit Isidorus.
1	Cornua mares habent, solique animalium omnibus annis stato veris
tempore amittunt; ideo sub ipsa die quam maxime invia petunt. (Pliny,
VIII, I.)
162
habet vires, sicut dicit Isidorus, et concordat Bartholo-
meus, De Proprietatibus Rerum, Et pictores pingentes
invidiam pingunt hominem se interficientem, equit-
antem super aprum. Nam aper tante ferocitatis est
quod mortem parvipendens contra venatores ferre se
ingerit intrepide et multociens venatorem telo trans-
fixus interficit, ut dicit in capitulo De Origano, quadam
herba. Verrem sive aprum in armis portare signat
hominem invidum, bellatorem subtilem et fortem qui
mori pocius desiderat quam per fugam vitam salvare.
Et Papias dicit quod aper in ferocitate dicitur, /mutata
in p; et signat ducem (p. 24) ferum aut diabolum.1
Eciam de aliis animalibus contingit sepius quod
portantes habeant condiciones. Item cum aliquis
petit arma seu insignia sibi assignari, eius condicione
intellecta, arma sibi assignari poterunt, ut in L. Illud.
ff. Ad Leg. Aquil.
De cane. Canem portare in armis signat fidelem
[bellatorem] qui dominum suum nunquam deserere
solet neque vita neque morte, sed pro domino suo morti
se exponere pacietur, ut notat Bartolomeus, De Proprie-
tatibus Rerum> cap. De Cane.
De equo. Equum in armis portare signat virum
benevolum ad bellandum promptum pro parva causa;
quia equi solo et modico tube sono ad bellum excit-
antur. Signat eciam hominem bene formatum et
habentem quatuor proprietates equi, que sunt hec,
forma, pulchritudo, meritum, et color; forma ut habeat
11	s mutata in p.
Ad Legem Aquileiam, D, IX, ii, 32.
л Cf. Isidore XII, i, 27. Aper a feritate vocatus, ablata F littera et
subrogata P.
163
corpus validum et altum, cum longis lateribus sub-
stratis, dunes rotundos, pectus late patens, totum
corpus densitate nodosum. Pulchritudo acceditur
ut habeat exiguum caput cum pelle solis ossibus
adherente, aures breves et acutas, oculos amplos, cum
coma densa et cauda curta. Meritum accipitur ut sit
animo audax, pedibus alacer, trementibus membris,
quod eciam est fortitudinis indicium. Color in eo
spectatur ut in pilis aut albus, niger, rufus, pallidus,
roseus, varius guttatus, et sic de aliis. Color multum
decorat. (De istis Isidorus,1 libro XII°, Bartholomeus,
De Proprietatibus Reruns libro XVI11°, et concordat
Franciscus, et dominus Bartholus, De Picturis
Armorum, ubi loquitur de equo.}
De urso. Ursus dicitur de urge n do, quia fortiter
urget quern apprehendit, ut dicit Plinius,2 libro VIII0,
C° XXXVIII0. Est autem animal iracundum et
impaciens, et vult se vindicare de singulis qui eum
tangunt, et cum invaserit invadentem se, si alius eum
tunc tetigerit, (p. 25) statim dimittit primum, et
invadit secundum, et tunc si tercius eum leserit,
dimittit illos, et insurgit contra tercium: cuius forti-
tude multum viget in brachiis. Vel ursus dicitur ab
or, quasi orsus, quia fetus suos enixos deformes salo
lingue sue informat ad similitudinem suam.3 Et ursus
esuriens mel ab apibus extrahere cupiens arte cuiusdam
mallii solet impediri, qui dum pede a se mallium proicit,
9 in pilis aut albis nigris, rufis, pallidis, dosiis, variis guttatus. Cf. p. 116.
16 quando fortiter.
1 De Coloribus Equorum (Isid., XVIII, 41).
2 There is no such reference in Pliny’s History.
3 Hi sunt Candida informisque саго, paulo muribue maior, sine oculis,
sine pilo, ungues tantum prominent; hanc lambendo paulatim figurant.
Pliny, Hist.y VIII, xxxvi.
164
mallius impediens ad aures eius revertitur percutiens,
de quo indignatus forcius a se mallium reicit, qui
statim impetuosius ursum ferit, et sic tam diu contra
truncum sive mallium insurgit quousque frequenti
ictu debilitatur quod caput deficit,1 et cadens inferius
super stilos et stimulos ibi prius positos, propria
stulticia se occidit. Aristoteles libro VI0, De Animali-
bus? et concordat Plinius et Bartholomeus in capitulo
Ursus. Ursum portare signat fortem bellatorem non
tamen prudentem, et sic, visis proprietatibus cuiuslibet
animalis, possumus decernere condiciones portantium
ipsa animalia, ut C. De Patribus qui filios distraxerunt^
L. i; et fF. Ad Leg. Aquileiam^ 1. illud.
[De Avibus.]
[Quibus] dictis de animalibus, dicendum est de
avibus; sed illi, ut dicunt naturales, qui portant vol-
atilia, non sunt ita solidi et stabiles sicut qui portant
animalia quadripedia.
De dracone. Draconem in armis portare magnum
et egregium signat portatorem; quia draco est animal
maxime siciens, ita quod vix aqua poterit saciari. Ideo
tenet os apertum ut extinguat ardorem, ut dicit
leronimus, libro suo de animalibus, et Bartholomeus,
De Proprietatibus Reruns libro XVIIF et cap. XXXV0.
De aquila. Aquila est avis que velut regina inter
alias aves obtinet (p. 26) dominium, et est avis maxime
liberalis; nam predam quam capit, non nisi fame
De Patribus qui filios suos distraxerunt, С, IV, xliii.
Ad Legem Aquileiam, D, IX, ii, 32.
1 Invalidissimum urso caput, quod leoni fortissimum. Pliny, Hist.,
VIII, xxxvi.
1 Hist. Animal., IX, 612.
arceatur sola comedit, sed avibus earn sequentibus
quasi communem earn spargit et exponit, sua tamen
primitus recepta porcione. Sed quando prius capta
sibi non sufficit, tunc, tamquam regina de re publica
vivens, ut C, De lure Fisci, per processum tituli, avem
sibi proximiorem rapit, et in medio illam ponit.
Ideo alie aves semper aquilam sequi colent sperantes
quod de eius preda eis det aliquam porcionem impartiri.
Eciam Solinus dicit quod herodius et similes aves ipso
die quo audiunt aquilam vix predantur, et hoc forsitan
accidit pre timore.
Aquila habet unum pedem solidum ad modum
anseris, cum quo se regit in aquis quando pro preda
descendere solet. Habet alium divisum pedem seu
fissum cum acutissimis unguibus, quibus predam
rapit, ut dicit Aristoteles,1 libro XIV°. Aquila nulla
potentior avis, cunctis avibus excellentius et altius
volat, et ab ipsius lovis archano nunquam excluditur;
et in tanto visus acumine vigere dicitur, quod ab ethere
summo pisciculos in profundo maris contueatur, et in
ipsum solem, quod nulli animali licet, figit intuitum.
Et adversus Crotonienses dimicantibus Locris, aquila
dum pugnatur supervolans victoriam dicitur contulisse,
5 per totum li° vt0.
15 acutissimibus.
22 octo menses dimicantibus paucis quod.
23 volens victoria.
De lure Fisci, С, X, i, 5. Prohibitum est, cuiuscunque bona, qui fisco
locum fecisse existimabitur, capi prius quam a nobis forma fuerit data. Et
ut omni provisionis genere occursum sit caesarianis, sancimus, licere
universis, quorum interest, obiicere manus his, qui ad capienda bona alicuius
venerint, quae succubuerint legibus, ut . ipsis privatis resistentibus a
facienda iniuria arceantur.
1 Cf. Hist, Animal,, IX, 618 b 18. стсроу & усик астои Wr, о
тгХаууо? каХсГтси........otxci Зе	xac ay/07 кал ХГ/хиа?,
c7T4KaXctTat Зс ут/гтофоик кал рорфуоч.
166
cum pauci in numero deleverunt quasi infinites. Ea
eciam die qua magnus Alexander natus est, due aquile
tota die super culmen domus Philippi patris sui
sederunt, signum duplicis Imperii, scilicet, Europe et
Asie prefigurantes. Unde decet Imperatorem
Romanorum in armis suis aquilam portare, qui igitur
portat aquilam nigram Assam explanatam in campo
aureo (XIX f).
(p. 27.) De accipitre. Accipitrem portare in
armis est signum quod portans fuit gracilis vir, non
fortis, sed anima pocius armatus quam corpore; quia
accipiter est [avis] que plus anima quam ungulis est
armata, et quod in quantitate corporis derogatur, hoc
in virtute, prudencia, et cum audacia recompensatur,
ut dicit Ysidorus,1 Plinius, et Aristoteles2, libro XIV°.
Alexander Nequam [De Laudibus],
Accipitris preda ditatur mensa potentum,
Huius pre cunctis laudibus una placet.
Frigoris insidias brumali tempore vitans
Unam consequitur providus hostis avem.
Nocte tenet gelida captam, que luce sequent!
Permissam gaudens gaudet inire fugam.
Invigilat prede predo, Venator at illam
Sepius occurrat, gratus abire sinit.
Officii memor est nocturni nobilis ales,
Нас vincit claros nobilitate viros.
De bubone. Bubo est avis multum onerata plumis,
detenta pigritia magna, in die commorans in cavernis
18 De Naturis.
17 nitans in text of Rolls edition.
19 gelidam.
19-24 luce sequent! viros added from the text in the Rolls edition,
Distinctio secunda, 287-92, p. тду. See on p. 38 note to the Welsh version.
1 Accipiter avis animo plus armata quam ungulis, virtutem maiorem in
minore corpore gestans. Isid., XII, vii, 55.
a Hist. Animal., IX, 620 a 18.
167
et locis umbrosis, in nocte volans. Fortior est ad
rapinas de nocte quam de die, ut dicit Aristoteles,
libro VII1°. Et omnibus aliis avibus odio habetur.
Templa frequentat in nocturno silencio et de oleo in
lampadibus saciatur. Mures et vespertiliones venatur
et comedit. In parietum rimulis se abscondit.
Bubonem ergo portare desidem et vecordem ad actus
bellicos designat et demonstrat, et de rapina viventem.
De quo loquitur textus C. De Effractoribus et Expila-
toribus Ecclesiarum, per processum, et De Requirendis Reis,
L. ultima.
De columba. Columba dicitur a colore quern
habet in collo. Sed est avis mansueta homini, con-
sortium et frequenciam desiderans. Columba dicitur
quasi colens lumbos^ quia multum exercet actus vener-
eos, ut Isidorus, capitulo de columbis? Columba eciam
est pacis nuncia et leticie, ut Genesis Cap. VIII°,
simplicitatis forma, natura munda, pietatis (p. 28)
emula, societatis arnica, iniurie immemor invenitur, et
eciam naturaliter timida, raro secura nisi in foramine,
et est valde obliviosa. Нес Jeronimus, et concordat
Bartholomeus, Libro VI°. Columbam ergo portare
est signum simplicitatis, et quod portans plus confidit
9 De Offeratoribus.
12 calore.
19 societatis armor.
De Effractoribus et Expilatoribus, D, XLVII, xviii.
De Requirendis Reis, С, IX, xl, 3.
1	Dicitur autem columba a coloris colli varietate decenti. Putant tamen
aliqui nomen sumptum esse a cultu lumborum. Sic a palumbes dici volunt
eo quod lumbis parcant. Neckam, p. 107.
2	Columbae di'ctae, quod earum colla ad singulas conversiones colores
mutent; aves mansuetae, et in hominum multitudine conversantes, ac sine
felle ; quas antiqui Venerias nuncupabant, eo quod nidos frequentant, et
osculo amorem concipiant. Isid., XII, vii, 61.
168
in sociis quam in propria fortitudine. Et columbam
in armis portare bene pertinere potest ad haraldos
armorum qui, dimissa arte sua, sibi et suis arma
assumunt. Nam dicit Jeronimus in libro quarto,
quod in Egipto et Siria instruitur columba ut literarum
fiat baiula de una provincia in aliam, et concordat
Bartholomeus, De Proprietatibus Reruns capitulo VI1°,
libro XI1°.
De cornice. Cornicem sive nodulam in armis
portare signat garrulatorem magnum, subdolum et
incolis ubi habitant nocivum, et se ipsum exaltare
volentem.
Cornix eciam est avis garrula, incolis valde nociva.
Eciam aquilam, quam tangere formidat, garritu et
volatu insequitur; sed de sua improbitate non semper
lucrum reportat, quia post longam aquile dissimula-
cionem, aliquando cum rostro ab ea percutitur, et
interficitur quando eidem plus solito et debito appro-
pinquat. De hoc loquitur L. Omnes, C. De Decurioni-
bus; L. Curiales, eodem titulo, Antiquiores milites facti
vel ad dignitatem exaltati.
De cigno. Cignum in armis portare signat primum
assumentem cantatorem [fuisse], quia cignus a
canendo dictus, in cuius alis maxima est fortitudo.
3	arte suo.
20 in L. Curiales.
De Decurionibus., С, X, xxxi, 43. Omnes qui curiali obstricti sanguine
diversis se officiorum privileges et actuum praeiudiciis aggregarunt, redden-
dos muniis esse, non ambiges. Sed nec rescripta aut adnotationes ad
munerum fugam prodesse permittimus.
С, X, xxxi, 47. Curiales, qui honorariam adepti sunt comitivam digni-
tatem formidare debent eos, quorum sunt moderationi commissi, nec se
existimare ideo meruisse dignitatem, ut iudicum praecepta despiciant.
Quodsi in eadem culpa perseverent, quinque librarum auri mulctae obnoxius
subiugetur, honore quoque, quern prodiderit.
169
Quidam tamen portaverunt cignum in armis qui non
fuerunt cantatores. Cum interrogatur Rex Harald-
orum quare talibus cignum in armis assignavit, respon-
deat quia fuerunt viri pulchri, vel quia habuerunt longa
colla. Sed si forte queratur quomodo possunt hi qui
non sunt (p. 29) nobiles de nativitate assumere sibi
arma, sic distinguendum est de nobilitate, C. De
Dignitatibus^ [die] ut distinguit dominus Bartholus [in
tractatu suo De Armis Pingendis statim vero post
principium], quod sicut nomina sunt inventa ad
recognoscendum homines, ut in L. Ad Recognoscendos^
C. De Ingenuis Manumissis^ ita eciam insignia et arma
ad recognoscendum homines sunt inventa, ut ff. De
Rerum Divisione^ L. secunda, et XXI1°. Sed talia
nomina cuilibet licet imponere ad libitum, ut in L, Ad
Recognoscendum^ ff. De Falsis, L. Falsi; C. De Codicillis,
L. Si idem, per Cy. et per contra a simili.
Talia signa et arma cuilibet licet suo clipeo depingere
et portare, modus arguendi per locum a simili, ff.
7-10 Corrupt, cf. p. 121. MS. reading is thus : sed distinguendum est
de nobilitate ut distinguit Bartholus С. De Dignitate L. Tunc ultra
potest dici quod sicut nomina.
13-17 Difficult. Reading is : ut ff De Rer di 1 sem et xxii di cleros in v1
io set talia ... ad recognoscendum vera ff. de falsis 1 falsis С de codicillis
1 si idem per Cy.
De Dignitatibus, С, XII, i. Si, ut proponitis, et avum consularem et
patrem praetorium virum habuistis, et non privatae conditionis hominibus
sed clarissimis nupsistis, claritatem generis retinetis.
De Ingenuis Manumissis, С, VII, xiv, io. Ad recognoscendos singulos
nomina comparata publico consensu ob celandos natales ingenuis, si muten-
tur, minime nocet, natosque, licet in ministerio servitutis, liberae condicionis,
non servos possessio, sed status ingenues edi perficit.
De Rerum Divisione, D, I, viii. Quaedam naturali iure communia sunt
omnium, quaedam universitatis, quaedam nullius, pleraque singulorum,
quae variis ex causis cuique acquiruntur.
De Lege Cornelia, De Falsis, D, XLVIII, x, 13. Falsi nominis vel cogno-
minis asseveratio poena falsi coercetur.
De Codicillis, С, VI, xxxvi, 7. Si idem codicilli, quod testamenta possent,
cur diversum his instruments vocabulum mandaretur ?
170
De Legibus, L. Non possunt; ff. De Contrahenda
Emptione, L. Si in emptione fun di , § si. Et pro maiore
est textus legis allegate Ad recognoscendos, ad L. secun-
dam. Et pro minore est Cynus in dicta lege, ff. eidem
et in L. Falsi.
Ergo insignia et arma licet unicuique ad libitum
assumere, saltern nobili, et si nobilitas fuerit per
scientiam, prudenciam, vel fortitudinem, vel propter
gradum, ut recitat dominus Bartholus, L. ubi doctor
legens XX annis efficitur miles, concludendum ergo quod
licitum est unicuique nobili sibi arma vel insignia ad
libitum assumere. De isto est Franciscus et concordat
Bartholus in tractatu suo De Armis Pingendis, ubi idem
Bartholus movet questionem, Numquis alius potest
assumere arma alterius, et eum plene [deterrere potest].
Ex qua concluditur notarius signum notarii alterius
assumens, ne signo utatur licite poterit prohiberi. Que
conclusio sic probatur. Quod nostrum est sine facto
nostro non debet avelli a nobis, (p. 30) ff. De Regulis
Juris, L. Id quod nostrum. Ergo notarius qui signum
alterius usurpat falsum committit, ff. Ad Leg. Cornel-
iam, De Falsis, L. Eos, in fine, et concurrit Bartholus in
prohemio infra cum ceteris legibus per ipsum ibidem
allegatis.
15 deteriant. Read et eum plene deterrere potest (?). Cf. p. 142. Notabis
etiam quod unus homo non potest assumere arma alterius in eodem regno,
sicut nec unus notarius signum alterius.
19 De rer nostr. 1. idem quod ipsum.
De Legibus, D, I, iii, 12.
De Contrahendi Emptione, D, XVIII, i, 34 (6). Si emtio ita facta fuerit,
“Est mihi emtus Stichus aut Pampbilus.
De Regulis Juris, D, L, xvii, 11. Id quod nostrum est, sine facto nostro
ad alium transferri non potest.
De Lege Cornelia, De Falsis. Qui se pro milite gessit, vel illicitis insignibus
usus est, vel falso diplomate vias commeavit, pro admissi qualitate gravissime
puniendus est.
171
De gallo. Gallus est avis audax et animosa et
contra adversarium fortiter pugnare solet, ut dicit
Plinius, libro XIX°, capitulo quarto. Et obtenta
victoria statim cantat.1
Alexander Nequam, De Laudibus, versus.
Gallus adest cantu distinguens temporis horas,
Instinctu genii nunciat ore diem.
Excitat a sompno sese, se verberat alis,
Et cantu Scillam prevenit ille suo.
A mento pendent palearia tincta rubore,
Ornatus capitis crista decora rubet.
Tibia munitur calcaribus, impetit hostem,
Acrius accursu prelia dira movet.
Concurrunt pariter hostes, exurgit uterque
Marte sub ancipiti sevior et ira furit.
Pectora collidunt, superaddunt ictibus ictus ;
Crescit amor belli, concrepat ala, ruunt.
Dat furor incensus animos, certamen initur,
Ocius instaurant prelia Marte novo.
Vulnera dant stimuli, colliso pectore rostris3
Se lacerant fuso membra cruore novo.
Galium portare cum cresta sua est signum quod
portans est bonus et fortis bellator et si careat cresta
[signum est quod] perdidit crestam in bello, vel [quod]
portans est spado, quia signum caponis sine cresta est.
5 De naturis versus.
8 sepe. Read sese.
io paliarea.
12 impedit.
i з occursu in printed version (Rolls series),
20 stant stimulo.
2i membrum cruore madant.
23 et si careat cresta aut perdidit.
1 Quod si palma contigit statim in victoria canunt, seque ipii principes
testantur. Pliny, X, 24.
2 Distinctio secunda, vv. 801-24, PP- 39b 2 (Rolls edition).
172
De grifo. Grifum vel grifos in armis portare est
signum magni viri et bellatoris fortis duplicem condi-
cionem (p. 31) habentis, quia avis ilia in capite et alis
est similis aquile, in posteriore parte similis est leoni;
et sic videantur condiciones utriusque.
De merulis. Merulos in armis portare est signum
quod portans effectus est nobilis per suam fortitudinem
vel sensum, qui eciam non habet substanciam magnam
in bonis, sed deest sibi fundamentum, et videtur vivere
de perquisitis et perquirendis. Nam meruli aves
debent depingi sine pedibus in armis, quasi funda-
mento carentes; et illi qui portant hec arma in domibus
et serviciis regum et magnatum sunt, et vivunt de
gracia dominorum suorum. Nec solum per copiam
dimiciarum, sed per alias virtutes [ali]quis consequitur
nobilitatem, ut notat dominus Bartholus, 1. i.
[De Piscibus.]
lam declarandum est de piscibus in armis, et primo
de lucio. Lucium portare signat rapacem [hominem],
et inferiorum oppressorem: nam ille piscis minores
pisces devorat. Et sepius portans tale signum est
huiusce condicionis, unde quidam Imperator dictus
fuit Lucius, de quo quidam sic scripsit,
Lucius est piscis rex et tirannus aquarum ;
A quo discordat Lucius iste parum.
Hie homines devorat, hi piscibus insidiantur;
Is semper esuriet, hie aliquando satur.
Potest enim quis arma sibi sumere a nomine suo,
sicut a nomine Lucius argumentive possumus, ff. De
Legibus, L. iii, non aliter xvi, di, et Si cupis, C. De
14 huiusqui arma.
17 deteriandum.
24 pissis.
173
Episcop is et ClericiSy L. Decernimus. Eciam ff. De
Officio Presidis, L. [Presidis]. Vel a patria in qua
natus est. Sed tales portantes possunt eciam esse
benevoli et boni, ut forsan Cornibicus1 assumit sibi in
armis cornicem et tamen non sequitur [quod habet]
condiciones cornicis; et sic dicendum de aliis (p. 32)
signis.
De cancro. Cancrum in armis portare est signum
quod portans est in tibiis guttosus ; et sic possumus
dicere de ceteris piscibus cum in armis videantur.
Cognita eorum proprietate, da eandem condicionem
portanti, observata suppositione predicta; et idem iudi-
candum est de arboribus, si in armis portentur, quod
raro visum est.
2 Studientibus. Read Presidis ?
9 guttosis.
11 agnita eorum.
De Legibus, D, I, iii, 3. lura constitui oportet, ut dixit Theophrastus, in
his, quae ел-'t rb тгХемгтои (ut plurimum) accidunt, non quae ек
irapakoyov (ex inopinato).
De Legibus, D, I, iii, 16. I us singulare est, quod contra tenorem rationis
propter aliquam utilitatem auctoritate constituentium introductum est.
De Episcopis et Clericis, С, I, iii, 26. Decernimus. ut posthac neque
monachi aut quicunque alii cuiuslibet status atque fortunae in aedes publicas
vel in quaecunque loca voluptatibus fabricata venerabilem crucem et
sanctorum martyrum reliquias dlicite inferre conentur, vel occupare audeant
ea, quae vel ad publicas causas, vel ad populi oblectamenta constructa sunt.
. . . Ideo patientiam et modestiam suam quam leges nostrae et publica
disciplina, et ipsorum monachorum nomen exposcit, studiose unusquisque
tarn monachus quam cuiuslibet alterius professions retineat, et perpetuo
observare procuret.
De Officio Praesidis, D, I, xviii, 1. Praesidis nomen generale est, eoque
et Proconsules et Legati Caesaris, et omnes provincias regentes, licet
Senatores sunt, Praesides appellantur; Proconsul appellatio specialis est.
There is no lex under Titulus De Officio which begins Studentibus.
Cornish choughs borne by Cornishmen. Cf. Upton, p. 194: “Alie
autem sunt que in rostris et tibiis rubescunt, que graciliores sunt. Et hec
specialiter in Cornubia reperiuntur, quas aliquando nobiles de Cornubia
in armis suis portant.” The arms of Trevethin of Cornwall were Arg. a
Cornish chough ppr. Peniston (Cornwall) bore three Cornish choughs.
174
PLATE XXV
Е XXVI
:<o	(J)
»	(f)
[De Crucibus.]
Et ita dictum est de signis viventibus. Dicendum
est iam de signis mortuis. Set inter omnes signa
mortua dignius est signum crucis, cum de ipso signo
dicatur: Salve Crux Sancta, Arbor Digna, etc. Alibi,
Sola digna fuisti, etc.
Primo de illo signo tractandum est. Et illius signi
duodecim differencie inveniuntur, videlicet, crux plana,
ingradata, truncata, patens, figitiva, cruciata, molendin-
aria, florida, [nodulata], florida patens, florida nodulata,
dupla partita.
Crux, ut dicit Papias, quod lata est, signat opera
caritatis; quod longa est usque ad terram, preserva-
cionem usque ad finem; quod sublimis finem super-
num quo cuncta referuntur; quod profunda est in
terram occulta profunditatem gracie, vel signat morti-
ficaciones carnis cum viciis.
Crux plana, ut in armis sancti Georgii; et de tali
cruce plus dubitatur quam de aliis crucibus, propter
regulam que ponit, quod semper a cono, si conus unius
coloris fuerit, est incipiendum in descripcione
armorum. Et ille color conalis est campus armorum.
Que regula sic intelligitur: A cono semper incipiendum
est in descripcione armorum. Hoc verum est, si color
illius coni fuerit maior vel copiosior color in armis, et
sic describenda sunt signa et arma sancti Georgii;
Portat crucem planam rubeam in campo argenteo.
Gallice., Il port croice plene de gowlis in campe d’argent
(Ia\
Et ista crux solet aliquando ingradari; et tunc debet
sic describi: Portat unam crucem rubeam ingradatam
in campo argenteo. Gallice, Il port d’argent une
croys engr[esle] de gowlys (I b).
*75
9
Item solet hec crux aliquando truncari,1 ut hie in
margine, et tunc sic describitur: Portat unam crucem
truncatam rubeam in campo argenteo. Galilee^ Il port
[d’argent] une croys recope de gowlys (I c, d).
Quarta differencia est crux patens, que in medio
minor est quam in finibus, et habet angulos patentes,
et sic describitur: Portat unam crucem [patentem]
rubeam in campo aureo. Galilee^ Il port d’or une
croys pate de gowlys (II a, c).
(p. 34.) Quinta dicitur crux figitiva, quia de facili
talis crux potest figi in terra. Et sic describitur;
Portat unam crucem figitivam de nigro in campo rubeo.
Gallic^ Il port de gowlis une croys fiche de sabull (I f).
Sexta est crux cruciata, ut hie. Et dicitur crux
cruciata quia in quolibet fine habet crucem. Et sic
describitur; Portat unam crucem cruciatam de rubeo
in campo aureo. \Gallice\^ Il port d’or une croys
crosilite de gowlis (II f).
Septima est crux molendinaria, quia similis est
cuidam instrument© ferreo in molari, quod portat
ilium lapidem. Et sic describitur; Portat unam
crucem molendinariam auream in campo rubeo.
Galilee,* Il port de gowlys une croys molen d’ore (II e).
Octava differencia est crux florida, quia fines eius
aptantur ad modum floris. Sic describitur; Portat
unam crucem floridam de nigro in campo aureo.
Galilee, Il port d’or une croys floret de sabull (II d).
(p. 35*) Nona differencia est crux nodulata, quia
fines eius aptantur ad modum nodi sive fibule. Et
describitur sic: Portat unam crucem nodulatam
1 The sketch in the margin is that of the headless cross. See notes on
p. 50.
176
nigram in campo argenteo. Gallice^ Il port d’argent
une croys botene de sabull (III a).
Decima differencia est crux florida patens. Patens
dicitur ut supra; sed habet in finibus suis quasi florem.
Describitur sic: Portat de argento cum cruce florida
patente de rubeo. Gallice^ Il port d’argent un croys
florte de gowlis (cf. II d).
Undecima differencia est crux florida nodulata, quia
habet flores in finibus suis, et in quolibet puncto cuius-
licet floris habet unum nodum seu fibulam. Describitur
sic: Portat de argento cum una cruce florida fibulata
[seu nodulata] nigra. Gallice^ Il port d’argent une
croys florte botene de sabull (III b).
Duodecima differencia huius signi est crux dupla
partita, ut hie; quia si sit partita, adhuc esset dupla.
Describitur sic: Portat unam crucem partitam duplam
de azorio in campo de auro. Gallic^ Il port d’or et
une croys double partie d’asore (IV b). Tales cruces
non sunt propria signa sed differencie signorum. Rex
vero haraldorum videns aliquem cupientem habere
arma, ignorans aliquam bonam vel malam (p. 36) in
eo condicionem vel proprietatem, debet assignare sibi
aliquam de crucibus predictis. Crucem portare signat
portantem non habere aliquam causam vel condicionem
secundum quam possent sibi arma assignari, sed signat
hominem brutalem.
[De Armis Quarteriatis.]
Sunt qui portant sua arma quarteriata plana diversis
coloribus, ut hie patet: Portat de auro et rubeo in
campo quarteriato. Gallice^ Il port quartele d’or et
10 cuiuslicet flores. Read floris (?).
177
de gowlis (V c). Et in cono in capite armorum in
dextero latere in armis quarteriatis est incipiendum.
Sunt alia arma quarteriata ingradata, ut hie in scuto;
quia colores referuntur gradatim unus in alium, [et]
sic describitur: Portat de argento et azorio in campo
quarteriato ingradato. Gallies II port quartele engrailed
d’argent et asure (VI b).
(p. 39.) Sunt alia arma quarteriata irrasa ut hie.
Portat de argento et rubeo in campo quarteriato irraso.
Galilee, Il port quartele reset d’argent et de gowls (V b).
Sunt alia arma quarteriata indentata ut hie: Portat
de argento et nigro in campo quarteriato [inden tato].
Gallice, Il port quartele endented d’argent et sabull
(V e).
Sunt quedam arma inbatellata ut hie: Portat de
argento et nigro inbatellato. Galilee, Il port d’argent
et sabull enbatelle (VI f).
[De Armis Partitis.]
(p. 54.) Sequitur de armis partitis secundum
longum. Bipertitorum quedam sunt ingradatorum
colorum, quedam irrasorum, quedam invectorum,
quedam indentatorum, quedam nebulatorum. Et
primo: Portat arma partita plana secundum longum de
azoreo et rubeo (VII a).
Portat arma partita secundum longum ingradata
de argento et nigro (VII c).
(p. 55.) Portat arma partita irrasa [secundum
longum] de argento et nigro (cf. VII b).
Portat arma partita secundum longum [invecta] de
rubeo et argento (VII e).
Portat arma partita secundum longum de argento
et nigro indentata (cf. VII d).1
1 See note on p. 59.
178
Portat arma partita secundum longum de azorio
et argento innebulata. Anglice, [He berith] armys
party in lengthe azure and silvyr innebulate, or innerve.
(p. 56.) Portat arma partita secundum longum
undosa de argento et nigro. Et arma undosa possunt
esse palata necnon et barrata, ut patet in exemplis
postea sequentibus.
Portat arma partita extransverso plana de auro et
nigro; et ista arma extransverso [partita] possunt
aliquando esse indentata, irrasa, undosa, et sic de
similibus.
Portat de argento et caput scuti de azorio cum
duabus maculis de auro perforatis ut hie. Et hec
regula habet locum quod a cono est incipiendum si
ille color conalis sit maior in armis; sed in armis
partitis oportet quod partes colorum sint equales;
eciam in armis partitis oportet quod duo colores semel
proiciantur et non plus.
[De Armis Palatis et Barratis.]
(p. 39.) Sunt quedam arma palata, ut hie, quia
aptantur ad modum pali, ut in L.f>ali, ff. De Verborum
Significatione! Describuntur sic ; Portat arma palata
de argento et azorio. Galilee, Il port pale d’argent et
d’azore (VI a). Hie colores non semel sed pluries
ponuntur: ideo non dicuntur arma partita sed palata
ad modum palorum; et tunc omnino incipiendum est
a capite et non a cono.2
1	De Significations Verborum, D, L, xvi, 168. Pali et porticae in numerum
materiae redigendi sunt, et ideo lignorum appellatione non continentur.
2	We have two entries of arma palata : (i) Sunt quedam arma . . . d’argent
et d’azore, in p. 39 of MS. (ii) Portat arma palata . a capite et non a
cono, in p. 63.
See note to arma bordurata, p. 185.
179
(р. 63.) Portat arma palata tortuosa acuta de nigro
et argento (XVIII a).
(p. 40.) Sunt quedam arma barrata, quod aptantur
ad modum barrarum. Portat arma barrata de argento
et nigro. Gallice., Il port barrey d’argent et sabull
(VI d).
(p. 64.) Sunt alii qui portant de coloribus barratis
invectis, ut hie. (p. 43.) Portat de nigro et argento
barratis invectis. Gallice, Il port de sabull et d’argent
invecte barie. Et vocantur arma barrata invecta
quia sunt barrata diversis coloribus in ipsis barris
invectis. Incipiendum est ab argenteo colore in
angulo dextero1 (IX d).
Sunt quidam qui portant arma undosa. Et dicuntur
undosa quia habent se ad modum aque currentis, ut hie.
Portat de rubeo et auro undosis, incipiendo a rubeo in
dextero angulo. Gallice, Il port de gowlis et d’or
undie2 (XVI d).
(p. 48.) Sunt alii qui portant arma barrata tortuosa
acuta, ut hie; Portat de argento barras tortuosas
acutas de nigro. Gallice, Il port d’argent barres
tortuosefs] trenchant de sabull3 (VI e).
(p. 40.) Sunt quedam arma inangulata quasi
contrario modo angulafta], ut conus contra conum in
medio. Portat arma inangulata de argento et rubeo.
1 There are two entries of barry inverted. Tbe first reads: Sunt alii . . in
ipsis barris invectis. Tbe second entry reads: Portat arma barrata de
coloribus rubeo et auro invectis incipiendo a rubeo colore . . . dextero.
2 Again two entries. Tbe first reads: Sunt . . undie, omitting incipiendo
. . . angulo. Tbe second begins: Portat . . . dextero angulo.
8 More correctly, Portat arma barrata tortuosa acuta de argento et nigro.
Gallice, Il port d’argent et de sabull barre trenchant.
180
Galilee* Il port d’argent et gowlis jerconius. Et
dicitur jerconius quasi conus contra conum1 (V d).
Sunt quedam arma bandaria ut hie depingitur.
Portat arma bendaria de auro et azorio. Galilee* Il
port bende d’or et asore (VI c).
Et si filius desiderat portare colorem campi tarn
patris quam matris, potest eligere de istis septem
differenciis predictis; et si velit, potest portare ipsos
colores in armis quarteriatis [planis], ingradatis,
invectis, vel quarteriatis indentatis, vel in armis
palatis, barratis, inangulatis, aut in bendariis.
[De Signis Capitalibus.]
Est eciam aliud differencie signum, quod laicis
attribuitur, videlicet, signum capitale. Et tale signum
signat quod portans primo arma assumpsit. Describi-
tur sic: Portat de argento capitale signum de nigro.
Gallice* Il port d’argent une chefron de sabull (XI b).
(p. 36.) Et si filius eius habuerit patrimonium
augmentatum, potest sibi assumere aliud signum
capitale. Describitur sic: Portat de argento cum
duobus capitalibus de nigro. Galilee,* Il port d’argent
deux chefrons de sabull (XI c).
(p. 37.) Et si aliqua persona ecclesiastica non
habens arma petit a rege haraldorum sibi arma assignari,
tunc idem rex potest dare sibi duo talia signa vel tria
ad maximum (XI c); quia patrimonium domus
ecclesiastice, quamvis fuerit augmentatum, non transit
ad heredes sed ad successores; et mortuo illo domino
1 MS. reading ireronius. Read jerconius ? The illustration in tbe MS.
is that of cheeky bendy, and there are many incorrect and misplaced illustrations
in tbe latter part of tbe work.
181
moriuntur et sua arma. Et hoc intelligendum est de
armis propriis, et non de armis ad ecclesiam spectan-
tibus. Heredes vero possunt arma sua maiorare vel
minorare cum consilio regis haraldorum, secundum
quod eorum substancia crescit vel diminuitur: sed
successores in ecclesiis debent portare eadem arma
que de suis predecessoribus fuerant portata, non
augmentando, ut patet de episcopis et abbatibus; quia
heredes portant arma parentum, episcopi et abbates
portant arma suarum ecclesiarum. Et si laicus heres
habuerit duo signa capitalia in suis armis, si eius sub-
stancia fuerit minorata, potest demere unum; sed viri
ecclesiastici non [possunt]. Eciam si pater alicuius
laici portaverit unum signum capitale, et postea eius
heres devenerit ad pinguiora, ut per maritagium vel
aliam probitatem, potest sibi assumere aliud capitale.
(p. 38.) Et aliquando ista capitalia signa sunt
transposita, et tunc portans perdidit aliquem partem
sue substancie, sed tamen est in spe recuperandi. Ideo
non proponit illud signum demere in toto, sed portat
[transpositum, ut hie. Et qui talia arma portat, portat
de argento] transpositum capitale signum de nigro
(XI e). Gallice, Il port d’argent une chefrone trans-
pose de sabull. Et sic si duo signa. Et qui dicunt
huiusce signum psalterium [esse] errant, cum hoc sit
signum psalterii, ut in hoc scuto (XI f).
[De Armis Pilatis.]
Sunt alii qui portant arma pilata, ut hie describitur:
Portat tres pilas de nigro in campo aureo. Gallice,
Il port d’or III piles de sabull (XII c). Et tales pilas
182
portare signat quod portans adquisivit suam sub-
stanciam solo labore, et fuit legitimus auctor, et ibi
sumpsit fundamentum. Et tamen ad plurima equivo-
catur pila, ut testatur equivocus versus,
Est pila pes pontis, pila ludus, pila tabema ;
Pila terit pultes, et pila geruntur in hostes.
Pile in armis sunt rotunde et parve, aliquando maiores
sunt, et tunc dicuntur tortille, Gallice^ [torteux], et tarn
pile quam tortille sunt solide. Et signa rotunda que
non sunt solida dicuntur annuli. Et sic describitur:
Portat sex annulos de auro in campo rubeo. Gallice^
Il port de gowles sex annules d’ore (XIII c).
Et si ilia signa sunt solida, rotunda et aurea, tunc
dicuntur talenta, Gallice^ besantes; et tunc sic describi-
tur: Portat de rubeo cum tribus talentis (XIII b). Non
indiget dicere de auro, cum semper sunt aurea. Et
talis differencia est inter pilas, (p. 39) tortillas, annulos,
talenta, et maculas. Nam pile et tortille sunt solide,
rotunde, et omnis coloris preterquam aurei coloris. Et
pile vocantur Gallice 'peletes^ et tortille torteux. Sed
annuli non solidi sunt, tamen rotundi, et vocantur
Gallice anules. Talenta sunt solida, aurea et rotunda.
Macule sunt solide sed non rotunde, ut hie: Portat
de nigro cum tribus maculis argenteis. Gallice^ Il
port de sabull ove troys macles d’argent (XII d).
Stellarum noticia patet per radios tortuosas. Portat
de rubeo cum Stella una de auro. Gallice^ Il port de
gowlis une stelle d’or (XIII f). Sed ista non sunt
proprie signa sed differencia signorum.
183
[De Labellis.]
lam tractandum est de labellis in armis. Que
labelle sunt semper differentia signorum, ut hie.
Portat de auro cum tribus tortellis rubeis cum una
labella de azorio. Gallice, Il port d’or troys torteux de
gowlis ove une labelle de asur (XV d). Et pro labellis
in armis est videndum quod heres durante vita sui
patris debet portare arma sui patris cum modica cruce
vel parva differentia. Et post decessum sui patris
portabit (p. 42) arma patris integra. Secundus filius
patris portabit integra arma patris cum una labella
que tres habebit pendulas. Et racio est quare habebit
tres pendulas pocius quam unam aut quatuor vel
quinque, quia per primum pendulam signatur pater,
per secundam heres eius, et per tertiam pendulam
signatur primus assumens post heredem, qui est
secundus frater. Si quatuor tales pendule in armis
fuerunt, portans fuit tercius filius, si quinque, quartus
filius, et sic de ceteris. Et notandum est generaliter
quod differencie signorum ut cruces, pendule, et ceteri
huiusce modi non pinguntur ultra denarium numerum,
et si in maiori numero sit tunc ibi pulverizacio, et
hoc contingit multociens cum cruce cruciata ut hie:
Portat de campo rubeo pulverizato cum crucibus
cruciatis de auro (XV a).
Sunt quidam qui portant flores arborum seu herb-
arum, ut hie: Portat de argento quintifolium de nigro.
Gallice, Il port d’argent ove cinquefoilie de sabull. Vel
sic: Portat de azorio cum tribus floribus vel liliis
aureis. Gallice, Il port de asure ove troys lilies d’or
(XV c).
184
Et portare florem est signum instabilitatis, quia
flores non sunt duraturi. Que arma ultima ad regem
Francie pertinent. Нес dicit Franciscus de terra sua.
[De Armis Duplicatis, Triplicatis
et Quarteriatis.]
(p. 44.) Sunt alii qui portant arma sua duplicata
vel triplicata, ut filius potest portare arma patris et
matris, ut hie.1 Potest eciam portare arma triplicata
si pater eius portaverit arma sui patris et matris; tunc
filius eius potest portare ilia arma sui patris duplicata
cum armis sue matris, ut hie in scuto. Que arma sic
describuntur: Portat de patre et matre taliter, sic
descendendo ad partes, primo in dextera parte armorum
vel scuti incipiendo.2
(p. 45*) Sunt quidam qui portantarmaquarteriata;
et tunc ponenda sunt arma integra in quolibet quarterio
scuti ut hie. Rex Anglie portat quarteriata [arma]
Anglie et Francie. Tunc descendendum est ad partes,
—Anglie, de rubeo cum tribus leonibus de auro
peditantibus, Francie de asorio cum tribus floribus de
lis3 de auro4 (IX c).
Sunt quidam qui portant unum scutum intra aliud
scutum ut hie. Portat de asorio et auro barrata palata
lyerkynnys, et unum scutum intra de argento. Galilee*
Il port de azure et d’or paly lyercunys une faus scuchon
d’argent (IX a).
13 sic dicendo ad partes.	18 tunc dicendo ad partes.
1 Compare the Welsh version of arma duplicata and the blazon, (1) azure,,
three spear heads argent, (2) or, chevron engrailed gules (IX b).
3 Cf. Welsh version.	8 liliis delis.
4 Compare the reading in Upton's version, p. 222 :	ut patet in armis
Regis Francie et Anglie, qui de facto portat arma regnorum Francie et
Anglie quarteriata, ut hie. Et Gallice sic, Il port les armez de Fraunce et
[Continued on page 186
'*5
[Iam de Armis Borduratis sive Fimbriatis.]
Et ilia arma dicuntur bordurata sive fimbriata, si
color ipsius bordure fuerit sequens per totum, et sic
describitur: Portat unam crucem ingradatam de nigro
in campo aureo, [cum una bordura de rubeo colore].
Gallice^ Il port d’or et une croys engrele [de sabull]
ove une bordour de gowlis1 (VIII d).
Continued from page 1^5]
d’Engleterre quartelez. Nec tedeat quod ego propono istum terminum
Francie, set causa mea est, quia arma Francie in armis preponuntur. Et
regulam generalem habeo, quod quandocunque in armis sunt duo colores
vel forte plures in cono, tunc non est incipiendum in eorum discretione, set
in dextera parte ipsorum armorum.
On p, 223 of Upton we have an example of arma quarteriata quarteriatim :
Secundus modus portandi arma quarteriata est quando duo arma quarteriata
portantur quarteriatim, ut hie. Et multociens patet in armis reginarum.
Portavit namque ilia nobilis regina Anglie Anna, consors inclitissimi Prin-
cipis Ricardi secundi, Francie et Anglie regis, quarteriatim arma regum
Anglie et Imperatoris Almanie quarteriata. Et Gallice sic, Ele port lez
armez d’Engleterre et de 1’Empire quartelez quartelee.
This example would naturally occur to De Bado. In tbe Add. MS. 30946,
folio 31b, we have another example instead of tbe arms of Queen Anne, and
one which seems clearly intended to replace those of tbe “consors inclitissimi
principis": ut patet hie in armis cuiusdam, nomine Gervasii Clyfton. Et
portat arma quarteriata quarteriatim ; et postea explanando si placeat
dicatis sic. Portat unum leonem rapacem cum octo synkfoliis de argento
in campo nigro quartelez quartelee, et postea et unum leonem nigrum
rapacem cum cauda furcata in campo argenteo. Item etiam unum leonem
rapacem de auro in campo azorio, et unam barram cum tribus scalopibus
de argento in campo rubio. Et Gallice sic, Il port de sable ung lyon
rampaunte 0 viii synkfolez d’argent, et d’argent ung leon rampaunt fourche
de sable. Item il port d’asor ung leon rampaunt d’or, et de gewles ung
barre о treiz scaloppez d’argent.
Was this an Upton correction ?
1 It seems as though the copyist had before him a version which contained
additions to an earlier copy, and that he did not entirely succeed in fitting
these into their proper places. Note for example the treatment of the
bordure in Upton, in the Welsh version, and in the earlier De Bado tractate.
Upton:
(1) argent, three roses or, bordure gules. (? Read roses gules.)
(2) or, lion rampant gules, bordure engrailed sable.
(3) urgent, lion rampant gules, bordure sable bezanty.
[Continued on page xSf
186
Vel potest bordura esse pulverizata, ut hie: Portat
leonem rubeum in campo argenteo cum una bordura
de nigro pulverizato cum talentis. Gallice, Il port
d’argent un leon rampant ove une bordure de sabull
pulveryone talente1 (VIII b).
Sunt alii qui portant arma cum borduris ingradatis
ut hie: Portat de nigro cum tribus maculis et una
bordura ingradata de auro. Gallice, Il port de sabull
troys maclis et une bordour engraile d’or (VIII a).
(p. 60.) Portat tres rosas aureas in campo argenteo
cum bordura sive fimbria de rubeo2 (IX e).
Continued from page 186]
(4)	gules, two chevrons sable, bordure or powdered roses gules.
(5)	argent, cross gules, bordure cheeky sable and argent.
(6)	France and England quarterly, bordure gobony argent and azure.
(7)	quarterly or and gules, bordure vairy argent and azure. Arms of
Fitz Piers, E. of Essex.
De Bado:
[1)	argent, cross engrailed sable, bordure gules.
(2)	argent, lion rampant gules, bordure sable bezanty.
(3)	sable, three mullets, bordure engrailed or.
Welsh version:
(1)	or, cross engrailed sable, bordure gules.
(2)	gules, cross engrailed or, bordure sable bezanty.
(3)	sable, three fusils argent, bordure engrailed or.
(4)	argent, cross gules, bordure cheeky sable and argent.
(5)	quarterly gules and or bordure embattled sable (read bordure vairy).
(6)	sable, three mullets argent, bordure erased or
The bordures of more than one colour are rightly separated in Upton
from those of one colour.
It is difficult to account for the appearance of two examples of plain
bordures in this text except by supposing that two versions have been
unskilfully collated.
1 Cf Upton, p. 237 : Et ista arma olim pertinebant domino Duci Cornubie,
qui Portavit unum rapacem leonem rubium in campo argenteo bordurato
cum nigro talentatim. Et Gallice sic, Il port ung leon rampant de gewlez
en argent bordure de sable talentee.
For tbe arms of Richard, Earl of Cornwall, see Historic Heraldry of Britain,
p. 42, which gives: argent a lion rampant gules crowned or within a bordure
sable bezanty.
8 This is an alternative for, or, cross engrailed sable, bordure gules
(VIII d).
187
Et bordurarum quedam sunt pulverizate, quedam
scacciate, quedam gobonate, quedam invecte. Pulveri-
zacio potest fieri de rosis, maculis, parvis crucibus et
huiusce. Que pulverizacio non computatur sub certo
numero si excedat numerum novenarium. Portat de
rubeo cum duobus signis capitalibus de nigro cum una
bordura pulverizata cum rosis rubeis (XXV a).
Portat unam crucem rubeam planam in campo
argenteo cum una bordura scaccata de argento et nigro
(VII f). Ista bordura sive fimbria dicitur scaccata de
duobus coloribus ad modum scaccarum. Et ulterius
de borduris ingradatis, invectis (VIII f), vel gobonatis.1
Vide exempla.
Sunt aliquando arma que habent alia arma inter se,
et sic possunt cognosci, quia scutum exterius fit de
pluribus coloribus diversimodo positis.
Sunt quidam qui portant unam frettam ut hie:
Portat de auro cum una fretta de rubeo. Gallice, Il
port d’or une frette de gowlys (XVI e).
(p. 48.) Sunt alii qui portant in armis animalia
rescissa ut hie: Portat de argento cum leone rescisso
rapace de nigro. Galilee^ Il port d’argent une leon
rampant recope de sabull (XVII c).
1 Upton.) De Militari Studio, p. 238, gives the following version of tbe bordura
gobonata: Sunt autem ulterius arma alio modo fimbriata sive bordurata,
ut hie. Et ista fimbria sive bordura vocatur gobonata, quia sit de duobus
coloribus quadrate coniunctis. Et sunt arma Ducis Glocestrie, qui Portat
Integra Arma Francie et Anglie Quarteriata cum una bordura gobonata
de argento et azorio. Read et nigro as in Add. MS. 30946.
Humphrey, Duke of Gloucester, fourth son of Henry IV, bore England
and France with bordure compony argent and sable (see Heraldry, British
and Foreign, J. Woodward (1896), Vol. II, pp. 178, 179). Bordure compony
argent and azure distinguished the arms of John de Beaufort, eldest natural
son of John of Gaunt and Katherine Swynford, created Earl and Marquis
of Somerset.
188
Et aliqui portant tale animal rescissum, habens
tamen diversas partes corporis diversi coloris, ut patet.
[Portat de argento cum leone rapaci partito rescisso de
nigro et rubeo. Et Gallice, Il port d’argent un lyon
rampaund de sable et goules recoupie partie] (XVII b).
Sunt alii qui portant capita animalium plana, ut hie.
(Portat de argento cum capite piano leonis de nigro.
Gallice, Il port d’argent une lyon teste playne de sabull
XVII a).
Sunt qui portant capita irrasa animalium, et portat
de argento cum capite irraso leonis de nigro (XVII d).
Sunt alii qui portant signum crescentis lune, ut hie.
Portat de asorio cum tribus crescentibus de auro.
Gallice, Il port d’azure troys crescents d’or (XX c).
(p. 49.) Set dicit Bartholus in tractatu suo, De
Armis Pingendis, quod rex Boemie concessit ei leonem
rubeum in campo aureo cum duabus caudis; quod
dictum est contra naturam quod animal haberet duas
caudas. Sed dicendum est quod portat de auro
leonem rubeum cum cauda bifurcata. Gallice, Il port
d’or un leon de gowlis, le cue forcete (XXII e).
(p. 64.) Portat arma bendaria barrata de rubeo et
auro. Et ideo vocantur bendaria barrata, quia sunt
barrata et duo colores coniunguntur in singulis barris
bendatim (XIX a).
(p. 65.) Portat duos palos rubeos in campo aureo
(XVI f). Nec dicuntur ista arma palata, quia colores
non sunt equales; nam tres partes sunt de auro.
23-25 Et . . . bendatim. Not in text.
189
Portat unam barram et duas barrulas de nigro in
campo argenteo (XI a). Et barrula est verum
diminutium a barra: ideo diminuuntur in pingendo.
Et iste barrule aliquando sunt floride, aliquando
ingradate, et aliquando catenate, ut patet in armis.
Portat unam bendam rubeam in campo aureo (X a).
Et bende fiunt a dextero angulo scuti ad sinistram
partem, ad differenciam fissurarum sive baculorum.
Portat unam bendam et duas bendulas aureas in
campo rubeo (XXII d). Et iste bendule aliquando
fiunt floride, aliquando ingradate, aliquando catenate1
ut barrule fiunt.
(p. 46.) Bastardi portant arma suorum parentum
integra cum quadam benda extransverso, ita tamen
quod ipsa benda incipiat in dextera2 parte et protrahitur
versus angulum sinistrum,3 ut hie: Portat de argento
cum tribus fusilis de nigro cum una benda ex transverso
de rubeo. Gallice^ Il port d’argent troys fusules de
sabull, une bende de gowlis (X e).
Eciam potest bastardus portare scutum de alio colore
cum armis patris sui cum dicta benda.
Et talis assignatur differencia inter bendam, barram,
barrulam et fissuram. De benda dictum est superius.
Barra est ilia que ex transverso dirigitur, et est maioris
latitudinis quam barrula, ut hie. Portat unam barram
de nigro in campo aureo. Gallice^ Il port d’or une
1 There is no illustration of bendula catenata in MS. Cf. Upton, p. 235
Multociens autem predicte bendule diversificantur, ut in armis Comitis
Campanie, qui portat arma de azorio in quibus habet unam bendam et
duas bendulas cathenales de auro (XVIII f). Et Gallice sic, Il port d’asor
ung bende de sable et deux bendeletts chaynez d’or.
a Read sinistra ?
3 Read dexterum ?
190
PLATE XXVH
PLATE XXVIII
barre de sabull (X b). Fissura est ilia que incipit a
sinistris ipsius scuti et protrahitur versus dexterum
angulum eiusdem, ut hie: Portat de rubeo cum fissura
de argento,1 Gallice^ Il port de gowlis une fissure
d’argent (XIV a).
Eciam fissure, bende, barre possunt ingradari, et sic
describi poterunt. [Et portat de auro cum una fissura
ingradata de argento. Gallice^ Il port de ore un fers
engrailed d’argent.] (XIV b.)2
Sunt quidam qui portant fontes, et talia signant
prudenciam, et propter hoc data sunt. Describuntur
sic: Portat de nigro sex fontes argenteos. [Et Gallice
sic, Il port de sabull sex fonteyns d’argent.] (XII f.)
Portat unum leonem salientem in rubeo campo de
argento. Gallice^ Il port de gowles un leon saliant
d’argent (XXII f). Et vocatur saliens quia pes eius
dexter ascendit ad angulum scuti, ut pes eius sinister
ex eadem parte corporis descendit in pedem scuti.
Sic de ceteris quadripedibus animalibus, ut de leonibus,
leopardis, ursis, canibus et similibus.
(p. 50.) Ista arma fuerunt missa sancto Marcurio
militi ad expugnandum lulianum apostatam, ut dicit
7-9 From Upton, p. 244.
13-14. From De Bado, p. 41. But cf. Upton, p. 241 : Nec necesse est
dicere colorem fontium, quia fontes semper sunt albi colons.
1 Gallice baston. Upton, p. 243.
a Cf. De Studio, Bysshe, p. 243 : Sed communiter vocatur fissura, pro eo
quod findit arma paterna in duas partes, quia ipse bastardus finditur et
dividitur a patrimonio sui patris. Et sic talis bastardus prohibetur portare
arma integra sui patris ob reverentiam sui sanguinis, set ipsa portare potest
cum tali tamen fissura sive baculo, ut predixi, ad sue bastardie finalem
declarationem et ad differentiam proprii heredis sui patris.
191
R
Vincentius in S-peculo Historiali, libro xv°, cap. xliii0.
Portat scutum azorium cum cruce florida et cum
quatuor rosis aureis (XXIV a).
[Iterum De Crucibus.]1
De cruce equali. Portat de argento cum una
plana cruce de nigro equalis longitudinis ex omni parte
(I e). Anglice^ He berith of silvyr with a pleine crosse
the which eends be of equal lengthe. Nec fines huius
scuti attingunt ad fimbrias scuti.
De cruce cordata. Portat in campo nigro unam
crucem planam cordatam argenteam. Anglice, He
berith of sable a croys playne cordid of siluer (III e).
Portat unam crucem auri inversam in scuto rubeo
(IV d). Anglice, He berith of gowlis wl a crosse
inversid. Quia fines huius crucis vertuntur ad modum
cornuum arietis; ideo dicitur crux inversa.
(p. 52.) Portat crucem ereminalem sive ermeticam
(III d). Anglice^ He berith a croys of armene. Et
colores in hiis armis non debent expressari, quia non
nisi solum de albo et nigro: ideo inutilis esset repeticio
colorum.
Portat unam crucem rubeam perforatam in medio
campo aureo (IV f).
Portat unam crucem nigram floridam patentem
perforatam fimbriatam sive borduratam cum argento
in campo aureo (IV e).
Portat unam crucem planam undosam de argento in
campo rubeo (V f). Et dicitur undosa crux, quia ad
modum unde vento turbate pingitur.
1 Much of this latter portion is lacking in the printed De Bado tractate
It seems to be an appendix to the original work, and it is significant that
English blazon appears only in this latter portion.
192
Portat in campo rubeo unam crucem talentatam.
Anglice, He berith of gowlis with a croys besantis or
talentis (XIII e).
Et talis crux potest tortillari sicut et talentari, quia
talenta et tortelle differunt in colore. Talenta semper
sunt auri; ideo eorum color non est expressandus in
discrecione armorum, quia non sunt talenta nisi de
auro. Ideo inutilis est repeticio; sed tortille possunt
esse de omni colore preter de auro.
Portat unam crucem planam de albo et nigro invectis
in campo rubeo. Anglice, He berith off gowlis w1 a
crosse verre or invecte of silvyr and sabull (XXIII a).
Et dicitur invecta pro eo quod in ea duo colores vehun-
tur. Portat unam crucem masculatam de nigro in
campo argenteo. Anglice, He berith [of silvyr w‘] a
crosse mascule of sabull (XXIII b).
Et ista crux masculata aliquando perforatur in
masculis. Portat unam crucem masculatam perfora-
tam de rubeo in campo vel scuto argenteo (XIII d).
Anglice, He berith of silvyr a crosse of gowlis mascule
perforate percid.
(p. S3-) [De Animalibus in Armis.]
Portat leopardum salientem in campo rubeo. Leo-
pardus habet colorem griseum maculis nigris consper-
sum. Leopardi aliquando portantur in proprio suo
colore, aliquando in aliis coloribus, et sic leones; et
quandoque cum media facie, quandoque cum integra.
Nec est verum quod leo debet depingi cum media facie
et leopardus cum Integra.1
1 leopard, lupar. The leopards are spotted in tbe MS.
193
Portat duos leopardos peditantes in campo aureo
medietate faciei ostensa.
Portat tria capita bovina in campo argenteo1
(XXIV e).
Portat tres botraces nigros sive bufones in campo
argenteo2 (XXIV f). Que arma olim portaverunt
reges Francorum.
(p. 54.) Portat unum delphinum aureum de Nilo,3
barbatum, in campo rubeo (XXIV c).
1	In tbe Upton version, under tbe beading “De Bove,” we find: Bovem ergo
vel boves aut boum capita in armis portare est signum quod primo ilia arma
portans fuit castratus, vel spado vel in genitalibus sic in guerris mutilatus
quod amplius generate non potest vel potuit. Ut specialiter semel cuidam
nobili scutifero de comitiva et familia dominimei specialis et magistri, Tria
Capita Bovina Nigra in Campo Argenteo portanda assignavi, ut hie, pro eo
quod ipse erat in bello Vernolii cum lancia per membra genitalia totaliter
transfixus. Qui, ut credo, adhuc vivens, arma portat supradicta, et sunt
bona (p. 154).
The battle of Verneuil was fought on August 17, 1424. Thus this passage
could not have been written by Trevor. The inclusion of the story in this
part of the work is not satisfactory, nor is the story itself likely to have
belonged to the original composition.
2	Under tbe beading “De Botrace” Upton gives : Botracem autem aut
botraces sive bufones portare significat ut dictum est; verumptamen
Dominus de Botraux in Anglia portat in armis suis Tres Botraces Nigros in
Campo Argenteo ut hie. Que arma forte portat dictus Dominus propter
nomen suum, ut predixi. Que quidem arma olim portaverunt reges
Francorum prout supradictum est de armis Francorum regis, qui iam portat
Tres Flores Gladioli in Campo Asorio, ut hie.
8	Est et delphinum genus in Nilo, quorum dorsa serratas habet cristas.
Neckam, p. 146.
Cf. Upton (p. 207): Et hie notanda est differentia in discretione armorum
multum necessaria, quia quidam sunt qui portant in armis Delphinum de
Nilo ut hie. Et est Comes Forestarum qui Portat unum Delphinum Aureum
de Nilo Barbatum in Campo Rubeo. . . . Set Dolphinus Francie portat
unum delphinum, nec oportet dicere delphinum planum, sive delphinum de
mari, quia speciale est videre delphinum ita pinnatum in dorso ut supra.
When the Count of Vienne sold the Dauphine to Philip de Valois (1349)
he made it a condition of purchase that the eldest son of the king of France
should be called the Dauphin, and that he should bear in his arms the
dolphin of the family of Humbert borne by the Count.
194
Portat tres perdices in campo rubeo (XXIV b). Nec
exprimi debet in talibus avibus color, quia color in eis
mutatur, vel propter unitatem colorum, vel propter in
plumis tantam varietatem: ideo color non exprimitur,
sicut nec in talentis. Nec indiget exprimere loca,
quia modus communissimus et famosus est portandi
signa in angulis scuti, ut corone, flores, animalia, aves,
pisces, et cetera signa tarn viva quam mortua.
(p. 58.) Portat de auro cum duobus signis capitali-
bus de nigro et tribus pilis de eodem colore (XXIV d).
Et aliquando ista signa capitalia ingradantur. Que
primo fuerunt inventa per carpentarios et factores
domorum; et in latino sermone vocantur tigna. Domus
non perficitur usque ilia tigna superponantur ad
modum capitis. Nam due talia tigna adinvicem
copulata faciunt unum signum capitale. Aliquando
duo signa, aliquando tria ponuntur in armis ad
hominum libitum.
(p. 66.) Portat arma quarteriata de argento [et]
nigro cum uno signo capitali transmutatis dictis
coloribus. Ista fiunt de diversis coloribus trans-
mutatis (XXII b).
Et aliquando ista signa variuntur in armis partitis
secundum longum. Portat arma partita secundum
longum de coloribus rubeo et auro cum uno signo
capitali de dictis coloribus transmutatis (XXII c).
Portat duas partes capitis scuti de rubeo, et terciam
1 Cf. Upton (p. zoo). Perdices ergo in armis portare mendacem aut
sodomitam significat. Et pro eo quidam scutifer, cuius nomen non specific©,
propter suam strenuitatem nobilitatus per dominum meum, etc., perdices
tres in armis suis portavit ut hie. Portavit namque Tres Perdices In
Campo Rubio ...(!)
195
partem de albo ad modum signi capitalis et tres rosas
de eisdem coloribus transmutatis1 (XXIII f).
(p. 67.) [De Armis Umbratis.]
Portat unum leonem rapacem umbratum in campo
aureo (XXVIII a). Portare arma umbrata designat
eos quorum progenitorum patrimonia ad alios descen-
derunt, tamen sunt in spe recuperandi.
(p. 59-) [De Armis Duplicibus.]
Portat arma argentea duplicia de nigro (XXIII c).
Et putatur a quibusdam quod huiusce arma habuerunt
originem a scissoribus.2
(p. 67.) Portat de rubeo super aurum ablato sive
evacuato ad modum trium barrarum (XXIII d). Non
sunt veritate barre, quia non extenduntur ad fimbrias,
sed tres pecie sunt ablate de superiore parte tunice
duplicate, adinstar barrarum inperfectarum.3
1 In MS. D of the Welsh text (p. 100) we have sketches XXII b, XXII c,
and XXII d, but no verbal description. On the same page is sketch XXII a,
which is missing from this text of the Tractatus, but which is thus reported
in Upton (p. 250): Item adhuc. Fusulus iste aliquando portatur de
diversis coloribus ut hie. Et tunc est fortius dubium quomodo talia arma
sunt discernenda. Set die quod habens ista arma Portat arma barrata
ex transverse de albo et nigro cum uno fusulo ex eisdem coloribus trans-
mutatis. Et Gallice sic, Il port partiee de travers d’argent et sable, et ung
fusull de mesmes colours I’ung de 1’autre, ut supradixi in aliis armis.
2 Cf. Upton version (p. 248) : Quidam sunt nobiles qui portant arma
duplicia ad modum unius duplicis tunicae ut si quis forte habens unam
tunicam de colore aureo duplicatam cum rubeo, vult jaggare vel scindere
superiorem partem suae tunicae, et dictas jaggas sive scissuras modicum
elevare, et eas cum parvulis campanis vel aliis foliis sive floribus argenteis
pulverizare, ut hie.
3 The Upton version is fuller (p. 248) : Variatur supradictus modus portandi
arma duplicia, ut hie. Et nota quod in istis armis sunt tres peciae ad modum
barrarum ablatae de superiore parte tunicae duplicatae, ut predixi, per
quarum quidem foramina peciarum aperte et clare ostenditur dictae tunicae
duplicatura, vel saltern color eius. Et Gallice sic, Il port de gewlez decoppe
ou voyde sus or en manere de trois barrez. Et dico quod, Portat de rubeo
[Continued on page J 9 7
196
(р. 56.) Portat leonem ascendentem partitum de
rubeo et auro in campo aureo et viridi (XXVII a).
(p. 57.) Portat arma barrata cum capite palato et
angulato de asorio [et auro], cum quodam scuto
simplici de argento (IX a). Que arma portavit
Rogerus de Mortuo Mari, nuper Comes Marchie.1
Et ista arma alio modo describuntur secundum
quosdam, set eorum opinio est reprobata.
[De Tractu in Armis.]
Portat unum tractum planum simplicem de rubeo
in campo aureo (XIX e). Qui tractus aliquando
ingradatur ex utraque parte, et aliquando invectitur,
et tractus dicitur [de] eo quod, remanente campo
armorum tarn intra quam extra, protrahitur unus
tractus de alio colore ad modum scuti.
Et aliquando iste tractus duplicatur ut hie: Portat
duplicem tractum cum floribus gladioli contra positis
et uno leone rapaci de rubeo in campo aureo. Et ista
arma portat Rex Scocie (XXV e).
Et quidam habent istum tractum triplicatum vel
quadriplicatum, ut hie: Portat unum tractum tripli-
catum de nigro in campo argenteo (XVIII e).
17 compositis.
Continued from page 196]
ablato sive evacuato super aurum ad modum trium barrarum, quia non
sunt verae barrae, quia non extenduntur totaliter per predicta arma, sicut
deberent si essent verae barrae.
Item variatur iste modus scindendi sive jaggandi, ut hie. Et sunt arma
argentea duplicata de nigro in forma predicta. Et Gallice sic, Il port
d’argent decoppee sus sable.
Tene menti hanc regulam pro tunicis duplicatis, quia diversae ymagina-
tiones fiunt in eis ut multociens vidi.
1 Slain in Ireland July 20, 1398.
197
[De Armis Capitatis.]
(p. 58.) Portat signum capitale de nigro, tres rosas
rubeas in campo aureo, cum uno capite nigro et tribus
talentis in eodem. [Gallice > Il port d’or ung chever-
en de sable, et trois roses de gowlez, ung chef de
gewles, et trois besauntez en la mesme.] (XXIII e.)
Ista dicuntur arma capitata quando superior pars
scuti, videlicet, caput scuti, sit de uno colore vel de
diversis, et ilia pars non extenditur ad medium scuti.
Et si filius habet maiorem hereditatem ex parte matris,
potest portare integra arma matris in parte inferiori
scuti et in tali capite arma integra patris.1
[De Quarterio sive Quarta.]
Sunt quidam qui portant unum quarterium sive
unam quartam alterius coloris differentis a colore vel
coloribus scuti, [ut hie]: Portat arma palata de auro
et azorio cum quarta ermetica. [Et Gallice sic, Il port
palee d’or et d’asor ung quart d’ermyn.] (XXI f.)
Et respectus habendus est ad colorem illius pali qui
ascenderet ad dexterum cornu scuti si ipsa quarta
ibidem non foret, et in illo colore incipiendum est in
descripcione illorum armorum.
3	cum uno capitale.
4-6 Upton, p. 144.
10	ut si filius habens.
1 С/. Upton (p. 244) : Et nota quod in istis capitibus est bonus modus
portandi arma diversa, ut forte aliquis nobilis habet multas terras, grandia
dominia per matrem suam, propter quas terras maternas intendit portare
arma sue matris, ut est justum : set quia descendit de patre nobili vel
generoso, per quern habuit aliquod simplex patrimonium, tunc talis nobilis,
si voluerit, potest portare integra arma sue matris in parte inferiori sui
scuti ....
198
[De Armis Scaccatis.]
(p. 49.) Sunt quidam qui portant arma scaccariata
vel scaccata. Portat de asorio et auro scaccariata.
Galilee^ Il port de asore et d’or chekkere (XX b). Et
inchoandum est dextera parte coni. (p. 66.) Que arma
recipiunt multas differentiae, ut in capitibus, in
quarteriis, in barris, bendis, et quandoque in signis
capitalibus; et formantur de duobus coloribus ad
modum scaccorum.
[De Fusulis.]
Portat de rubeo cum uno fusulo aureo (XVI b). Et
aliquando portatur fusulus de diversis coloribus.
(p. 61.) Portat tres fusulos rubeos [barratim] in
campo argenteo (XIV d). Que arma portavit Comes
Sarum racione terrarum pertinencium ad baroniam
de Monte Acuto.1 Quandoque portantur quatuor vel
plures fusule (vel fusuli), usque ad numerum novenar-
ium inclusive. Sed si excedatur, tunc dicuntur arma
pulverizata cum fusulis.
Portat de argento cum una barra fusulata de rubeo
(XIV e). Et quidam dicunt quod fusuli habuerunt
ortum a textatore, eo quod textatores utuntur talibus
fusulis de lana filata factis, sive fusuli dicuntur
instrumenta texendi.
(p. 62.) Portat de rubeo sex masculas de auro
(XVI c). Et est differentia inter fusulos, masculas et
losengas. Fusuli sunt longiores et stricciores in
4-7 From Upton, p. 245.
11	cum una fusula aureo.
27 lolense.
1 Cf. Historic Heraldry, p. 51 ‘‘William de Montagu, Earl of Salisbury
(1301-44). Argent three lozenges (or fusils) in fess (or a fess engrailed of
three points) gules.” Second Dunstable Roll: “Monsr. W’illiam de Montagu
porte d’argent ove un fece engrele de goules ove trois poynts.”
199
angulis transversalibus quam mascule, et iste mascule
quandoque perforantur. Sed fusuli et losenge non
solent perforari.
Portat unam bendam fusulatam de rubeo in campo
aureo (cf. XVI a).
Portat arma masculata de argento et asorio; in
quibus dictis armis mascule incipiunt in dextero angulo
scuti et terminantur versus sinistram partem. Que
arma eciam possunt dici palata, quod dividuntur in
tres palos (XX a).
Sed losenge fiunt in armis bendatis. Portat losengas
de argento et rubeo (XXI a). Losenge semper stant
recte,quarum angulisuperioresrecte respiciunt in caput
scuti; sed angulus mascule potest respicere dexterum
cornu scuti, vel sinistrum respicere caput scuti.
[De Saltatoribus.]
Portat unum saltatorium [de azorio in campo aureo].
Et saltatoria possunt ingradari sicut cruces, barre, et
bende. Et portat unum saltatorium de nigro ingrada-
tum in campo aureo1 (cf. XII a). Et quandoque
portantur duo huiusmodi signa, quandoque tria, et
17-18 Portat unum saltatorium de nigro ingradatum in campo aureo.
Et saltatoria possunt ingradari bende.
1 Tbe reading is corrupt. Cf. Upton version (p. 251): “Est aliud autem
signum in Armis per diversos nobiles portatum quod appellatur Saltatorium,
et fit ad modum quasi crucis Sancti Andree, ut hie. Et assimilatur secundum
quosdam cuidam instrument© posito in diversis parcis quod tamen est mire
magnitudinis ad comparationem huius signi. Et est bene notum quod in
multis locis et parcis talia saltatoria ordinantur ad recipiendum feras bestias
que semel ibidem intrantes per ipsum saltatorium non iterato exire possunt.
Quare olim ista signa dabantur divitibus et avaris, qui multos thesauros con-
gregantes illos raro vel nunquam refundunt. Et qui habet ista arma ; Portat
De Auro Et Unum Saltatorium de Asorio. Et Gallice sic, Il port d’or ung
saultier d’asor. Et nota quod ista Saltatoria aliquando ingradantur, ut hie.
The arms of Wm. Wittlesey, Archbishop of Canterbury, 1369-74,
were or, saltire az.
200
istud signum fit ad modum crucis Sancti Andree, et in
multis locis talia saltatoria ordinantur ad capciones
ferarum, ubi si semel intraverint, non possunt exire.
Et hoc signum possit assignari diviti avaro, qui
congregat thesauros et non refundit.
Portat unam barram planam et tria saltatoria
ingradata de rubeo in campo argenteo (XIX d).
(p. 59.) Portat de asorio tres coronas aureas
(XX d), non exprimendo hie loca, quia modus com-
munissimus est portandi signa in angulis scuti. Atta-
men aliquando ponuntur per modum barre (XX f), et
aliquando per modum pali (XX e).
Portat tres pisces argenteos in campo nigro natantes
(XXI d). Huiusce arma olim portavit Episcopus
Wintoniensis, vocatus Petrus de Rupibus, anglice,
Pers Roche. Sed tamen quidam non exprimunt
colorem piscium nec avium propter illam regulam,
que invenitur in perdicibus et talentis.
Portat duos barbellos aureos terga adinvicem
vertentes in scuto asorio pulverizato cum crucibus
figitivis de auro (XXI e). De isto barbello sic
describitur:
Barbule, te parvi reputat Londinia cum te
Pariseus magni, nominis esse sciat.
Barbule, barba tibi, gustus capitis capitoni
Dat nomen, sicut trudere truta tibi.1
Imperatur dictus erat Lucius et tirannus, de quo
sic scribitur:
Lucius est piscis, rex et tirannus aquarum ;
A quo discordat Lucius iste parum.
Hie homines devorat, hie piscibus insidiatur.
Is semper esuriit, hie aliquando satur.
1 Neckam, De Laudibus^ vv. 639-42.
201
[De Armis Frettatis.]
Portat arma frettata de auro cum campo rubeo
(XXI b). Huiusce arma portavit Dominus de Aude-
ley. Iste frettatus campus remanet integer et frette
possunt esse de omni colore.
De Signis in armis depictis est videndum,1 et quid
per ilia signa intelligere possunt inspicientes.
Signum diffinitive dicitur illud quod seipsum offert
visui, et aliud representat intellectui.
Sed inter signa digniora sunt signa vivencia, ut ff.
De Verborum Significatione, 1. qui mortui; C. De Post-
humis heredibus^ 1. ii, xiii, q. ii, quam posterum.
Et inter vivencia et nobiliora et digniora sunt que
sunt sexus masculini, et ff. De Senatoribus^ 1. i in textu.
Et concordat ibidem Accursius ipse.
Primo conveniens est dicere de signis viventibus
masculis et sic de animalibus. Et quia leo inter
omnia animalia irrationalia dicitur esse animal prin-
cipale, igitur de eo primo tractare intendimus.
Leon, ut dicit Ysidorus, Grece dicitur, rex Latine,
eo quod est rex animalium, cuius virtus est in pectore,
infirmitas in capite.2 Cum dormierit, vigilant eius
oculi. Homines3 non nisi magna fame comedit, nec
1 This part of the work seems to be an appendix, or a part of a
proposed revised version, because there has already appeared a treatment
of the lion. Compare this section with the Welsh version, pp. 84-93,
and the account as given in Bysshe’s edition, pp. 124 ff.
2 Vis summa in pectore (VIII, xix). Vis summa in pectore, firmitas in
capite praecipua (Solinus, cap. 27). кефаХ^р eyet icryvpav (Arist., Hist.
Anim.y ix).
3 et ubi saevit, in viros potius quam in feminas fremit, in infantes non
nisi fame.
De Verborum Significatione, D, L, xvi (see p. 202 n.).
De Postbumis beredibus instituendis, С, VI, xxix.
De Senatoribus, D, I, ix.
202
interimit (Plinius, libro VIII0, cap. xvii°). Leo in
summa generositate est quando iubis collum et humeri
vestiuntur. Sed illi leones quos pardi per adulterium
generant cum leena semper illis insigniis carent.1
Quando leo semel saciatur bene, duobus aut tribus
diebus cibo caret, et si saciatus fugiendi necessitatem
habet, cibos receptos ad fauces reicit, et cum unguibus
eos extrahit, ut sic ad fugam levior sit.2 Animal longe
vite est; infantes raro invadit nisi in magna fame.
Leo quando irascitur terram cum cauda verberat;
demum crescente ira tergam suam percutit et flagellat
sua cauda.3 In periculis maxime gloriosius apparet>
unde quando a canibus persequitur, a venatoribus non
latitat nec occultat se, sed in campis sedet ubi videri
poterit, et ad defensionem se parat.
(p. 69.) Si aliquando vulneratur, mira observa-
tione novit vulnerantem se, et in multitudine impetit
percussorem. Quando moritur humum mordet, lacri-
mamque fundit.4 Animal est valde gratum, modo
suo cognoscens et diligens benefacientem sibi, ut
dicit Plinius in multis exemplis libro VIII0, cap. xvii0.
Aristoteles dicit, libro secundo De Animalibus^ quod leo
habet collum quasi esset immobile, multum rigidum
et posteriora habet ad modum canis; et semper movet
5 aut tribus vicibus vel diebus.
1	Quos vero pardi generavere, semper insigni hoc carent (XVI).
2	raros in potu ; vesci alternis diebus ; a saturitate interim cibis carere.
Quae possint, in mandendo solida devorare ; nec capiente aviditatem alvo
conjectis in fauces unguibus extrahere, ut, si fugiendum in satietate, abeant
(VIII, xviii).
3	Leonum animi index cauda, sicut equorum aures. Immota ergo
placidus, clemens, blandientique similis, quod rarum est; crebrior enim
iracundia. Ejus in principio terra verberatur, incremento terga ceu quo dam
incitamento flagellantur (VIII, xviii).
4	Creditum est, a moriente humum morderi, lacrimamque leto dari
(tfxZ).
203
primo dexterum pedem, et postea sinistrum, sicut et
camelus, et parum habet de medulla in ossibus; et
ossa eius sunt ita dura ut ex illorum collisione exit
ignis.
In altissimis montibus inhabitat, et inde contem-
platur predam suam, [quam cum] viderit, alte rugit,
ad cuius vocem terrentur animalia, et subito figunt
gradum, contra que caudam orbiculariter ducit, et illius
nature circulum transire quodlibet animal pertimescit:
sed stant animalia stupefacta edictum sui regis
expectancia.
Item leo transiens per loca aspera ungues intra
pedem contrahit et recondit: nam illis utitur pro
mucrone, et ideo infra carnositatem ipsas abscondit,
et eis parcit mirabiliter ne ledantur aut ebetentur.1
Predam suam quam capit solus comedere erubescit,
et ideo sepe remotis sequentibus bestiis aliis, de sua
preda aliquid largitatis gratia derelinquit. Tante est
caliditatis quod febre semper quartana patitur, et
tamen hunc morbum naturaliter sustinet, ut eius feritas
edometur. Alias leonis proprietates narrat Jeronimus
super Ezech.2 capitulo ix°. Est enim una bestiola
quam miro modo timent leo et leena, que vocatur
learefones, que portat quoddam venenum quod eos
interficit, unde (p. 70) capta ilia bestiola uritur, et
eius cinere carnes asperse et posite in semitis leonis
vel leene, eos de eisdem comedentes necat, ut dicit
Isidorus, libro VIP. Leo habet anelitum fetidum et
6	et cum hunc.
1	Mirum pardos, pantheras, leones, et similia, condito in corporis vaginas
unguium mucrone, ne refringatur hebeteturve, ingredi; aversisque falculis
currere, nec nisi appetendo protendere (VIII, xvii).
2	Migne, Patrology Vol. 25, columns 94, 95.
204
infectivum, morsumque mortiferum et venenosum,
maxime quando est rabidus, sicut canis. Sanguinem
animalis ab eo occisum primo bibit et lambit; deinde
residuum discerpens membratim dividit, devorat, et
deglutit.
Proprietatum predictarum alique bone, alique male
sunt. Ideo in discrecione armorum cavendum est
quid sit dicendum de leone.
Quidam dubitant pro eo quod quidem Onorius
Bonetti in libro suo quern nominavit Arborem Bellorum^
quern in Gallico sermone ad honorem Karoli sexti
edidit, affirmavit, in quarta parte sui libri, capitulo
cxxxix0, quod rex Anglie portaret in suis armis leo-
pardos et non leones, qui erravit manifeste, quia
scribit lohannes de Hanvilla in libro suo quern
Architrenium nominavit, quod Brutus qui primo
regnum Anglie tunc Britannie nominavit, occupavit,
et in eo regnavit, portavit pro armis suis unum leonem
rubeum peditantem in campo aureo. Sic metrice:
Reptat in umbone leo flammeus, igneus aurum
Ventilat in hostes volitans draco, mortis odore
Cuspis inescatur, ignes equus arduus efflat.1
et cet., libro V°, capitulo xiv°.
9	pro eo quidem.	Read quinti.
22 igneus.
1 De Bello inter Largos et Avaros.
Fine dato verbis, subitos bibit aure tumultus,
Et ruptas gladiis Martisque tonitribus auras
Haurit et horrisonis qua litigat ictibus aer.
Flectit iter stupidis dubiusque allabitur ausis.
Mars ubi saevus agit gladius necis eliquat imbres,
Sidera texuntur iaculis, superosque sagitta
Territat, et densa noctescit arundine caelum.
Gemmis vernat apex galeae, lorica nitoris
Ridet, in argento mucro splendore minatur :
[Continued on page лоб
205
Leo flammeus et igneus et rubeus reptat, id est,
pedibus transit in umbone, id est in scuto aureo, ut hie.
Portat leonem rubeum fie di tan tern in campo aureo
(XXV b).
Et post dictum Brutum successores sui Britones
portaverunt eadem arma successive, (p. 71.) Qui
Brutus reliquit totam terram tocius insule Britannie
tribus filiis, videlicet, Locrino, Albanacto et Cambro,
ut testantur Cronice. Locrinus primogenitus portavit
arma patris, Albanactus secundus filius portavit unum
leonem rubeum rapacem in campo aureo.
Que arma adhuc portaverunt reges Scocie cum
adiectione, videlicet, uno duplici tractu cum floribus
gladioli contrapositis [de rubeo], ut hie. Portat
leonem rapacem cum duplici tractu cum floribus
gladioli de rubeo contrapositis in campo aureo (XXV e).
Camber tercius filius portavit duos leones rubeos,
facies suas ad terga vertentes, in campo argenteo
Continued from page 205.]
Reptat in umbone leo flammeus, igneus aurum
Ventilat involitans hastis draco, mortis odore
Cuspis inescatur, ignes equus arduus efflat;
Sanguine candescunt phalerae, spumescit habena
Indignata regi, freni natat ardor in ira.
Arcbitbrenius^ Lib. V, cap. xvi.
Note tbe account given in tbe “Debat des Heraulx D'armes" of tbe coming
of Brutus to Britain: Croies, dame Prudence, s’il vous plaist le savoir,
qu’ilz (les nobles chevaliers) furent extraiz de la grant noblesse de Troye,
et que, apres la destruction faicte a Troye, un vaillant chevalier nomme
Eneas troyen, accompaigne de plusieurs noblez, s’en vint ou pais de Romme,
et de lui descendit subsecutivement ung chevalier qui soy nomma Brutus,
lequel Brutus descendit fort accompaigne en 1’isle d’Albion qui pour le
present se nomme Angleterre, et se combatit avecques pluseurs geans qui
estoient en la dicte ysle, et a la perfin conquist 1’yle, et destruisit les geans
et la publia de ceulx qui estoient venuz avecques luy ; et voult et ordonna,
pour ce qu’il avoit nom Brutus, que la dicte isle s’appellast Bretaigne et
non plus Albion. . . (Societe des Anciens Textes Franfais, 1877, p. 10.)
206
PLATE XXIX
a®
PLATE XXX
(XXVI a). Que arma reges et principes Cambrie
vel Wallie per longa tempora portaverunt.
Et sic Locrinus post mortem patris sui portavit
arma patris, [et] octo reges descendentes ab eo usque
ad divisionem regni, que erat post mortem regis Leir,
inter eius Alias, in tercia etate mundi. Tunc arma
erant divisa usque ad Dumwallonem monarcham tocius
insule, qui portavit arma Bruti. Sed Bellinus, Alius
Dumwallonis, postquam conquisivit Franciam, Alman-
iam, totam Italiam, et civitatem Romanam, Sabino et
Porcenna tunc consulibus (qui Bellinus postea occu-
pavit totam Greciam, ut Chronica testantur), veniens
postea in Britanniam istam, nunc Angliam, nova arma
sibi assumpsit, videlicet, tres coronas aureas in campo
asorio (XX d). Que arma successores sui portaverunt
usque ad Uter Pendragon, qui assumpsit sibi nova
arma, videlicet, duos dracones virides coronis rubeis
coronatos terga adinvicem vertentes in campo aureo,
ut hie (XXVII c).
Que arma et priora portavit rex Arthurus Alius eius;
sed postea, viso miraculo ab eo apud Glastoniam,
assumpsit sibi alia arma ad laudem cruciAxi, videlicet,
unam crucem argenteam in cuius dextero bracchio erat
ymago Beate Marie stans, Alio suo sedente in dextero
bracchio, in viridi campo, ut hie (XXVII b).1
Et anno quingentesimo quadragesimo quinto,
Arthuro mortuo, successit Constantinus Alius, qui
portavit eadem arma. Post quern Aurelinus Conanus,
post quern Malgo, post quern Catericus, quern Saxones
expulserunt ad confragia Wallie. Tunc ilia arma
6 filios.
1 Cf. Girald. Camb., Principis Instruction^ p. 126. Rolls edition, VIII.
207
S
cessaverunt. Sed post multos annos rex Cadwaladrus
portavit in suis armis unam crucem patentem figitivam
auri in campo azoreo (XXVI d).
Eadem arma portavit eius filius Ivor, qui per
Saxones peremptus [est]. Successit Ine nepos eius,
qui quasi nutu divino non quasi Brito sed quasi Saxo
coronatus est, quia mater eius fuit de stirpe Saxonia.
Erat pater eius Kenten de stirpe Britonum. Qui
regnans triginta et septem annis portavit arma Cad-
waladri. Post eum alii reges portaverunt eadem arma
usque ad tempora Sancti Edwardi Confessoris. Sed
intervenit quidam Danus, sive Dacus, nomine Swaynus,
alias Swayno, [qui expulit Elredum regem Anglie]-
Portavit tres coronas aureas palatas in campo rubeo
(XXVI b) et duo alii reges Dani intrusores, videlicet,
Knotus vel Knutus, et Hardknutus, quibus (p. 73)
tribus intrusoribus successive mortuis, revenerunt duo
alii filii Elredi, alias Egeldredi predict!, videlicet
Aluredus et Edwardus, in Angliam. Quern Aluredum
seniorem fratrem Godwinus comes Cancie proditoric
occidit. Et anno Domini millesimo quadragesimo
secundo Edwardus coronatur, qui portavit in armis
suis unam crucem floridam auream in campo azoreo,
Et quia spoliatus fuit ante[a] per Danos, assumpsit
quosdam merulos aureos sine pedibus; quia ipse
vocabatur Edwardus sine terra (XXVI f). Ideo
portavit eos sine pedibus.
Quo mortuo sine herede regnavit Haraldus intrusor,
qui post sex menses occisus est a Willielmo ducc
Normannie. Tunc autem cessaverunt arma Anglorum
regum; et Willielmus Conquestor portavit duos leo-
pardos aureos in campo rubeo (XXV c). Que arma
13 qui . Anglie. Bysshe.
208
portavit filius eius primogenitus Robertus Curthose,
et secundus filius Willielmus Rufus, qui successit patri.
Quo Willielmo mortuo, successit frater eius minor
Henricus primus, qui eadem arma portavit.
Quidam dicunt quod Willielmus Conquestor post
conquestum Anglie apposuit suis armis tercium leo-
pardum; quod non reperitur in cronicis. Sed notum
est quod iste Henricus primus post mortem suam
reliquit Matildam imperatricem heredem suam proxi-
mam ad regnandum, quia Willielmus et Ricardus filii
sui cum altera eorum sorore submersi erant una hora
inmari. Quam Matildampuellam quinquenniam primo
duxit in uxorem Henricus (p. 74) quartus Almanie, et
quam postea duxit Galfridus Plantagenet, dux Anda-
gavie. Sed Stephanus filius comitis Blesensis et
Adale tercie filie Willielmi Conquestoris nepos prefati
Henri, vicesimo die Novembris, sole existente in
Sagittario, intravit Angliam. Qui ibidem vicesimo
secundo die Decembris proxime extunc sequentis
coronatus portavit scutum rubeum in quo habuit
trium leonum peditantium corpora usque ad colla
cum corporibus humanis superius ad modum signi
Sagittarii de auro (XXV f) quia intravit Angliam sole
existente in illo signo. Cui Stephano intrusori suc-
cessit Henricus secundus filius dicte Matilde Impera-
tricis, qui portavit in suis armis tres leones aureos pedi-
tantes in campo rubeo (XXV d). Et sic arma Will-
ielmi Conquestoris cessaverunt ibi ubi defecit linea
masculina.
Quidam dicunt quod reges Anglie portant tres
leopardos aureos in campo rubeo, videlicet, duos pro
9 imperatricem heredem suum proximum.
209
ducatu Normannie et tercium pro ducatu Acquitannie.
Quod non est verum, quia iste Henricus secundus post
divorcium celebratum inter Lodowicum regem Franco-
rum et Alienoram filiam ducis Acquitannie et heredem
eius, duxit earn in uxorem.1 Et hie primo crevit
titulus regis Anglie ad Acquitanniam et non antea.
Iste Henricus secundus portavit tres leones aureos
in campo rubeo, et heredes sui post eum successive
usque ad Edwardum tercium, qui miscuit arma sua
cum armis Francie. Iste Henricus secundus primo
fecit leones in Angliam duci et custodiri, quorum
catulos idem rex solebat acriter (p. 75) verberare in
presencia suorum trium filiorum, qui de facto erant
rebelles patri suo et secrete nitebantur patrem suum
destruere, pro eo quod coronari fecit Henricum
seniorem filium suum, vivente patre, in Regem Anglie,
tempore exilii sancti Thome Martiris. Unde canunt
isti versus,
Henricus natus Matildis regna tenebat;
Sub quo sacratus Thomas mucrone cadebat.
Qui Henricus iuvenis post martirum dicti sancti
Thome obiit, et pater resumpsit coronam et regnum.
Quo Henrico patre mortuo, successit Ricardus filius
eius, regnavitque per decern annos. In cuius laudem
sic describitur:
Miles formosus, Rex Ricardus generosus,
Non hominem metuit, tantus ad arma fuit.
Pro dolor ! о mortis mundo percussio fortis 1
Cur non magnati vis parcere vel bonitati ?
1 Eleanor, daughter of William, Count of Poitiers, wife of Louis VII.
After she had been divorced she married Henry Plantagenet, heir to the
English throne (1152), Count of Anjou and Duke of Normandy. With her
the wealthy duchy of Aquitaine passed to the English king. Thus Henry II
was master of Normandy, Anjou, and Maine, Poitou, Aquitaine, and
Gascony, as well as of Brittany.
210
Mors deliquisti, que Ricardum rapuisti,
Regem vincentem nece victum, prole carentem.
In vultu letus fuit et fortisque facetus,
Blandi sermonis, ditatus corde leonis»
Scocia, Wallia, Neustria, Gallia conticuerunt,
Arma Britannia quando leonica visa fuerunt.
Ultramontani, Tusci, Siculique pagani
Ad bellum pronum scutum tenuere leonum
Rex et Tancredus pacis pepigit sibi fedus.
Quo subiectorum regnum tenuit Siculorum.
Postea pro fundo capto bellavit eundo
Isaqueo teste, sua Ciprea fit manifeste.
Arte sua vique fuit Aeon reddita, quique
Circumvaserunt, altas turres petierunt.
Cairam namque, Dametam, Cesariamque
Hie invadebat, sibi gens adversa cadebat.
En Saffadinus vidit quando Saladinus
Ictu Ricardi periit postrema Liardi.
Lingua nequit fari nec cor poterit meditari
Quemquam formari condicione pari.
De lohanne fratre eius et successore:
Neustria Iohannis fuit indefensa sub annis,
Et quia deliquit, Gallis possessa reliquit.
Edwardus tercius, filius Isabelle filie et heredis regis
Francie, arma regis Francie armis suis adiunxit:
Anglorum cerno me regem iure paterno.
Matris iure quidem rex Francorum vocor idem.
Hine est armorum variacio facta meorum.
Eciam alio titulo poterit idem rex portare eadem
arma, quia Edwardus, filius eius, princeps Wallie,
devicit lohannem regem Francorum in bello de
5 conteguerunt.
8 parvum Bysshe,
13 Aron.
14 Bysshe gives: Circum manserunt, altas turres petierunt.
15 Dametam.
21 I
Poyters, et captum duxit in Angliam, anno Domini
millesimo CCC° XLVII°, nono die Septembris.1
In Poyter capitur rex et flos Francigenorum
Londonias vehitur vi principis Walligenorum.
1 Cf. Bysshe, op. cit., p. 145.
Quod Johannes, rex Francie, fuit verus captivus Edwardi III. Item
precephnus superius allegatam, quod Johannes rex Francie fuerat verus
captivus Edwardi tercii Anglie. Et pro eo quod quicquid per servum
adquiritur domino suo adquiritur, ut Instituta, Per quas personas nobis
obligato adquiritur, § primo, et in § Item nobis, eodem titulo. Ipse enim
servus qui in potestate alterius est, nichil suum habere potest. ... Et quod
dictus Johannes rex servus erat capientis probatur per ilium Servi autem
aut nascuntur aut fiunt, Instit. de iure personarum. Nam dicitur ibidem,
Fiunt autem servi jure gentium, id est, ex captivitate, et ulterius in servorum
conditione nulla differentia est, ut ibi, set generaliter quicquid per servum
adquiritur domino adquiritur. Sic ergo Arma dicti Johannis regis Fran-
corum per illam captivitatem fuerint dicto regi Edwardo adquisita, et per
consequens bene licebat dicto regi Edwardo predicta Arma portare argu-
ment© premissorum ; non obstante quod dictus Edwardus tercius licite
potuit dicta Arma Francie portare ratione successionis et jure hereditario,
quia filius et heres Isabelle tunc filie et heredis regni Francie, ut satis clare
patet per Cronicas, et specialiter per Froissardum in Cronica, ubi ipse
tractat de ista materia.
212
TRETIS ON ARMES
A.	Add. MS. 34.64.8.
B.	Hark MS. 6097.
C. Bodl. Land. Misc. 733.
Forasmoch as I, John, haue late in this Worldes
ende perceyued in saule many Gentilmen in armes
blasyng slomerously to slepe and dreme, them from
their sompnolency that besemes no gentill blode to
the which Armes belongen to wakyn, and their
oppynions to socour and counceill, al curiositee sette
opart, haue existimate myself, that me foloyng may
haue the more waker conyngsaunce in that partie of
ciuylians conclusions, this litill tretis oute of latyn into
englissh, suyng the fote steppes of the right nobili
predecessour Ffraunces de Ffoueys in his boke intitled
De Picturis Armorum^ haue putte my vigilant penne.
And forasmoch as Omne principium difficile^ therefore,
where armes originally began I propose to precede.
First, as herodes recorden, the beginninge and
grownde of Armes was at the Sege of Troy, withinne
the towne and withoute, because of the dughtynesse of
the dedes that were shewed and done on both the
parties, and because that ther was so grete a multitude
i-i4 А, от. B. Unfortunately it has not been possible to consult
Bodley MS. (Bodl. Land. Misc. 733). This MS. has been placed in safety
for the duration of the war.
15	As kinges herodes recordith B, the beginninge . armes В, от. A.
16 Sitye B, Sege A.
19	And fforasmoch as ther was so greate mulltydude of people and so
many valyants of knyghts, yt dyd so greate actes of armes of both partayes,
by ther discrete advyse . . . B.
213
opon both parties that one myght not be knowen from
another of their poyntes of worshippe, caused the
kynges withinne the towne and withoute to assemble
togedir, and by their discrete aduyse concentid togedir
and accordid, that euery mann that shuld do a poynt
of worshippe shuld haue to hymself a marke of wor-
shippe in tokyn of his dughtynes, that the poeple
myght haue knowelage of hym.1
And if it so were that this forsaide man hade any
children, then thei shuld bere the same mark that
their fadir did with dyvers differences, that is to sey,
the eldest son shuld haue a labell, the second son a
cressent, the third son a molet, the fourt son a merlet,
the V sonn an anulet, the VI sonn a floure de lyce.
And if ther were any moo bredren then VI, then the
fadir shuld giffe them what difference that shuld plese
hym best.
Also ye shall undirstond that when the Sege of Troy
was broken, then the lordes went forth into other
dyvers landes to seke moo aventures. And so into
this lande of Englond come a dughty man that was
called Brute, and with hym come grete multitude of
pepil: and they slugh the Gyeanntz, and inhabite the
lond with Brutes menn. And the markes of the
2	tho kynges A.
5	and accordid B, every mann yt dyd any greate acte of armes B.
6	sholde haue upon hym B.
7	dowtiness B.
11 father B.
17 as thus B. Then follows a drawing of a rose. In both MSS. we
have sketches of the marks of cadency. The label in A has only one
pendant: in В there are three.
18 Ffurthermore ye shall have knowledge yt when . was endyd B.
20 for to seke B.
24 meny A, men B.
1 Cf. the Welsh version.
214
manly peple that come with hym lasten yit in Englond,
and succeden forth to their successours.
And bycause that they shuld be called a feirer name
then merks, they turned the name of merks into the
name of armes, because that the worshippe was getyn
with the myght of manys armes. And wherefore, when
a gentilman cometh into the ffelde to fight for his
kynges right or for his owen, he doth uppon him his
habitte of worshippe, which was getyn with the many
hands of worship with force of myght. Wherefore it
is called the Cote of Armes, by the which cote euery
gentilman haldes the landes of his predecessours.
And ye shall undirstonde that in armes ar II metalls
and V colours. Of the II metalls one is golde, and
that other is siluer. And as for the V colours one is
sabill, the second is goules, the III is asour, the fourt
vert, the V purpill. Sabill is likened to the Dyamound,
Goules to the Ruby, Asour to the Safire, Vert to the
Emeraude, and the purpull to the Amatice. Notwith-
stondyng in the Empyre and in Ffraunce they bere one
colour more then any other lande doth. And that is
a colour that is called Tawny, and it is likened to the
Calcidony. And thise been al the colours in armes.
Some men seye that siluer and sabill been the richest
thynges in armes: and this is the cause. Euery kynge
i lassten A, was left B, Engeland B.
8	princes cawse B.
9	he will do upon B, a nabytt B.
io	force and might B.
13 A. One armes beare metalles on Golde, another Syllver, and . . . B.
This is corrupt.
16 guiles B, asure, purple, sables, diamonde, emeralld B.
19 amatrise B.
19 Nottwythstandynge in the Emperowers lande B.
21 lande A, realme B.
24 calsedane B.
25 and . . . cause A, Marye because B.
215
in Cristendome, and many in hethenesse, breken their
lawes and maken their lawes in siluer and sabill; and
when they take their othe and shal be crouned kynges,
thei sitten in siluer and sabill, that is to sey, in armyn.
Wherfore Herodes sey that the Dukes armes of
Bretayn be the richest armes in the worlde; for he
beres armyn withoutyn any other thynge. Not-
withstandyng the most part of the kynges of Cristen-
dome and many of hethenesse beren gold in their
armes, because it is a tokyn of grete rialte of richesse
and of stedfastnesse and of gret nobley. For a man
may sette no bettir thyng of colour in golde then golde.
To siluer a man may sette Perles, to sabill Diamondes,
to goules Rubies, to asour Safires, to vert Emeraudes,
to purpill Amatices. And therfore golde is called
the metall of worshippe, of Rialte and of godenesse.
And ye shal knowe that ther be IIII thynges that
breken armes, that is to sey, Bendes, ffecys, Cheuerons,
and Barres. And if ther be any of thise II11 in armes,
then ye most begynne to blase them next the ffelde
whatsomeuer thyng be therinne elles. And if it so be
that an armes be quartly, then ye most begyn at the
colours on the right quarter above to blase.
Also ye shall knowe that ther is non armes bot siluer
or golde be in them. And in blasyng of armes ye
most beware for reprevyng, for ther be IIII thynges
i in Christendome in ther hynesse B.
6 for he beres A, And why ? Becawse he beryth ermyne . . , B.
8 and many hethenesse A.
11 nobylyty B.
17 Here be iiii . B.
zi therin elles : but in specyall casys. And yf so be a man beare hye
armes quarterly, ye must beginne to blase them on the right quarter above B.
then ye most begyn at the colours on the right side to blase A.
216
in armes that a man shal not name bot onys: that is
to sey, onys of, onys in, onys and, and onys with. And
if he may forbere and latte none of thise be seide it is
the better.
Also ther be VII rounde thynges in Armes, some
goules, some golde, some siluer, some sabill, some
vert, and some purpill. They that be golde be
besannts. They that be siluer be plates. They that
be rede be turtues. They that be asour be pelettes.
They that be grene be pomes. They that be purpill
be woundes.
Also ther be IIII thynges that partis colours in
armes, that is to sey, Pales, Bendes, Cheuerons and
ffecys. Pales as thus. Then ye most sey; He beres
siluer and goules parti per pale. And if he bere thus
ye most sey; He beres siluer and sabill parti per bende.
And if he bere thus ye most sey; He beres golde and
goules parti per cheueron. And if he bere thus ye
most sey; He beres golde and asour parti per ffece.
And ye shal undirstond that a bastard beres comonly
in his armes a baston as thus. And then ye shal sey;
He beres sabill, a baston siluer. And if he bere thus
ye shall sey; He beres siluer, a bende sabill. And if
5	VII В, от. A.
8	B, be besannts as thus A. In A we have examples of these roundels,
each preceded by the words as thus.
10	pomis or mounts B.
12	In A there are illustrations of each of the partition lines. Every
sketch is small enough to be inserted within the written lines.
The shields in В are much larger, and above each we have the following
blazons : He berith gules & owre partys per bendye. He berith siluer &
sables parti per palye. He berith golde & purple partey per cheverne.
He berith gewles & silver party per Barre. He berith sable and gules be
a cheverne golde. He berith sable a ffece siluer.
2i	This is callid a bascunne. Everi Bastarde shall bere his fathers
armes wt this over & none ells. He berith silver, ii barres sables wt a
bascunne of the same B.
217
he here thus ye shal sey; He beres sabill, a ffece siluer.
And if he bere thus ye shal sey; He beres siluer, II
barres of sabill. And if he bere thus ye shal sey;
He beres sabill, a cheueron siluer. And if he bere
thus ye shall sey; He beres sabill, II bordours siluer.
For ye shal knowe that ther be in armes both bordours
and fflaunches. And if he bere thus ye shal sey; He
beres siluer, II flaunches sabill.1
Ther is no comone diversity betwyxt a Barre and a
Peace; but yt a feace is more then a barre. Allso
ther is in armes a Bende and a Bastunne. A bende
begynnith on the ryght syde, and a bastunne on ye
leffte syd.
Allso ye shall understande yt a man shall beare
hysse fathers armes and hys mothers quarterly, and
hys owne armes and hys wyves per paly. Here shalbe
shewyd yow yt ther may no gentillman whatsoever
he be and he bere a border about hys armes, he maye
not sett ytt betwene hys armes and hys wyves. And
{furthermore ye shall have knowledge that ther ought
no man to beare a Cote of Worship, yt is to saye,
a Cote of Armes, but he be knowen a gentillman of
Byrth of an awncyent stock. Allso yow shall have
5 Tbe bordours according to tbe sketches in A and В are like the
flaunches, except that they are formed by lines parallel to tbe sides of the shield.
The shield seems to be bordered by two pales. In MS. В the term used is
voyded. He berith purple ii voyded ore. {Read voyders ?)
9-10 B, Also ye shal knowe that the difference betwix a ffece and a barre
is that the ffece is brode and the barre is narrowe and small A.
11 Bascunne beginnynithe.
12 bascunne.
14-23 В, от. A. In the margin of В in the same hand as the main text,
above and below a shield party per pale (fl) sa. 3 plates, border az. (2) az. fess
arg., we read : Ther sholde non beare a border but ye yongest sonne.
1 The sketches are clearly understood from these blazons. The tinctures
are different in many instances in B.
218
knowledge yt itt is a comon use and a saying among
many peple, iff they see many armyd men, to say
“Yonder are many men of armes,” and that is not soo.
He is no man of armes ffor hys armore, but ffor hys
cotte of armes.
Also ther be ffrettes in armes as thus and then ye
shal say: He beres siluer, a frette goules. Also ther
be III thynges in armes that ben like. That is to sey,
ffuselles, maskellewes and losenges. And if he bere
thus he beres siluer III ffuselles goules. And if he
bere thus he beres siluer III maskellewes goules. And
if he bere thus he beres siluer III losenges sabill. And
if ther be many losenges, then he beres losenge. And
if ther be many maskellewes, then he beres maskelle.
And if he ther be many ffusells, then he beres ffuselee.
Also ye shal knowe that al maner of birdes be
membrede, and al maner of bestes be enarmede, saue
onely the Griffyn, to whom ye most sey that he is both
membred and enarmed: for he is halfe foule and halfe
beest.
Also ther is in armes both Pittes and Delfes. And
if he bere thus he beres golde, a pitte sabill. And if
he bere thus he beres sabill, a delfe siluer.
Also ther is in armes Billets and Humetts. Billets
are thus. And ye shall sey; He beres siluer III billets
goules. And if he bere thus, he beres sabill III
humetts siluer.
1-5 А, от. В.
9 The sketches show the fusil as an elongated lozenge and the mascle
is pierced.
23 The sketch portrays a lozenge filling the shield as a pitte, and the delfe
is a square billet.
6-27 А, от. В.
219
Also ther is II endentynges in armes, one after
Paale, and one after Cloudes. And if he bere thus
ye shal sey; He beres goules and siluer party per pale
endente. And if he bere thus, he beres siluer and
goules party per pale cloudy indente.
Also ther be many armes that be Jerundy as thus.
He beres siluer and sabill jerundy. Also ther be in
armes both verres and belles, verres as thus and belles
as thus.
And also ye shall undirstond that there been XV
maners of lyons in armes, first a lyon rampand, a lyon
selyaunt, a lyon seyaunt, a lyon dormaunt, a lyon
couchant, a lyon mordaunt, a lyon regardaunt, a lyon
endorsed, a lyon cope, a lyon cope counterchanged,
a lyon umbre, a lyon cowert, a lyon combattaunt.
Also ther been XV maners of crosses in armes.
First a hoole crosse, a crosse engrailed, a crosse oundee,
a crosse paty, a crosse fflortee, a crosse botaunt, a cross
croslate, a crosse fforme, a crosse ffichee, a crosse
sarcele, a ffertmoleyn, a crosse ragle, a crosse [ffusile],
a crosse [mascile].
i-z Per pale indented and per pale nebuly, according to tbe sketches.
1-9 от. В.
8 No examples of verres and belles are given.
10 Allso yow shall have knowledge ffor to tell how many maner of
lyones therebe in armes. Therbe xv as here shalbe shewed B. No examples
are given. Note that here are only thirteen examples.
In A there are no examples of lions sejant, dormant, coucbant, mordant,
addorsed, umbrated, coward, combattant.
After tbe treatment of the lion in A, there is a shield arg. on bend engrailed
sa. 3 plates. Above tbe shield there is one word Cutte.
16-21 A only. These crosses are pictured as follows : hoole (humetty
cross), engrailed, undy {as V f), paty {as II a), fflortee {as II d), botaunt
(pommee), crosslet, fforme (voided !), ffichee (botonny fitchy), ragle {as I d),
susele {read fusilly ? wrongly as tau cross), matile {read mascly ? no example).
Fourteen examples only.
220
APPENDIX I.
DE INSIGNIIS ET ARMIS
Bartolus de Saxoferrato (Bartolo di Sassoferrato)
was born in 1313.1 He was the son of Franciscus
Severi (Bonacursi), and his mother was of the family
of the Alfani. For the little information which we
have of his early life we are indebted to a fragmentary
biography written by Thomas Diplovatatius of
Constantinople (1488—154i).2
He was given a good early education, and his first
teacher was a Minorite named Peter of Assisi. At
the early age of 14, in 132 8, he seems to have completed
his humanistic studies, and he proceeded to the study
of law at Perugia under Cino di Sinibaldi the poet
jurist, and afterwards at Bologna under Oldradus and
Jacobus de Belviso. He also numbered Butriger and
Reiner among his teachers. In the year 1334 he
graduated D.C.L., and then he acted as assessor to
the courts at Todi and later at Pisa, where he remained
until he was called to Bologna as judge of the criminal
courts. Here his extreme sentences earned for him
the hatred of the citizens, and in 1340 he returned to
Pisa to devote his energies entirely to the study and
1 De Bartholo plura hie disserere esset et otio et literis. Liceat tantum
annotate hunc natum еззе Sentini (Umbriae est urbs, nunc Saxoferratum
vocant), anno 1313. Bysshe, op. cit., p. 3.
3 De Praestantia Doctorum, sive, De Claris lurisconsultis, Vita Bartoli,
Vol. 12, Bibliotheca Graeca, 1724.
Diplovatatius also edited with notes Bartholus’ ‘Tractatus Testimoniorum.
A concise summary of Bartholus’ life is given in Hauptmann’s edition of the
De Insigniis. {Tractatus de Insigniis et Armis, mit Hinzufugung einer
Uebersetzung und der Citate neu herausgegeben, von. Dr. iur. F. Hauptmann,
Bonn, 1883.)
For an assessment of Bartolus’ place in the world of Law and Letters,
see Savigny’s Histoire du Droit romain au moyen age, Vol. II, pp. 230 ff.
22 1
teaching of law.1 His exceptional ability as a teacher,
and his appreciation of the value of exegetical treat-
ment and practical application of law secured for him
an honoured place at the law school there. He was
not popular, however, with his colleagues, partly
because of his pride, and partly because of the success
of his teaching. Nevertheless he stayed at Pisa until
the year 1351, when he was invited to Perugia. He
was at this time acknowledged as one of the foremost
jurists of his day, and he made the law school of Perugia
as famous as that of Bologna. Diplovatatius speaks
of him at this time as Vir ilia aetate consultissimus et
copiosissimus iurisque monarcha.
While he was at Perugia he was sent on an important
mission to the Emperor Charles IV, to seek certain
immunities for the town, and on this occasion he was
employed for a short time as a Privy Counsellor, and
he was granted with other marks of honour a coat of
arms for himself and his family.2 Apparently this
favour was conferred upon him for his collaboration
in the preparation of the Golden Bull which was later
issued in 1356.3
1 Bartolus and his friends, including his teacher Oldradus (d. 1335)
and his pupil Baldus (d. 1400) were among those scholastic lawyers who,
following the glossators of the middle thirteenth century, were suspected
of sacrificing the authority of the original tenets of the law to the opinions
of the Commentators. The Bartolists, as they were called, were responsible
for prolonged and bitter controversies in the law schools. Baldus (Baldus
de Ubaldis), a native of Perugia, and a close friend of his teacher Bartolus,
lectured at Bologna, where he enjoyed the special reputation of being the
most subtle interpreter of Canon Law.
2 Qui a Perusinis ad Caesarem Carolum quartum Bohemum Pisas legatus
missus est, ut quaedam contra ipsos a decessoribus Principibus decreta
aboleret, et alia insuper eisdem privilegia concederet. Bysshe, ibid.
3 Quae omnia, diplomate aurea bulla insignito, assecutus, honoris gratia
obtinuit ut ipse et liberi, Jurium doctores, suos auditores qui spurii essent,
natalibus possent restituere. Ab eodem etiam conchyliati leonis duplici
cauda in scuto aureo erecti, insignibus est donatus. Bysshe.
[Continued on page 233
222
XXXI
(b)
PLATE XXXII
Bartolus does not seem to have stayed long at the
Imperial Court, for in 1355 he was back again in
Perugia. According to most writers Bartolus died
in this year;1 but Diplovatatius maintained that the
date of his death was July 13, 1359, and that he was
buried on the right of the High Altar of the Church
of the Minorites in that city. A magnificent monument
has been raised to his memory in the Church of San
Francisco in Perugia.
Among his best-known works are his treatises on
Evidence and on Procedure^ and his De Insigniis. His
Commentary on the Code of Justinian has been exalted
by some jurists to an authority equal with that of the
Code itself.2 The De Insigniis did not appear until
the January following his death, when it was published
by the author’s son-in-law Nicholaus Alexander
(Niccolo Alessandro), himself a Doctor of Laws.3 The
Continued from page 222]
When Pope Innocent VI (1352-62) sought to levy tenths in Germany,
Charles IV asked him why he did not first reform the morals of the clergy.
And in 1356 he dealt a direct blow at the Papacy by issuing the Golden Bull,
which denied the right of the Pope to take part in Imperial elections.
According to the decree the Emperor was to be chosen by seven nominated
electors, whose powers and privileges were clearly defined, and as there
was no reference to the Pope in any article there did not arise a need to
admit or reject any Papal claim.
1 So Hauptmann, quoting as authorities Tindarus, Bap. Severus, and
lohannes Abbas.
a Charles Dumoulin (1500-66) says of him that he was “Le premier et le
coryphee des interpretes du droit.”
3 Ad calcem codicis Neviani haec leguntur. Hunc tractatum de insigniis et
armis a Domino Bartholo de Saxoferrato, excellentissimo legum professore,
quern non credo complevisse, compositum, publicavit post mortem dicti
Bartholi Alexander suus gener, solempnissimus legum Doctor, qui disputavit
primam quaestionem sub annis Domini 1358. Die Indictione XI die
mensis Januarii, Amen.
De Bartolo et eius genero Nicholao Alexandro vide Pancirolum, De Claris
Legum Interprelibus, Posterum, De Historia Juris C wilts et Romani, et
Caesarem Chrispoltum in descriptione Perusiae. Bysshe, op. cit., p. 17.
223
T
work achieved great popularity in the fourteenth and
fifteenth centuries, and there were some who claimed
extravagantly that in style and elegance it was not
unworthy of Cicero himself. This appears from an
amusing but virulent attack made upon it by the purist
Laurentius Valla.1 2 It seems that an indiscreet friend
had told Valla that none of the works of Marcus Tullius
could be compared with Bartolus’ little treatise; and
the indignant Valla spent a whole night composing
a violent diatribe, in which he ridiculed the term de
insigniis and compared his contemporaries with asses
and geese.3
BARTHOLI DE INSIGNIIS ET ARMIS TRACTATUS.4
I.	Insignia concessa dignitati, vel officio, portat ille qui
habet dignitatem illam, vel officium, alii non.
2.	Insignia singularia dignitatis, puta regis, nemo defert,
nec rebus suis depingere facit principaliter, accessorie
sic.
3.	Habentes ex concessione insignia et arma, illi soli illis
utuntur.
Arma Bartholi et successorum ex concessione est Leo
rubeus cum duabus caudis in campo aureo.
Bartholus super Insigniis et Armis.
4.	Quilibet potest sibi assumere arma et insignia ilia
portare et in rebus propriis imp’ngere.
5.	Assumens arma vel insignia alterius quae portavit ab
antique, si ille verisimiliter non laedatur, nec iniurietur
licite assumit et portat.
1 L. Valla, Dialogus de libero arbitrio Contra Bartoli libellum, quern
De Insigniis et Armis scripsit. 1516.
2 Ipse quoque in libro qui titulum fecit De Insigniis, sic enim (utcumque
vocabulum barbarum perstringat et rideat Valla) loqui amat, de eisdem
insignibus haec habet . . . Bysshe, op. cit.
3 See “The English Gentleman” by Sir George R. Sitwell in The Ancestor,
April, 1902, p. 84.
* From De Studio Militari, Bysshe’s edition, pp. 4-5, notes, and
Hauptmann’s edition.
224
6.	Portans arma vel insignia unius, quomodo et quando
possit prohiberi et per quern.
7.	Faciens signum unius artificis, quod facit in gladiis et
aliis operibus, licite prohibetur ab illo et etiam a
quolibet tertio.
8.	Notarius non potest assumere signum alterius, et si
assumit prohiberi potest.
Fabricator cartarum potest prohiberi uti signo alterius
fabricatoris.
9.	Habere arma ex concessione principis prodest, quia aliis
prefertur et non potest ab alio prohiberi.
10.	Arma seu insignia domus transeunt in omnes descend-
entes de ilia agnatione.
II.	Bastardi non utuntur insigniis de iure, licet de consuetu-
dine non servatur in Tuscia.
12.	Signum societatis, societate divisa, apud quern remanere
debeat ?
13.	Insignia seu arma qualiter sunt pingenda, infigenda, seu
portanda ?
14.	Animalia quae portantur in armis, si depinguntur in
vexillis, facies debet respicere hastam, secus si pars
animalis portaretur.
15.	Animalia quando designantur debent designari in
nobiliori actu eorum, etiam quo magis vigorem
ostendunt.
16.	Leo, ursus, et similia sunt pingenda erecta, elevata, et
ore mordaci ac pedibus radentibus.
17.	Equus designandus est rectus et elevatus quasi saliens.
18.	Agnus designatur quasi plane ambulans per terram.
19.	Pes dexter semper debet antecedere quando animal
designatur.
20.	In vexillis inspicitur ilia pars quae respicit portantem,
non pars conversa.
21.	Facies animalis depicti in vexillis tubarum non debet
respicere tubam.
22.	Si duo animalia invicem se respicientia portantur pro
insigniis, non refert quomodo pingantur in vexillis.
23.	Insignia consistentia in varietate diversorum colorum
quomodo depingantur ?
Locus prior et superior nobilior est posteriore et inferiore.
Color nobilior debet poni prope hastam.
225
24.	Aureus color nobilior est ceteris et per eum figuratur Sol.
Nil nobilius luce.
25.	Color rubeus seu purpureus representst ignem, et est
nobilis.
26.	Azoreus color est tertius et representst serem.
27.	Color albus est nobilior nigro, et color niger est infimus.
28.	Arms quae portsntur in vestibus, superior pars de bet
respicere caput, inferior pedes.
Nobilior pars armorum debet respicere latus dextrum.
29.	Armaquae pingenda sunt a parte posteriori hominis, pars
nobilior debet respicere latus sinistrum hominis.
Mos scribendi noster, quare sit rationabilior more
scribendi Hebreorum.
30.	Litterae et arma in sigillis per conversum inciduntur.
31.	Arma in clipeis depingenda, nobilior pars debet respicere
partem clipei quae in portando respicit iatus dextrum.
32.	Arma depingenda in coopertoriis equorum, nobilior pars
respicere debet caput equi.
33.	Arma quomodo pingantur in coopertoriis lectorum, in
parietibus, et aliis locis stabilibus.
A.	Arundel MS. 489, folios 163-5.
B.	Addit. MS. 29901, folios 79-86.
C.	Bysshe’s edition.
D.	Hauptmann’s edition.
E.	Feschius’ edition.
Horum1 gratia de insigniis et armis, quae quis in
vexillis et clipeis portat, videamus.
Primo, an hoc licitum, et eo casu quo licitum sit,
qualiter sint pingenda et portanda.
Circa quod dico quod quaedam sunt insignia digni-
tatis vel officii, quae portare potest quilibet habens
illam dignitatem vel officium, ut insignia proconsularis
vel legatorum, ut ff. De Officio Proconsulis et Legally
1 This text is based upon the readings of Arundel MS. 489, Addit. MS.
29901, Bysshe’s text, Hauptmann’s edition, and S. Feschius’ edition. Only
the more significant variant readings are recorded.
De Officio Proconsulis et Legau, D. I, xvi, 1. Proconsul ubique quidem
proconsularia insignia habet statim atque urbem egressus est, potestatem
autem non exercet, nisi in ea provincia sola, quae decreta est.
226
L. i; et ff. De Rerum Divisione et Qualitatey L. sanctum^
sicut de facto hodie videmus insignia episcoporum, et
ista potest portare quilibet qui habet illam digitatem;
ut in dictis legibus allegatis. Aliis autem portare
non licet: immo portans incurreret crimen falsi, ut ff.
De Falsisy 1. eos, § Qui se. . . Et ideo puto quod illi
qui portant insignia doctoratus cum non sint doctores
teneantur ilia poena.
2	. Quaedam sunt insignia cuiuslibet singularis
dignitatis, ut videmus quilibet rex, quilibet princeps,
et ceteri potentiores habent arma sua et insignia, et ista
etiam nemini alteri licet deferre vel suis rebus depin-
gere, ut C. De His Qui Potentiorum Nomine^ L. i; et
C. Ut Nemo Privatus, etc., tarn in nigro quam in rubro.
Et nota in Authenticis, De Mandatis Principum,
§ penult. Quod vero intellige principaliter; sed
De Divisions Rerum et Qualitate, D. I, viii, 9. Sanctum est quod ab
iniuria hominum defensum atque munitum est. Sanctum autem dictum
est a sagminibus. Sunt autem sagmina quaedam herbae, quas legatis
populi Romani ferre solent, ne quis eos violaret.
De Falsis, D. XLVIII, X, xxvii, 2. Qui se pro milite gessit vel illicitis
insignibus usus est, vel falso diplomate vias commeavit, pro admissi
qualitate gravissime puniendus est.
De His Qui Potentiorum Nomine Titulos Praediis Affigunt^ С. II, XV
(XIV). Animadvertimus, plurimos iniustarum desperatione causarum
potentium titulos et clarissimae privilegia dignitatis his, a quibus in ius
vocantur, opponere. At ne in fraudem legum adversariorumque terrorem
in nominibus abutantur et titulis, qui huiusmodi dolo scientcs connivent,
afficiendi sunt publicac sententiae nota.
Ut Nemo Privatus Titulos Praediis Suis Vel Alienis Imponat Vel Vela
Regalia Suspendat, С. II, XVI (XV). Ne quis vela regia suspendere vel
titulum audeat sine praeceptione iudicis competentis alienis rebus imponere,
quas quocunque modo qualiscunque persona possideat, licet non dominus,
licet iniustus possessor vel temerarius invasor, qui possidet, doceatur.
De Mandatis Principum, Novellae XVII, xvi. Mox autem ut ingredieris
provinciam, convocatis omnibus in metropoli constitutis, insinuabis haec
nostra sacra praecepta sub gestorum insinuatione, et propones exemplar
eorum publice non solum in metropoli, sed etiam in aliis provinciae civit-
atibus, transmittens ea per officiales tuos sine damno, ut omnes cognoscant,
in quibus suscepisti cingulum, et videant, si hoc conservas et nostro dignum
temetipsum ostendis iudicio.
227
accessorie non est prohibitum, ut puta in signum
subiectionis superponere insigniis propriis insignia
regis, ducis, domini, vel comitatus, et hoc de
consuetudine observatur.
3	, Quaedam sunt insignia seu arma privatorum
hominum, seu nobilium vel popularium; et de istis
quidam reperiuntur qui habent arma et insignia quae
portant ex concessione Imperatoris vel Regis, aut
alterius domini, ut vidi concedi multis a Serenissimo
Principe Karolo Quarto Romanorum Imperatore nec-
non Rege Boemiae. Et mihi tunc eius conciliario
inter cetera concessit, ut ego et ceteri de agnatione mea
Leonem rubeum cum duabus caudis in campo aureo
portaremus (XXII e). Et istis licet portare talia
insignia, nec est dubium. De principibus enim
potestate disputare sacrilegium est, ut C. De Crimine
Sacrilegii, L. II; et C. Ut Nemini Liceat Sine Iudicis
Auctoritate Signa Rebus Imponere, in rubro et in nigro.
Si enim sine iudicis auctoritate prohibetur, ergo cum
iudicis auctoritate permittitur.
4	. Quidam autem arma seu insignia sibi propria
auctoritate assumunt, et istis an liceat, videndum est;
et puto quod liceat.
Sicut enim nomina inventa sunt ad cognoscendum
3	vel comitis C, et hoc de consuetudine observata B.
8	ex commissione A.
10 et rege A.
22 dicendum A.
De Crimine Sacrilegii, С. IX, xxix. Qui divinae legis sanctitatem aut
nesciendo confundunt aut negligendo violant et offendunt sacrilegium
committunt.
Disputari de principal! iudicio non oportet; sacrilegii enim instar est
dubitare, an is dignus sit, quern elegerit imperator.
Ut Nemini Liceat Sine Iudicis Auctoritate Signa Imponere Rebus, Quas
Alius Tenet, С. II, xvi.
228
homines, ut C. De Ingenuis Manumissis, L. ad recognos-
cendos, ita etiam ista insignia seu arma ad hoc inventa
sunt, ut ff. De Rerum Divisione, L. sanctum. Sed talia
nomina cuilibet licet sibi imponere ad placitum, ut
dicta lex ad recognoscendos, et ff. De Falsis, L. falsi, in
principio. Ita ista insignia licet cuilibet portare et
depingere in suo, tamen non in alieno, ut C. Ut Nemini
Liceat Sine ludicis Auctoritate, L. ii, et ibi nota per
glossam, aliquis et facit, et ibi glossam in verbis unum
corpus, Extra. De Excessibus Prelatorum, C. Dilecta.
$. Sed quaero, unus portat certa arma vel certa
insignia, alius vult eadem portare. An liceat, vel
prohiberi possit ? Videtur quod sibi liceat, quia
potest quilibet assumere nomen alterius, ut ff. Ad
7 tamen non in alieno ut C. ne li. fin. jud. aut. 1. j. & ibi no. per. gl.
facit ex de conce. praeb. c. dilecti, & quod ibi no. per gl. C ; per glossam.
Aliquis et facit C, delicta E.
13 Videtur quod possit portare, quia quilibet D. E.
De Ingenuis Manumissis, С. VII, xiv, 10. Ad recognoscendos singulos
nomina comparata publico consensu.
De Rerum Divisione et Qualitate, D. I, viii, 8. Sanctum est, quod ab
iniuria hominum defensum atque munitum est. Sanctum autem dictum
est a sagminibus. Sunt autem sagmina quaedam herbae quas legati
populi Romani ferre solent ne quis eos violaret, sicut legati Graecorum
ferunt ea quae vocantur cerycia.
De Falsis, D. XLVIII, x, 13. Falsi nominis vel cognominis asseveratio
poena falsi coercetur.
Ut Nemini Liceat. . ., С. II, 16.
De Excessibus Prelatorum et Subditorum {Decretals') Extra. (X), Lib. V,
tit. xxxi, 14. Privati homines regulariter nequeunt constituere collegium
et habere signa collegii nisi eis aliter concedatur.
Dilecta in Christo filia, abbatissa lotren nobis insinuare curavit quod
cum presbyteri et clerici lotren ecclesiae Melden dioecesis non consueverint
habere sigilium, nec sint unum corpus ita quod capitulum appellaretur,
nihilominus contra voluntatem ipsius (quae ipsorum caput est et patrona)
sigillum habere contendunt .
Discretion! vestrae mandamus, quatenus si vobis constiterit ita esse,
dictis presbyteris et clericis auctoritate nostra inhibeatis expresse ne
presumant, vel de novo fabricare, vel uti eo si forte noviter fuerit fabricatum.
229
Trebellianum Senatusconsultum, L. Facta, § Si vero
nominis; et ff. De Legatis (II), L. Cum filius, § Pater
cum filia. Et possunt esse plures eiusdem nominis, ut
L. Duo Sunt Titii, ff. De Testamentaria Tutela, et
De Legatis (II), L. Si quis servum, § Si inter duos.
Ergo potest quis assumere arma aliena, et plura
eadem insignia portare vel rebus imponere possunt,
cum utrumque fiat ad cognoscendum. Econtra
videtur, ff. De Regulis luris, L. id quod nostrum. Si
enim signum prius est nostrum, sine facto nostro a
nobis auferri non potest. Sed hoc non bene facit:
loquitur enim in his casibus in quibus in solidum uti
non possunt, alia secus, ut in usu plateae vel balnei,
theatri, et similium, ff. Commodati, L. Si ut certo,
§ Duobus vehiculum. Praeterea signum quod portat
6 arma alterius B.	7 impingere B.
Ad Trebellianum Senatusconsultum, D. XXXVI, I, Ixiii, 10. Si vero
nominis ferendi conditio est, quam Praetor exigit, recte quidem facturus
videtur, si earn expleverit; nihil enim mali est honesti hominis nomen
assumere.
De Legatis et Fideicommissis (II), D. XXXI, Ixxvi, 5. Pater cum filia
pro semisse herede institute sic testament© locutus fuerat: “Peto, cum
morieris, licet alios quoque filios susceperis, Sempronio nepoti meo plus
tribuas in honorem nominis mei.” . . .
De Testamentaria Tutela, D. XXVI, ii, 30. Duo sunt Titii, pater et filius,
datus est tutor Titius, nec apparet de quo sensit testator. Quaero quid
sit iuris ?
De Legatis . . . (II), D. XXXI, viii, 3. Si inter duos dubitetur de eodem
legato, cui potius dari oportet, utputa si Titio relictum est, et duo eiusdem
nominis amici testatoris veniant, et legatum petant, et heres solvere paratus
sit, deinde ambo defendere heredem parati sint, eligere debere heredem, cui
solvat, ut ab eo defendatur.
De Diversis Regulis Juris Antiqui, D. L, xvii, 11. Id quod nostrum est,
sine facto nostro ad alium transferri non potest.
Commodati Vel Contra, D. XIII, vi, 5 (15). Si duobus vehiculum commo-
datum sit, vel locatum simul, Celsus filius scripsit libro sexto Digestorum,
quaeri posse, utrum unusquisque eorum in solidum, an pro parte teneatur ?
Et ait, duorum quidem in solidum dominium vel possessionem esse non
posse, nec quemquam partis corporis dominum esse, sed totius corporis pro
indiviso pro parte dominium habere. Usum autem balnei quidem, vel
porticus, vel campi uniuscuiusque in solidum esse—neque enim minus me
uti, quod et alius uteretur. . . .
230
aliquis non est unum et idem, immo sunt diversa,
habentia tamen omnimodam similitudinem. Ad deci-
sionem ergo praedictorum praemitto, quod signum
alienum portare potest prohibere seu petere ut prohi-
beatur ille cuius est signum, si ex hoc ipse iniurietur,
quia forte ille cum vituperio portat vel vituperiose
tractat arma, Arg. C. de ludaeis, L. ludaeos quodam;
et C. De Episcopali Audientia, L. Nemini; et expressum
est Extra. De Excessibus Praelatorum, C. Dilecta.
Secundo de hoc potest conqueri quilibet et tertius
qui laeditur, et ad ipsius petitionem potest prohiberi
ne portet, ut C. De His Quae Poenae, L. i, et ibi nota in
Authenticis, De Mandatis Principum, § penult.
Tertio si iudex ex officio suo viderit hoc ad scanda-
lum et dissentionem subditorum posse esse, potest
prohibere, Arg. C. De Latina Libertate Pollen da, L. i,
§ Sed et qui doming ubi circa eos qui pileati antecedunt,
lex lulia statuit, Ne Populus decipiatur, expressius,
Extra. De ludaeis, C. In nonnullis.
15	deceptionem A.
17	incedunt C.
18	lex aliqua A, lex aliquod B.
De ludaeis et Caelicolis, С. I, ix, n. ludaeos quodam festivitatis suae
solemni, Aman, ad poenae quondam recordationem incendere, et sanctae
crucis assimulatam speciem in contemtum Christianae fidei sacrilega mente
exurere, provinciarum rectores prohibeant, ne locis suis fidei nostrae signum
immisceant, sed ritus suos citra contemtum Christianae legis retineant,
amissuri sine dubio permissa hactenus, nisi ab illicitis temperaverint.
De Episcopali Audientia, С. I, iv, 24. Nemini licere volumus, sive ab
ingenuis genitoribus puer parvulus procreatus, sive a libertina progenie,
sive servili conditione maculatus expositus sit, eum puerum in suum
dominium vindicate, sive nomine dominii, sive adscriptitiae, sive colonariae
conditionis.... Sed nullo discrimine habito hi, qui ab huiusmodi hominibus
educati, vel nutriti, vel aucti sunt, liberi et ingenui appareant.
De His Quae Poenae Nomine In Testamento Vel Codicillis Relinquuntur,
С. VI, xli, 1.
De Mandatis Principum, N. 17.
De Latina Libertate Tollenda, С. VII, vi, 5. Sed et qui domini funus
pileati antecedunt vel in ipso lectulo stantes cadaver ventilare videntur,
[Continued on page 232
231
6. In quaestione praeposita, his praemissis, sic
distinguo. Quandoque quis arma assumit quae alius
portavit ab antiquo, et illius non interest, nec ex hoc
verisimiliter laedi potest. Exemplum: Unus Theu-
tonicus tempore indulgentiae1 ivit Romam, ubi repperit
quendam Italicum portantem arma antiquorum suorum
et insignia, et de hoc volebat conqueri. Certe non
poterat; tanta enim distantia est inter utriusque domi-
cilium, quod ex hoc ille primus laedi non posset. In
his ergo in quibus publica facultate quis occupat sibi
usum, non licet queri nisi ex magna causa, ut ff. Ne
Quid in Flumine Publico Fiat^ L. i, § Sunt qui putent.
J. Quandoque potest contingere quod alterius
multum interest. Quid enim si homo odiis plenus
cuius vitae multi insidiantur assumat arma seu insignia
alicuius pacifici et quieti, certe illius multum interest,
et poterit facere prohiberi. Sicut enim potest peti
petitio ne ipsius arma vel insignia vituperiose portet,
ut dictum est, multo fortius potest prohibitio peti ne
ex hoc propter unitatem armorum alius pro alio
Continued from page 231]
si hoc ex voluntate fiat vel testatoris vel heredis, fiant illico cives Romani.
Et ne quis vana liberalitate iactare se concedatur, ut populus quidem eum
quasi humanum respiciat, multos pileatos in funus procedentes adspiciens,
omnibus autem deceptis maneant illi in pristina servitute, publico testimonio
defraudati, fiant itaque et hi cives Romani, iure tamen patronatus patronis
integro servato.
De ludaeis et Caelicolis, Extra. V, vi, 15.
13 Quandoque potest conqueri dum alterius B. 20 unionem C.
Ne Quid In Flumine Publico Fiat Quo Aliter Aqua Fluat, D. XLIII, xiii, 6.
Sunt qui putent, excipiendum hoc interdicto ; quod eius ripae muniendae
causa nonfiet) scilicet ut, si quid fiat, quo aliter aqua fluat, si tamen munien-
dae ripae causa fiat, interdicto locus non sit; sed nec hoc quibusdam placet,
neque enim ripae cum incommodo accolentium muniendae sunt. Hoc
tamen iure utimur, ut Praetor ex causa aestimet, an hanc exceptionem
dare debeat; plerumque enim utilitas suadet exceptionem istam dari.
1 Jubilee year 1300 (?).
232
occidatur vel iniurietur. Idem, si ex hoc pudor primi
aliquo modo laederetur, Arg. dicta lex, Ut Nemini^ et
L. ludaeos^ et per officium iudicis ad quern spectat
quies popularium, ut ff. De Officio Praefecti Urbi, L. i,
§ Quies quoque.
Quandoque potest contingere quod multorum de
populo interest. Ponamus exemplum in aliis insigniis
quam in his quae portantur pro armis. Pone quendam
fabrum doctissimum esse qui in gladiis suis et aliis
operibus facit certa signa, ex quibus opus ipsius
magistri esse cognoscitur, et per hoc tales merces
melius venduntur et avidius emuntur. Tunc puto
quod si alius faceret tale signum posset prohiberi, quia
ex hoc populus laederetur. Acciperet enim opus
unius pro opere alterius. Arg. L. i De Latina Libertate
Tollenda, et De ludaeis^ L. Nemo tamquam Judaeus,
cum sit.
8	. Et eadem ratione dico de insigniis quibus
utuntur notarii, ut C. De Assessoribus, L. Nemo, § Nec
i vel alius mutiletur B.
14 decipitur B, lederetur С.
Ut Nemini Liceat Sine Iudicis Auctoritate, С. II, xvi.
De Officio Praefecti Urbi, D. I, xii, 12. Quies quoque popularium et
disciplina spectaculorum ad Praefecti Urbi curam pertinere videtur ; et
sane debet etiam dispositos milites stationarios habere ad tuendam
popularium quietem, et ad referendum sibi, quid ubi agatur.
De Latina Libertate Tollenda, С. VII, vi.
De ludaeis et caelicolis, С. I, ix, 14. Nullus tanquam ludaeus, quum sit
innocens, obteratur, nec expositum eum ad contumeliam religio qualiscunque
perficiat.
De Assessoribu* Et Domesticis Et Cancellariis, С. I, li, 14 (2). Nec callidis
machinationibus huiusmodi legem putet quis esse circumscribendam, etsi
non consiliarii signum, quod solitum est, chartis imponat, sed alias quas-
dam literas excogitatas adsimulaverit, existimans ei licere fungi quidem
memorato officio, sub huiusmodi tamen umbra latere, quum in legem
committant ii, qui vigorem eius scrupulosis et excogitatis artibus eludere
festinant.
233
callidis; et in Authenticis, De Instrumentorum Cautela
et Fide, § Et si instrument^ et § Oportet; et quod ibi
notatur, ubi si alius aliquis signum alterius assumeret
prohiberi possit. Idem in signis quibus utuntur
fabricators cartarum de papyro, et in similibus per
easdem rationes, et hoc similiter expedietur iudicis
officio, ut supra dictum est.
9	. Sed secundum hoc quaero, quid relevet habere
ista concessione Principis ? Respondeo multum.
Primo, quia est maioris dignitatis, sicut dicimus in
testamento facto coram Principe, ut C. De Testamentis
L. Omnium.
Secundo, quia non sunt ab alio prohiberi ilia portare.
C. De lureiurandoy L. ii; et ff. De Minoribus^ L. Minor
autem magistrates^ in principio, § ii.
Tertio, quia si duo assumpserunt eadem arma vel
eadem insignia, nec de prioritate nec de posterioritate
10	maioris nobilitatis B.
14	De lure Aureorum annulorum A, B, De lureiurando С, D.
De Instrumentorum Cautela., etc., Nov. 73, v, vi. Sed et si instrumenta
publice confecta sint, licet tabellionum habeant suppiementum, adiiciatur
et eis, antequam compleantur, sicut dictum est, testium ex scripto praesentia.
Oportet autem indices, si notas quasdam chartis adscriptas inveniant,
in eas quoque inquirere et tentare, ut legant eas (multa enim etiam ex illis
apparuisse scimus) nec temere fidem litterarum facta cum aliis comparatione
propter causas a nobis ante dictas admittere.
De Testamentis, С. VI, xxiii, 19. Omnium testamentorum solemnitatem
superare videatur quod insertum mera fide precibus inter tot nobiles
probatasque personas etiam conscientiam principis tenet.
De lureiurando, С. II, Iviii. Quum et indices non aliter causas dirimere
concessimus, nisi sacrosanctis evangeliis propositis, et patronos causarum
in omni orbe terrarum, qui Romano imperio suppositus est, prius iurare et
ita perferre causas disposuimus, necessarium duximus et praesentem legem
ponere, per quam sancimus, in omnibus litibus, quae fuerint post praesentem
legem inchoatae, non aliter neque actorem neque fugientem. . . .
De Minoribus V igintiquinque Annis, D. IV, iv, 18, §3. Idem Imperator
Licinio Frontoni rescripsit, insolitum esse post sententiam vice sua ex
appellatione dictam alium in integrum restitutionem tribuere nisi solum
Principem.
234
apparet, ille praefertur qui a principe habuit, ut L.
Si duasy ff. De Excusationibus Tutorum.
Quarto, quia si essent in exercitu vel in alio loco,
et quaereretur quae deberent praecedere, debent prae-
ferre illius arma quae a principe essent concessa, ut ff.
De Albo Scribendo^ L. fin., et Extra. De Maioritate
et Oboedientia, cap. Per tuas; et Arg. Si duasy ff.
De Excusationibus Tutorum.
Et praedicta intelligo, ceteris paribus, scilicet, quia
alias illi qui habent arma sunt aequalis dignitatis,
alias praecederent arma illius qui esset in maiori
dignitate, ut ff. De Albo Scribendo, L. i; et C. De
ConsulibuSy L. i, lib. xii.
io.	Quaero qualiter ista arma seu insignia trans-
eant in successorem? Respondeo, quaedam sunt arma
unius domus, seu agnationis; et ista transeunt in
omnes de ilia agnatione descendentes sive sint heredes
15 ad successores A, B, in successorem C, D, E.
De Excusationibus Tutorum, D. XXVII, i, 6. Si duas habenti tutelas
aliae simul superinductae fuerint, quae est ordine tertia, auxiliabitur ei ad
remissionem quartae, etsi Imperator fuerit, qui quartam iniunxerit, aut
tertiam, et antequam cognoscat Imperatoris mandata, promotus erit ad
aliam. Si autem ordo non apparuerit, sed in una die dua creationes propo-
nerentur in diversis chartis, non qui creatus est, sed qui creavit, eliget, quam
oporteat eum suscipere.
De Albo Scribendo, D. L, iii. In albo decurionum in municipio nomina
ante scribi oportet eorum qui dignitates Principis iudicio consecuti sunt,
postea eorum, qui tantum municipalibus honoribus functi sunt.
De Maioritate et Obedientia, Extra. I, xxxiii, 7. Per tuas nobis litteras
et infra. Postulasti per sedis Apostolicae oraculum edoceri utrum quis
per ordinem subdiaconatus a Romano Pontifice susceptum a debita tibi
reverentia subtrahatur. Ad quod breviter respondemus quod etsi decens
sit ut illis quantum convenit a te inter alios tibi subditos deferatur, quos
benignitas Apostolica collatione ipsius ordinis honoravit, per earn tamen
ab obedientia, quam alias tibi debent, minime absolvuntur.
De Consulibus, С. XII, iii. Quis enim in uno eodemque genere dignitatis
prior esse debuerat, nisi qui prior meruit dignitatem ? quum posterior,
etiam si eiusdem honoris praetendant auspicia, cedere tamen illius temporis
consul! debeat, quo ipse non fuerit.
235
patris vel avi eorum sive non. Arg. C. De Religiosis et
Sumptibus Funerumy L. lus familiarium^ et L. sequent.
Nec per divisionem possunt assignare uni. Arg. De
Religiosity L. Si sepulcrum. Ad cognatos vero vel
affines non pertinent, ut Arg. C. De Religiosity L. lus
familiarium.
ii.	Et hoc potest quaeri, an bastardi vel spurii
possint uti illis insigniis, et videtur quod non, quasi
non sint de familia vel de agnatione, ut L. Pronuntiatioy
ff. De Verborum Significatione. Contrarium tamen
observatur in Tuscia de consuetudine, cui standum est.
Quando tamen multiplicantur hi, qui portant eadem
insignia vel arma, consuetum est per aliquos aliquid
apponi ultra, ut ab aliis dinoscantur et discernantur,
quod licet, sicut nomini additur praenomen. Quae-
dam vero sunt insignia alicuius societatis aliquorum
negotiatorum; et hie, cum societas non transeat ad
heredes, non est de his tractandum.
12.	Sed apud quern remanebit signum societate
divisa?—Quod enim omnes utantur eodem signo, non
est aequum, ut dictum est. Respondeo, si quidem
3 potest assignari A.
iz eadem insignia A, talia insignia C, D.
14	decernantur A, B.
15	pronomen A.
16	non est tractandum de herede A.
De Religiosis et Sumptibus Funerum, C. Ill, xliv, 8. lus familiarium
sepulcrorum ad adfines seu proximos cognatos non heredes constitutos
minime pertinet.
C. HI, xliv, 4. Si sepulcrum monumenti appellatione significas, scire
debes, iure dominii id nullum vindicare posse, sed si familiare fuit, ius eius
ad omnes heredes pertinere, nec divisione ad unum heredem redigi potuisse.
De Verborum Significatione, D. L, xvi, 195. Pronuntiatio . Familiae,
appellatio qualiter accipiatur, videamus 5 et quidem varie accepta est,
nam in res et in personas diducitur ; in res, ut puta in lege duodecim
Tabularum his verbis : Adgnatus proximus familiam habeto ; ad personas
autem refertur familiae significatio ita, quum de patrono et liberto loquitur
lex.
236
erat unus in societate qui erat quasi capitaneus et quasi
magister societatis, ille portabit, et sic dicitur in
similibus. ff. De Legatis (II) Peculium^ § i. Tunc
apud eum debet remanere signum, quia ipse erat inter
ceteros maioris honoris. Arg. ff. De Fide Instrumen-
torum , L. fin. Si vero hie non erat, tunc apud eum
remanebit qui erat socius maioris quantitatis, ut ff.
Familiae Erciscundae^ L. Si quae sunt cautiones.
Quid si omnes sunt aequales ? Tunc sorte diri-
mendum est, ut dicta lex Si quae sunt cautiones. Puto
tamen quod si dissoluta societate remanet unus negoti-
ator, debet remanere signum apud eum apud quern
remanet negotiatio, et hoc quia aliorum non interest.
Item, quamvis dissoluta sit societas, tamen negotiatio
remanet apud ilium. Ergo iniquum est quod signum,
quod erat accessorium ipsius negotiationis, ab ea
separetur. Arg. C. Communia utriusque iudicii, L.
Possessionum.
9 Tunc sorte dirimi debebit A.
14 licet dissoluta sit B.
De Legatis et Fideicommissis (II), D. XXXI, 65 (2). Peculium legatum
augeri et minui potest, si res peculii postea esse incipiant, aut desinant. Idem
in familia erit, sive universam familiam suam, sive certam, veluti urbanam,
aut rusticam, legaverit; ac postea servorum officia vel ministeria mutaverit.
De Fide Instrumentorum, D. XXII, iv, 6. Si de tabulis testament!
deponendis agatur, et dubitetur, cui eas deponi oportet, semper seniorem
iuniori, et amplioris honoris inferior!, et marem feminae, et ingenuum
libertino praeferemus.
Familiae Erciscundae, D. X, ii, 5. Si quae sunt cautiones hereditariae,
eas iudex curare debet, ut apud eum maneant, qui maiore ex parte heres sit ;
ceteri descriptum et recognitum faciant cautione interposita, ut quum res
exegerit, ipsae exhibeantur. Si omnes iisdem ex partibus heredes sint, nec
inter eos conveniat, apud quern potius esse debeant, sortiri eos oportet,
aut ex consensu vel suffragio eligendus est amicus, apud quern deponantur,
vel in aede sacra deponi debent.
Communia Utriusque ludicii Tam Familiae Erciscundae Quam Communi
Dividundo, С. Ill, xxxviii, 11. Possessionum divisiones sic fieri oportet, ut
integra apud successorem unumquemque servorum vel colonorum adscrip-
titiae conditionis seu inquilinorum proximorum agnatio vel affinitas
permaneat.
237
Quaedam vero sunt signa cuiusdam artificii sive
peritiae; et hie advertendum est, quandoque sunt
quaedam signa artificii in quibus principaliter operatur
qualitas loci. Exemplum. In Marchia Anchonitana
est quoddam castrum nobile cuius nomen est Fabri-
anum, ubi artificium ad faciendum cartas de papyro
principaliter viget; ibique sunt aedificia multa ad hoc,
et ex quibusdam artificiis meliores cartae veniunt, licet
etiam ibi faciat multum bonitas operands; et ut vide-
mus, hie quodlibet folium cartae suum habet signum,
per quod significatur cuius aedificii sit carta. Die
ergo quod isto casu apud ilium remanebit signum apud
quern remanebit aedificium ipsum in quo fit, sive iure
proprietatis, sive iure conductionis, sive quovis alio
titulo, sive in totum, sive pro parte, sive in mala fide
remaneat. Toto tempore quo teneat non potest pro-
hiberi uti signo sicut in ceteris iuribus realibus, ut ff.
De Servitutibus Praediorum Rusticorum, L. Via constitute
§ fin.; et ff. Si Servitus Vindicetur, L. secunda^ § fin.;
et ff. Quemadmodum Servitutes Amittuntur, L. Usu
4 Anthonicana A.
8 aedificiis B, artificiis A, C.
ii significatur А, С, dinoscitur B.
De Servitutibus Praediorum Rusticorum^ D. VIII, iii, 23. Quaecunque
servitus fundo debetur, omnibus eius partibus debetur ; et ideo, quamvis
particulatim venierit, omnes partes servitus sequitur, et ita, ut singuli recte
agant, ius sibi esse fundi. Si tamen fundus . . . inter plures dominos divisus
est, quamvis omnibus partibus servitus debeatur, tamen opus est, ut hi,
qui non proximas partes servienti fundo habebunt, transitum per reliquas
partes fundi divisi iure habeant, aut si proximi patiantur, transeant.
Si Servitus Vindicetur, D. VIII, v, 2. ... Labeo scribit, etiamsi testator
usus sit, qui legavit usumfructum, debere utile interdictum fructuario dari,
quemadmodum heredi vel emptori competunt haec interdicta.
Quemadmodum Servitutes Amittuntur^ D. VIII, vi, 20, 21. Usu retinetur
servitus, quum ipse, cui debetur, utitur, quive in possessione eius est, aut
mercenarius, aut hospes, aut medicus, quive ad visitandum dominum venit,
vel colonus, aut fructuarius, licet suo nomine ; denique quicunque quasi
debita via usus fuerit, sive ad nostrum facit, vel ex fundo, licet malae fidei
possessor sit, retinebitur servitus.
238
retinetur et 1. seq. Idem in conductore talium officior-
um, Arg. ff. Locate L. Sed addes, § Illud; et L. Fidemus^
§ Item 'pros'picere.
Quaedam vero sunt insignia artificii, in quo princi-
paliter bonitas artificii operatur, ut videmus in signis
quae apponuntur in spatis, gladiis, et aliis operibus
metallorum, et isto casu omnes qui stant in una
statione possunt uti isto signo quasi magister principalis
illius stationis approbet ilia opera, ut Authenticity De
Tabellionibus, § Nos autem; et nota in glossa, in verbis
per se, quae incipit, Cave tibi^ in fine glossae. Si vero
separentur, tunc signum debet apud ipsum remanere
qui principaliter erat in statione. Arg. ff. De Fide
Instrumentorum, L. fin. ut supra dixi. Sed si forte
omnes erant aequales, tunc invicem conveniant; et
apud quern remaneat illud signum sorte dirimetur, ut
dicta L. Si quae cautiones^ ff. Familiae Erciscundae.
13. Secundo principaliter est videndum qualiter
ista arma seu insignia sunt pingenda, infigenda et
portanda. Ad quod sciendum est quod quando que
portantur in vexillis et vexillulis, quandoque in vestibus
I conductione C, conductore D, aedificiorum D.
5 operatur А, С, viget B.
14 D, Sed si forte omnes erant aequales ubi invicem conveniunt . . . С.
18 notandum B.
21 vehiculis С.
Locati, D. XIX, ii, n (2). Item prospicere debet conductor, ne aliquo
vel ius rei, vel corpus deterius faciat, vel fieri patiatur.
Illud nobis videndum est, si quis fundum locaverit, quae soleat instru-
menti nomine conductori praestare, quaeque si non praestet, ex locato
teneatur.
De Tabellionibus, Nov. 44, 1. Nos autem credimus oportere universis
auxiliari, et communem in omnibus facere legem, quatenus praepositis
operi tabellionum ipsis per se omnibus modis iniungatur documentum, et,
dum dimittitur, intersit, et non aliter imponatur chartae completio, nisi
haec gerantur, ut habeant, unde sciant, negotium, et interrogati a iudicibus
possint quae subsecuta sunt cognoscere. . . .
239
и
hominis, quandoque in clipeis, quandoque in cooper-
toriis lectorum et aliis similibus, quandoque depin-
guntur vel aliter figurantur in parietibus vel aliis
locis stabilibus. Circa quodlibet praedictorum aliqua
videamus.
Circa quod sciendum est quod ista insignia quan-
doque sumuntur ex aliqua re existente, ut multi
assumunt aliquod animal, vel castrum, vel montem, vel
florem, vel aliquod simile: quandoque ista insignia non
assumuntur ex aliqua re existente, sed sunt insignia
simplicia, scilicet variationes quorundam colorum vel
per dimidia vel per quarteria vel per aliquas listas
rectas vel transversales et pendentes et similia: quan-
doque mixtim ex utraque parte. His praemissis,
videamus qualiter portentur.
Portantur in vexillis ilia signa quae significant
aliquam rem prae-existentem. Ad quod dico, quod ars
imitatur naturam in quantum potest: unde ista insignia
debent esse secundum naturam rei quam figurant et non
aliter, ut Arg. ff. De Adoptionibus^ L. Si Pater y in fin.
cum. L. seq.; et ff. De Statu Hominum^ 1. Non sunt liberi
De natura autem vexilli, cum portatur in hasta secun-
dum ilium usum ad quern vexillum destinatur, hasta
praecedit et vexillum sequitur. Unde quodcunque [sit]
animal quod debet designari in vexillo, debet facies
eius respicere hastam, cum de natura faciei sit ante-
cedere. Idem et in omni re et figura quae habet
12 lineas rectas A, literas С.
14 ex utroque С, D.
19 debent ferri B.
23 est destinatum B.
26 praecedere vel antecedere B.
De AdoptionibuS) D. 1, vii, 29.
De Statu Hominum, D. I, v, 14.
24O
partes quae denotantur per ante et postal in praecedenti
exemplo dictum est. Tunc enim semper pars anterior
rei debet esse versus hastam: alias videretur retro
cedere tanquam monstrum. Sed si alicuius rei pars
anterior solum habeatur pro armis et insigniis, ut sunt
quidem qui pro suo signo faciem arietis vel bovis vel
alterius animalis portant, tunc non potest pars anterior
respicere hastam, sed a latere respicit.
15. Sed dubitatur qualiter dicta animalia debeant
designari, utrum quasi stent recta an quasi per terram
plane ambulent, vel quomodo. Respondeo. Dicta
animalia debent designari de nobiliori actu eorum, et
etiam quo magis suum vigorem ostendant, ut Arg, ff.
De Statu Hominum, L. Quaeritur; et De Acquirendo
Rerum Dominio, L. Quidquid, § Quum Partes, sicut
etiam videmus ab antiquo usitatum quod princeps in
maiestate, pontifex in pontificalibus designantur et
depinguntur.
16. Nunc ad propositum dico, quod sunt quaedam
animalia quorum natura est fera, ut ff. De Postulando,
L. i, § Bestias; et ista debent designari in actu feroci,
ut leo, ursus, et similia. Figurantur ergo leo erectus,
elevatus, mordax ore, stridens dentibus, scindens
i denotantur С, designantur A, denominantur B.
9 debent А, С, debeant B.
15 sicut А, В, С, Sic etiam D.
17 pontifex А, С, episcopus B, figurantur B.
De Statu Hominum, D. I, v, 10. Quaeritur Hermaphroditum cui
comparamus ? Et magis puto eius sexus aestimandum qui in eo praevalet.
De Adquirendo, D. XLI, i, 27. Quum partes duorum dominorum
ferrumine cohaereant, hae, quum quaereretur, utri cedant, Cassius ait,
pro portione rei aestimandum, vel pro pretio cuiusque partis. Sed si neutra
alteri accessioni est, videamus, ne aut utriusque esse dicenda sit, sicut
massa confusa, aut eius, «cuius nomine ferruminata est.
De Postulando, D. Ill, i, 6. Bestias autem accipere debemus ex feritate
magis quam ex animalis genere ; nam quid, si leo sit, sed mansuetus, vel
alia dentata bestia mansueta ?
24I
pedibus; et idem in similibus animalibus. Ex hoc
enim actu magis suum vigorem ostendit leo.
17.	Quaedam sunt animalia non ferocia, et in his
similiter inspici debet nobilior eorum actus diversi-
mode. Unde si quis equum pro suis armis portaret,
non deberet eum designare rectum et elevatum: hoc
enim vitium in equo esset; ideo debet eum designare
erectum et elevatum parte anteriori aliqualiter quasi
equus saliens. In hoc enim actu magis eius osten-
ditur vigor.
i8.	Sed si quis pro suis armis agnum portet, tunc
eum designare debet quasi plane ambulantem per
terram. In hoc enim actu maxime eius vigor osten-
ditur. De quibus et omnibus aliis animalibus et
avibus similia dicenda sunt.
19.	Circa pedes etiam animadvertum est, quod
semper pes qui antecedat sit pes dexter, quia, ut in
praecedenti dictum est, pars dextera est principium
motus. Alias signare talem figuram laevam esset
contra naturam, quod vitiosum est, ut ff. De Aedilicio
Edicto et Redhibitione, L. Qui clavum, § Item sciendum
esr; sed hie erat dubium.
Quid si in una parte vexilli figuretur, ab una parte
videtur quasi pes dexter praecedat, ab alia parte
videtur pes sinister praecedere ? Haec autem incon-
gruitas magis evidenter apparet in his qui pro suis
17	in praecedenti libro C, in p. membro В, от. D.
19	А, С, alias signaret talem figuram esse D.
20	vitiosum A, vitium В, С, vitium sonat В, С.
23	Quid si in una parte vexilli figuretur tamquam pes dexter praecedere
. . . С, D.
26	invisibiliter apparet A.
De Aedilicio Edicto et Redbibitione, D. XXI, i, 12 (3). Item sciendum est,
scaevam non esse morbosum vel vitiosum, praeterquam si imbecillitate
dextrae validius sinistra utitur, sed bunc non scaevam sed mancum esse.
242
armis aliquam litteram vel litteras portant. Nam ab
una parte sunt litterae rectae, ab alia parte communiter
non est forma litterarum, quod apparet si quis litteras
scriptas a latere converso inspiciat.
20. Sed dicendum est quod sicut in litteris
inspicitur ilia pars quae respicit scribentem, non pars
conversa, ita in vexillo inspicitur pars quae respicit
portantem, non alia: quod enim ex alia parte est, non
ex principal! proposito contingit, sed per accidens,
sicut si quis seipsum in speculo aspiciat: quod enim
in se dexterum est in speculo sinistrum apparebit. Et
praedicta vera in vexillis et vexillulis quae portantur in
hasta, cuius natura est ut elevata portetur et recta, ut ff.
De Servitutibus Praediorum Rusticorum, L. Qui sella, in
principio.
21. Sed si loquimur de vexillis et vexillulis quae
portantur in tubis, quarum natura proprie est ut ad os
tubicinum positae sint quasi per planum iacentes
portentur, tunc facies vel rei designatae pars anterior
non debet inspicere tubam sicut hastam: non enim est
tuba pars anterior sed superior, et ideo debet inspicere
partem anteriorem illius vexilli, tuba plane iacente et
3 quod apparet sicut litteram scriptam a converso latere incipias B.
16 loquamur A.
18 tubatorum B.
18 quasi per planum iacens portetur A, quasi per planum gerentes
positum С.
22 tubae plane iacentis portati D, et sic debet partem anteriorem illius
vexilli tubae plane iacentis portare С, tuba plane iacente portantur B.
De Servitutibus Praediorum Rusticorum, D. VIII, iii, 7. Qui sella aut
lectica vehitur, ire, non agere dicitur. lumentum vero ducere non potest,
qui iter tantum habet. Qui actum habet et plaustrum ducere et iumentum
agere potest; sed trahendi lapidem aut tignum neutri eorum ius est. Quidam
nec hastam rectam ei ferre licere, quia neque eundi neque agendi gratia id
faceret, et possent fructus eo modo laedi. Qui viam habent eundi agendique
ius habent: plerique et trahendi quoque et rectam hastam referendi, si
modo fructus non laedat.
243
u2
portata. Et praedicta vero in dubio sunt quando de
proprietate armorum et quid inspiciat tractatur.
22. Sed quid si portentur duo animalia se invicem
inspicentia, vel respicentia aliquid ? Tunc non est
locus praedictae investigation!, quia in incertis et
non certis locus est coniecturis, L. Continuus^ § Cum ita,
ff. De Verborum Obligationibus; et notetur L. Tres
DenuntiationeS) C. Quomodo et Quando ludex.
23. Circa secundum vero nota quod quandoque
arma sunt quaedam insignia simplicia et varietates
quorundam colorum. Tunc advertendum est qualiter
debent portari: et praemitto quod nobiliores colores
debeant praeferri et in nobiliori loco poni, ut C. De
Officio Praefecti Ur bis b L. i, et C. De Officio Rectoris
i predicta vera C.
3	quid inspiciant D.
4	D, respicentia vel unum respiciens aliud B, respicientia et tunc C.
9	quod quando В, C. D.
10	signa B, ut varietates B.
12 B, debent A, C, D ; tunc advertendum est qualiter debent portari
et in nobiliori loco poni, С. de offi. C.
De Verborum Obligationibus^ D. XLV, cxxxvii, §2. Continuus actus
stipulantis et promittentis esse debet, ut tamen aliquod momentum naturae
intervenire possit. Quum ita stipulatus sum : Ephesi dari (?) inest
tempus ; quod autem accipi debeat, quaeritur ; et magis est, ut totam earn
rem ad iudicem, id est as virum bonum, remittamus, qui aestimet quanto
tempore diligens paterfamilias conficere possit quod facturum se promiserit;
ut qui Ephesi daturum se spoponderit, neque diplomate diebus ac noctibus
et omni tempestate contemta iter continuare cogatur, neque tarn delicate
progredi debeat . nullus est coniecturae locus.
Quomodo et Quando ludex Sententiam Prof err e Debet^ С. VII, 43, 9. Tres
denuntiationes ad peremtorii edicti vicem adversus contumaces convalescere,
salubriter statutum est.
De Officio Praefecti Ur bis, С. I, 28 (1). Studentibus nobis statum urbis
et annonariam rationem aliquando firmare in animum subiit, eiusdem
annonae curam non omnibus deferre potestatibus . tueantur civilem
annonam, sitque societatis muneris ita, ut inferior gradus meritum superioris
agnoscat, atque ita superior potestas se exserat, ut sciat ex ipso nomine quid
praefecto debeatur annonae.
De Officio Rectoris Provinciae, С. I, 40, 5. Potioris gradus iudicibus ab
inferioribus competens reverentia tribuatur.
244
Provincial L. Potioris, et C. De Consulibus, L. i, lib. xii.
Item praemitto quod locus prior et superior est
nobilior posteriore et inferiore, ut dicta L. et ff. De Albo
Scribendob L. i.
Hoc praemisso, dico quod arma quandoque variantur
per medium, ut est quando quis portat pro armis
banderiam duorum colorum, et tunc aut dividuntur
per medium supra et subterb aut per medium ante et
post. Et in his casibus in dubio etiam color nobilior
debet esse supra, id est, in ea parte quae respicit coelum,
vel ante, id est in ea parte quae respicit hastam. Si
vero variatur per quarteria, tunc nobilior color debet
esse in quarterno superiori, et anteriori, id est, prope
hastam. Si vero variatur per listas directas, tunc lista
nobilioris coloris debet esse prima prope hastam. Si
vero variatur per listas transversales, tunc lista nobil-
ioris coloris debet esse versum coelum. Si vero sint
listae vel bandae pendentes, tunc cum hasta habet se
tamquam pars prior in banderia, ideo pars magis
elevata debet respicere hastam. Ita omnia probantur
ex praesuppositis.
Sed dubitatur quis color sit nobilior: tunc diligenter
est advertendum. Nam color unus altero dicitur
nobilior vel vilior respectu eius quod repraesentat vel
secundum se. Primo modo, color aureus dicitur
nobilior: per eum enim repraesentatur lux. Si quis
enim vellet figurare radios Solis, quod est corpus magis
iz quarterio A.
21 per praesuppositionem B.
22 Sed si quis ... A, D.
De Consultbus, С. XII, 3, (1).
De Albo Scribendo^ D. L. iii. Decuriones in albo ita scriptos esse oportet
ut lege municipali praecipitur ; sed si lex cessat, tunc dignitates erunt
spectandae, ut scribantur eo ordine, quo quisque eorum maximo honore
in municipio functus est.
245
luminosum, ut est textus De Maioritate et Obedientia,
C. Solita, hoc non posset congruentius facere quam per
radios aureos. Constat enim quod nil luce est nobilius,
ut C. De Summa Trinitate et Fide Catholica, cap. Inter
Claras, ibib Nihil enim est quod lumine clariore praefulgeat^
et C. Ne Filius Pro Patre^ Authent. habita ibib Totus
mundus illuminatur. Et ideo in sacra pagina pro re
maxime excellente figuratur sol, ut dicitur, Fulgebunt
iusti sicut sol, Matth. xiii, et alibi, Resplenduit facies eius
sicut sol, Matth. xvii. Et propter huius nobilitatem
nulli licet portare vestes aureas nisi soli Principi,
C. De Vestibus Oloberiis, L. i et ii in libro xii.
25. Sequens color nobilis est color purpureus
sive rubeus, qui figurat ignem, qui est super omnia
alia elementa et nobilius dementis aliis, et est corpus
post solem secundario luminosum. Et propter eius
nobilitatem nulli licet portare coopertas dicto colore
nisi soli principi, ut C. De Vestibus Oloberiis^ L. ii et iv,
et v lib. xi. Et in dictis legibus exprimitur hunc
colorem esse nobiliorem aliis.
7 sacra Scriptura A, prout maxime B, excellente С.
De Maioritate et Obedientia, Extra. I, xxxiii, 6. Praeterea nosse debueris
quod fecit Deus duo magna luminaria in firmamento coeli, luminare maius
ut praeesset diei, et luminare minus ut praeesset nocti, utrumque magnum
sed alterum maius.
De Sumina Trinitate et Fide Catholica^ С. I, i, 8. Inter claras sapientiae
ac mansuetudinis vestrae laudes, christianissime principum, puriore luce
tanquam aliquod sidus irradiat, quod amore fidei, quod caritatis studio,
edocti ecclesiasticis disciplinis, Romanae sedis reverentiam conservatis.
Ne Filius Pro Patre, Not'. Constitution С. IV, xiii, 5). Dignum namque
existimamus ut quum omnes bona facientes nostram laudem et protectionem
omnimodo mereantur, quorum scientia totus illuminatur mundus. . .
De Vestibus Holover is, С. XI, viii, 2. Auratas ac sericas paragaudas auro
intextas viriles privatis usibus contexere conficereque prohibemus. . .
Nemo vir auratas habeat aut in tunicis aut in lineis paragaudas, nisi hi
tantummodo quibus hoc propter imperiale ministerium concessum est.
[Continued on page 247
246
2 6. Sequens post praedicta nobilior color est color
azureus, per quem nobilis figuratur aer, qui est corpus
transparens et diaphanum, et maxime receptivum lucis,
et est sequens elementum post ignem, et nobilius aliis.
Unde praedicti colores per id quod repraesentant
dicuntur nobiliores.
27.	Qualiter autem colores dicuntur nobiliores
esse secundum se ? Dico quod sicut lux est nobilis-
sima, eius contrarium, scilicet tenebrae, dicuntur
vilissimae, et in coloribus secundum se, color albus
est nobilior quia magis appropinquat luci: color niger
est infimus quia magis appropinquat tenebris. Colores
autem medii sunt nobiliores vel minus nobiles secun-
dum quod plus vel minus appropinquant albedini vel
nigredini. Istud videtur dictum Aristotelis in libro
suo, De Sensu et Sensato.
28.	Dixi quod quandoque ista arma portantur
super vestibus hominum. Tunc illud quod in armis
habetur ut pars superior debet esse versus caput
hominis; quod vero habet se ut inferior versus pedes.
Item in eo quod depingitur in anteriori parte hominis,
ut in pectore, pars nobilior armorum debet respicere
latus dexterum. Est enim ilia nobilior pars et
principium motuum, ut in praecedentibus dictum est.
29.	De eo vero quod depingitur a parte posteriore
hominis potest dubitari. Pro cuius declaratione prae-
mitto illam quaestionem quae fuit inter ludaeos et me
Continued from page 246]
Vellera adulterino colore fucata in speciem sacri muricis intingere non
sinimus, nec tinctum cum rhodino prius sericum alio postea colore fucari,
quum de albo omnium colorum tingendi copia non negetur ; nam capitalem
poenam illicita tenentes suscipient.
Nec pallia tunicasque domi quis sericas contexat aut faciat quae tincta
conchylio nullius alterius permixtione contexta sunt alio quin ad
similitudinem laesae maiestatis periculum sustinebit.
247
dum Hebraicum addiscebam. Dicebant enim quod
modus scribendi noster non erat rationabilis. Incipi-
mus enim a latere sinistro scribere et protrahimus
litteram ad latus dexterum, et sic illud quod debet esse
principium motus est terminus, et illud quod debet
esse terminus est principium: at modus scribendi
ludaeorum est rationabilis quia incipiunt a latere
dextero et vadunt versus sinistrum. Ad quod tollen-
dum dicebam quod aliquid dicitur fieri rationabiliter
respectu finis ad quern ordinatur; et ideo finis dicitur
primus intellectus et prima intentio operands; et haec
naturaliter sunt vera, et probantur per leges. Nam si
finis intellectus operands sit rationabilis, etiam si
postea non sequatur, dicitur rationabiliter operari, ut ff.
De Negotiis Gestis L. Sed an ultro^ § i. Et scriptura
fit ut legatur: legi autem est oculis inspici. ff. De His
Quae in Testamento Delentur^ L. i, § i; et sic legere fit
per visum. Videre autem est facti, ut dicunt Physici:
scriptura autem repraesentata in oculis nostris agit in
oculos nostros, oculi autem pad dicuntur, quod patet
quia ex hoc laeduntur. Cum ergo scriptura agat in
oculis nostris debet ista actio incipi a latere dextero
ipsius scripturae, quia illud latus est principium motus
5 motus B, motuum D, от. C.
11	et prima intentio D.
12	Nam et si intellectus operands finis sit rationabilior, etiam si postea
non sequitur . . . C, Nam finis, si ... D.
18	Videre est pati B, D.
23 principium quid A.
De Negotiis Gestis, D. Ill, v, 10. Sed an ultro mihi tribuitur actio
sumtuum quos feci ? Et puto competere, nisi specialiter id actum est ut
neuter adversus alterum habeat actionem. Is autem qui negotiorum ges-
torum agit, non solum si effectum habuit negotium quod gessit, actione
ista utetur, sed sufficit si utiliter gessit, etsi effectum non habuit negotium.
De His Quae in Testamento Delentur, D. XXVIII, iv. Quae in testamento
legi possunt, ea inconsulto deleta et inducta nihilominus valent, consulto,
non valent.
248
seu actionis. Sed latus dexterum scripturae quae nos
respicit, est, respectu lateris nostri, sinistrum, sicut si
homo volvat vultum suum versus meum directum,
latus eius dexterum est respectu mei sinistrum. Et sic
apparet quod nos in scribendo magis rationabiliter
operamur: inspicimus enim finem. Sic, ut a latere
dextero scriptura incipiat operari secundum morem
ludaeorum, incipiat a latere sinistro.
Ad quaestionem ergo propositam, qualiter arma
debeant depingi rationabiliter a parte posteriore super
vestes hominis, dico quod ilia pars armorum quae se
habet ut anterior velut nobilior debet esse versus latus
sinistrum hominis pdrtantis. Ratio, quia illius arma
fiunt ut alius respiciens recta ilia videat, facies ergo
illorum armorum sic a parte posteriore erit dexterum.
Sedfinge unum hominem habere unam faciem retro:
procul dubio latus quod erat sinistrum ex parte poster-
iore erit dexterum. Vel pone aliquem velle Latine
in speculis alicuius, absque dubio incipiet a parte
sinistra, quoniam illo respectu litterae erit dextera,
ut supra ostensum est.
6 Sic ut a latere D, Si ut a latere C ; Inspicimus enim in latere dextero
si super scripturam nos incipiat operari: secundum modum ludaeorum
incipimus a latere sinistro B.
7 morem D, modum В, C.
io posteriore B, D, superiore Л, C.
13 sinistrum ex retro hominis B.
13 Ratio esse. Corrupt.
Ratio, quia illius arma sicut illius respiciens recte illud videas, facies ergo
istius arma a parte posteriori erit dexterum C.
Ratio, quia illius arma fiunt si quis alius respiciat recta videat, facies
ergo illorum armorum a parte posteriore erit dexterum D.
Ratio, quia ilia arma hunt ut alius respiciens retro illud videat facies ergo
illorum armorum est a parte posteriori B.
17 latus quod in te erit sinistrum ex parte posteriori erit dexterum B.
18 litteram in scapulis B, in spatulis A.
249
Istud melius ad oculum exemplificatur in incisione
sigilli, quia magister ad modum ludaeorum incipit
scribere et per totum contrarium ad hoc ut in cera per
modum Christianorum imprimatur. Et istud exem-
plum est optimum ad exemplificanda praemissa.
30. Ex his etiam apparet quod litterae et arma in
sigillis debent incidi per conversum, quoniam fit ad
finem imprimendi in ceram vel aliam materiam, et illud
quod est in sigillo conversum in cera vel alia materia
remanet rectum; et sic inspicere debemus finem ad
quern fit, non id quod fit. Si vero incideretur in
aliqua re non ad sigillandum sed ut sic esset, tunc debet
incidi directe.
31. Quandoque dicta arma depinguntur in clipeis,
et tunc similiter pars clipei quae secundum communem
modum portandi respicit latus dexterum hominis, ilia
pars assumenda est ut potior, ut patet ex his quae dicta
sunt. Quandoque portantur et depinguntur in cooper-
toriis equorum, et tunc sive a parte dextera sive a parte
sinistra debet respici pars nobilior, caput equi, sicut si
plures venirent ad servitium equi vel equitantis,
quidam a dexteris, quidam a sinistris, quilibet respi-
ceret caput equi. Monstruosum enim esset quod
unus respiceret caput et alius caudam; hoc autem quod
nulli lateri magis accederet, et cum deberent stare in
fronte vel in groppa, tunc latus dexterum respiceret
secundum ea quae dicta sunt.
33. Quandoque depinguntur in coopertoriis lec-
torum et similium; et tunc debet inspici ea res in qua
debet pingi cum stat in suo proprio esse. Sunt enim
1-5 В only.
7 econverso B.
15	modum A1 communem modum B, naturam C.
28-30 A, B, D.
25O
in coopertoriis lectorum quaedam partes quae circum-
dant lectum, quaedam vero quae plane iacent super
lectum, et in parte iacenti formam pingendi sumunt a
forma hominis iacentis in lecto. In parte vero pen-
denti in lecto assumatur forma pingendi arma a forma
hominis recte stands.
Quandoque etiam figurantur vel pinguntur in
parietibus vel aliis locis stabilibus, et tunc si quidem
locus ubi pingitur habet se ut paries, consideratur
paries, ut faciem suam volvat versus nos, et sic latus
dexterum parietis quis cognoscitur, et sic facies vel
pars nobilior armorum volvatur versus partem dex-
teram. Praedicta vera nisi ex causa aliter fieret.
Quid enim si in medio unius parietis depingatur
statua Principis, vel alterius excellentis, vel forte arma
regia ? Tunc ilia arma quae ab utraque parte depin-
guntur debent illam statu^m, vel ipsius arma inspicere,
et ita a dexteris vel a sinistris volvantur, ad similitudi-
nem hominum trium circa dominium existentium,
homines enim se volvunt versus eum. Sed si locus
ubi depingitur habet se, ut coelum, veluti camerae,
vel aulae ? Tunc ex dictis in praecedenti libro
cognoscendum est, ubi dicatur caput et ubi aulae vel
camerae.
Postea finge hominem iacentem ibi et vultum versus
nos volventem, ex quo considera dexteram partem et
1-2 Sunt enim lectorum A, B, D.
Quaedam partes quae circa lectum, quaedam vero quae plane iacent
supra, et in parte iacenti formam pingendi sumunt a forma hominis iacentis
in lecto in parte vero pendenti. In omni autem loco assumatur forma
pingendi arma a forma hominis recte iacentis C.
16	arma regia cum liliis aureis in campo azureo A, vel alterius excellentis
vel forte Regina cum gemmis aureis in campo azureo B.
18	non inspecto C, et ita a dexteris D.
Diese ist die Lesart der dltesten Ausgabe; die andern haben Non inspecto
a dexteris vel . . . was keinen Sinn giebt D.
251
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Pl. XXX a, Hedd Molwynog* ; b, Rhys ap Tewdwr,
Talbot; c, larddur* ; d, Gwenwynwyn* ; e, Collwyn ap
Tangno* ; f, Edwin of Tegeingl.*
Pl. XXXI a, Owain Brogyntyn; b, Einion Efell*;
c, Cilmyn Troetu* ; d, Ednyfed Fychan ; e, Cadrod Hardd* ;
f, lestyn ap Gwrgant.
Pl. XXXII a, Gruffudd ap Cynan*; b, Ednowain ap
Bradwen* ; c, Cynwrig Efell* ; d, Cadifor ap Dyfnwal* ;
e, Nefydd Hardd* ; f, Gweirydd ap Rhys.
254
WELSH AND LATIN WORD LIST
adamas, addamas : adamas
adar : volatilia
aderyn : avis
alarch : cignus, olor
amrafael, ymravael : differentia
amatistes : ametestes, anicotestes
anadl : anelitus
anifailaidd : brutus
annioddevus : impatiens
anrryssymol : irrationalis
arvau : arma
barrioc : barrata
bendioc : bandaria, bendata
kongloc : inangulata, contra conata
kyfan : integra
chwarteroc : quarteriata
dwbl : duplicata, bipertita
arver : exercitium
arverau : conditiones, proprietates
arwydd : signum
kryfder : indicium for titudinis
asswy : sinister
ates : achates
baedd : aper, verres
bagl : baculus
barr : barra
barrioc : barratus
barryn : barrula
(batelu) i vatelu : ad bellum
bendi, bendioc : bendata (arma)
bendioc varrioc bendata barrata,
bandaria barrata
besawnt (talent) : talentum
(blaen) о vlaen : prius quam
bias : sapor
blewoc : hispidus, hirsutus
boneddigeiddrwydd : generositas
bordr, bordyr (hem) bordura,
fimbria
bylchawc : inbatellata
engraelyd : ingradata
powdredig : pulverizata
seieckroc : scaccarisata
brath : morsus
brenin herod : rex haraldorum
brethinwyr : pannorum venditores
brith : varius
briwo golwc : laedere visum
brwnt (anadl) '.fetidus, infectivus
bustl ’.fel
bylchoc tarian : scutum intra scutum
kam (gwyr) : tortuosus
camp : meritum
kaniadu, kaniadhau : concedere
kanoledic, kanolic : medius
kapwld : capo, spado
kelvyddyt : ars
drwy k. : artificialiter
kenvigen : invidia
klariwn : tuba
cogvran cornix, nodula, monedula,
graculus
kongloc, korneloc : inangulatus
corn : cornu
kribddail: rapina
kroes : crux
arw : ingradata
agored : patens
ddwbl parthedic : dupla partita
ermyn : erminalis
vlodeuoc : florida
vytymoc : fibulata, nodulata
groessoc : cruciata
heb pen : truncata
hemioc : fimbriata, bordurata
lefn : plana
melin, velinaidd : molendinaris
ssangedic : figitiva
kressawnt : luna crescens
krib : crista
kryd kwartan '.febres quartanae
kwpl : signum capitale
kyflawn (wyneb k.) : plena facies
kyhwrdd : tan ger e
kynddaredd (bod mewn) rabidus
(esse)
*55
kyrchu : prosequi
kywilyddio : erubescere
chwannoc : sitiens
i waed : preceps in sanguintm
chwarteroc : quarteriata (arma)
endeintioc : indentata
engraelyd : ingradata
llyfn : plana
rassyt : irrasa
damwynio : accidere
dechreuat : principium, origo
danganolic : submedius
derbyniad, derbyniwr : receptaculum
defnydd : materia, substantia
dianwadal a dwys : stabilis et solidus
dichellgar : subtilis
diddymiat : privatio
dioddef (o’r dioddef) (o’r waith
dioddef1
disgrio, disgrivio describere, discer-
nere
drygkovus : obliviosus
dukiaeth : ducatus
dwfyn (tra) : nimis intensus
dirywio : degenerare
draws (ar) : ex transverse
dyfroc, dyfrioc : undosus
dygiawdr : portans
dyffrans : differentia
dywal -.ferox, rapax
ermyn groes : crux ermetica
ewyllysgar : benevolus
endeintioc : indentata (arma)
elestr (blodau) : flores gladioli
fforchoc -.furcatus
ffret, ffrut -.fretta
ffussel : fusulus,fusilus
ffussur : fissura
gefyngefyn, gefn ynghefn targa
adinvicem vertentes
gelding : spado, capo
glas : azorius, pallidus
gordd : malleus, truncus
(goludd) heb oludd : statim
gordderchiad : adulterium
gradd : gradus
graddio : gradatim referre
gras : gratia
griffwnt : grifus, grifo
growndwal (ffrondassiwn) funda-
mentum
gwalch : accipiter
gwehydd : textor
gweithred : actus
gwennol : fusulus, fusilus
gwerthyddio : recompensare
gwrthwyneb : contrarium
heboc2 : accipiter, falco
hychwaiw (bogspear) : telum
ierouns : jerconis, contra conata
labed, label : labella, lingula
lanner3 : lanarius
luws : lucius
llew : leo
dywal : rapax, ferox
yn kerddet : ambulans, peditans
yn ssevyll : stans
yn dringo : saliens
llewes : leaena
llewpard : leopardus
Ilin : linea
lliw : color
llun : forma, modus
ar lun : ad modum
lluniaidd : bene for matus
llwm (dwyfron) : planum (pectus)
[llymysten]3 : nisus
1 Vide Deffyniad Ffydd Eglwys Loegr, pp. 220, 237, gwir-gwaith-ddioddef
= scientes et prudentes.
2 In Upton’s list of members of the hawk family (accipiter), we have
alietus, terciolus [=tercellus, tercel hawk\, nisus (sparrow hawk), and mus-
cetus (smaller than nisus). Among the falcons he names the peregrinus,
montanus, Britannicus, the herodius (erodius) sive girfalcus [=girofalco]
and aellio.
3 From Dr. J. Davies’ dictionary : nisus, math ar eryr, llymysten, gwepia,
bebog j llymysten, merularius, accipiter, humipeta.
maes : campus
man : macula
mascl : macula
mewydus : desides
mer : medulla
merliwn : merulus, merula
modrwy : annulus
mygydarth : evaporatio
naturiaeth : proprietas
(gwyr) naturiol : naturales
offer : instrumentum
osgl : ramus
ar osgo : transversalis
palissen : palus
palissoc : palatus
ar lun palis : ad modum pali
palis kam : pali tortuosi
parthedic, rrannedic : partitus
ar hyd : per longum
ar draws : ex transverse
pedwar troedioc : quadrupes
pelet pila
pelydr gwyrion : radii tortuosi
penn (ssiff) : caput scuti
pendant: pendula
penhwyad : lucius, lupus piscis
pestel : pila
petrusso : dubitare
peussed -.ferrum quodportat lapidem
molarem superiorem
powdredig : pulverizatus
powdriad : pulverizatio
prae, praidd : praeda
pwynt tarian : conus scuti
rragor : differentia
rragori rrac : praecellere
rampiawnt : rapax
rrannedic : partitus
ar hyd : secundum longum
ar draws : ex transverse
rrawn : cauda
rreol: regula
sawtur : saltatorium, psalterium
ssieckri, ssiecrog: scaccarisata [arma),
scacciata, scaccata
sseren : Stella
serffawkyn : herodius, sive girfalco
(cf. Fr. gerfaucon)
ssiffrwn, ssiffr : signum capitale
spardassen : signum capitale
syllty ? tyide note, p. 94)
tair korneloc : triangulatim
talent, bessawnt : talentum
tarian : scutum
tegwch : pulcbritudo
yn dempraidd : pro temperamento
torteus : pila
trawst : barra
troell ysbardun : macula perforata
tylluan : bubo
tyniad : tractus
urddas : dignitas
urddassol : nobilis
wyneb : facies
gyvan : plena
a hanner wyneb : media facie
ymddiala : se vindicare
ymrafael, dyffrans : differentia
(dau ymrafael natur a chynneddf):
duplex conditio
ymchwyl (kwpl ar i ymchwyl):
signum capitale inversum
ysgeilussaf : infimus
ysten : stannum
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