The Spiritual Revolution: Why Religion is Giving Way to Spirituality - Heelas P., Woodhead L.

Author: Heelas P. Woodhead L.

Tags: spirituality religious studies spiritual practices social philosophy

ISBN: 1-4051-1958-6

Year: 2005

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Text

RELIGION AND SPIRITUALITY

The
why

THE MODERN WORLD

Spiritual Revolution

religion

giving

way

Paul Heelas and Linda

to spirituality

Woodhead

Benjamin Seel, Bronislaw Szerszynski, Karin lusting

Boston PubNc Libiary
Boston, MA 02116

The

Spiritual

Revolution

AND SPIRITUALITY
THE MODERN WORLD

RELIGION
IN

Linda Woodhead, Lancaster University

Series Editors: Paul Heelas,

London

Editorial Advisor. David Martin, Emeritus Professor,

School of

Economics
Foundin£f Editors: John Clayton, formerly University of Boston^

and Ninian Smart, formerly University of California - Santa Barbara

The Religion and
ible to a

Spirituality in the

Modern World

series

makes

access-

wide audience some of the most important work in the study of

reUgion today. The

series invites leading scholars to present clear

technical contributions to
ituality in the

and non-

contemporary thinking about religion and

modern world. Although

the series

spir-

geared primarily to the

needs of university and college students, the volumes in Religion and Spirituality in the

background

Modern World

will

in Religious Studies

prove invaluable to readers with some

who

wish to keep up with contemporary

thinking in religion, theology and spirituality in the
to the general reader

of religion and

who

spirituality in

modern world

as well as

seeking to learn more about the transformations

our time.

Published:

Don

Cupitt - Mysticism After Modernity

Paul Heelas, with the assistance of David Martin and Paul Morris Religion, Modernity

and Postmodernity

Linda Woodhead and Paul Heelas - Religion in Modern Times
David Martin - Pentecostalism: The World Their Parish
Steve Bruce - God is Dead

David Smith - Hinduism and Modernity
Peter Berger - Questions of Faith
Paul Heelas and Linda Woodhead, with Benjamin Seel, Bronislaw
Szerszynski and Karin Tusting - The Spiritual Revolution

Forthcoming:
Bronislaw Szerszynski - Nature, Technology and the Sacred

Simon Coleman - The

Gospel of Health

and Wealth

The

Spiritual

Why

Religion

Revolution
Giving

Way

to Spirituality

Paul Heelas and Linda

Woodhead

with Benjamin Seel, Bronislaw Szerszynski and Karin lusting

Blackwell
Publishing

by Paul Hcclas

nd Linda Woodhead

BLACKWELL PUBLISHING
350 Main Street, Maiden, MA 02148-5020, USA
108 Cowley Road, Oxford OX4 IJF, UK
550 Swanston Street, Carlton, Victoria 3053, Australia

The

right of Paul Heelas

this

Work

and Linda Woodhead to be identified

as the

Authors of

may be

reproduced, stored in a

has been asserted in accordance with the

Patents Act 1988.

part of this publication

retrieval system, or transmitted, in
ical,

as permitted by the UK Copyand Patents Act 1988, without the prior permission of the publisher.

photocopying, recording or otherwise, except

right, Designs,

First

any form or by any means, electronic, mechan-

published 2005 by Blackwell Publishing Ltd

Library of Congress Catalo£iin£f-in-Publication Data

The

spiritual rex olution

Paul Heelas
p.

cm.

why

religion

gi\'ing

way

to spiritualit}'

[et al.].

— (Religion

in the

modern world)

Includes bibliographical references and index.

ISBN 1-4051-1958-6
paper)

(alk.

paper)

Heelas, Paul.

1. Spiritualit^^ I.

— ISBN 1-4051-1959-4 (pbk.

alk.

It. Series.

BV4501.3.S663 2005
200'.9'0511-dc22

2004007692

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Contents

List

of Plates

viii

Preface

Introduction
1

Distinguishing Religion and Spirituality: Findings from Kendal

2 Testing the Spiritual Revolution Claim in Kendal
3 Evidence for a Spiritual Revolution: Britain and

4 Bringing

the Sacred to Life: Explaining Sacralization

and Secularization
5

USA

„

Looking to the Future

129

Appendices

151

Notes

159

References

76
190

Index
Plates fall between pp. 99

and 100

Plates

99 and 100
The main street of Kendal. Private collection
2 The Kendal Project team: Benjamin Seel, Bronislaw Szerszynski,
Linda Woodhead, Karin Tusting and Paul Heelas (with Abby Day,
second to left). This photograph, taken in Dent (near Kendal),

Plates fall between pp.
Plate 1
Plate

also illustrates the spiritual revolution in action: the

front of a building that was once a chapel
.

and

team stand

now

part of a

meditation centre. Private collection.
Plate 3

Imposing authority: the medieval parish church

Kendal -

a con-

gregation of humanity (Anglican). Private collection.
Plate

4 Informal

Willow Creek Community Church,
Chicago - a flourishing con-

relationality: inside

on the

a 'seeker church'

outskirts of

gregation of experiential difference. Private collection.
Plate 5

Rainbow Cottage,

a holistic centre

on the

outskirts of Kendal.

Private collection.
Plate 6

Church attenders

at the parish

church

Plate 7 Holistic contact: practitioner Linda

with researcher Benjamin Seel.

in Kendal. Private collection.

McGarvey of Rainbow Cottage

The Westmoreland Gazette

Plate 8 Life-as religion, clearly stated by an advert in the

USA.

Private

collection.

Plate 9 'Psychological

and

Biblical truth': the discourse

of experiential difference.
Plate

10 The unique, the

holistic,

and wellbeing: craniosacral therapy,

Plate II

of a congregation

Willow Creek Association.

life.

List

Plate 12 Soft capitalism at

work

©The

Guardian, image

of Plates

©Getty Images.

Reprinted with permission
Plate

13 Sanctified capitalism: the Congregational church opposite the

main entrance to what was once the world's
Saltaire,

Plate 14

largest textile mill,

near Bradford. Private collection.

holistic

shop overlooking the

evolved into an upmarket

mill at Saltaire

a mill

which has

wellbeing zone. Private collection.

Plate 15 Objective wellbeing culture in action.

Plate 16 Subjective wellbeing culture in action.
Plate 17

The two worlds meet: spiritual wellbeing enters the congregational domain in a parish in the south of England. © Tim
Higgins.

Preface

This book explores the spiritual revolution claim: that traditional forms of
particularly Christianit)^,

religion,

sometimes

still

In order to

called

'New

are

giving

way

to holistic spirituality,

Age'.

make headway in testing this claim, we have found it necesdraw on the work of many colleagues in the sociology of

sary not only to
religion, but to

form of

undertake research of our own. This research took the

study in the north-west of England, close to the Lake
was named after the town in which it took place: the Kendal
Project. Although the book draws on findings from the Project, much of
the volume looks at the spiritual revolution claim in connection with evidence from Britain and the USA.
The volume has been written by Paul Heelas and Linda Woodhead, who
take fiill responsibility for its arguments, not to mention any mistakes of
fact, interpretation or theory. We have been assisted throughout by Benjamin Seel, Bronislaw Szerszynski and Karin Tusting, who have commented
on drafts of every chapter and whose advice has helped shape the final
product. The five of us were also the team who carried out the research in
Kendal, with Heelas, Szerszynski and Woodhead directing the Project and
a locality

District. It

Seel and Tusting as fijll-time researchers.

Other individuals who have provided substantive input to the volume, and to
are extremely gratefiil, include Kajsa Ahlstrand, Andrea Cheshire,
Abby Day, Eliza Forder, Gordon Heald, Sandy Miller, Rosemary Mingins,
Gordon Neal, Liz Puttick, Desmond Ryan, Margaret Stelfox, and David Voas.
Funding for the Kendal Project was provided by a generous grant from

whom we

the Leverhulme Trust.

thank the Trust,

its

Director

the time, Barry

of the application. A feasibilit)' study
paving the way for the Project was handed by a seedcorn grant from the
Faculty of Social Sciences, Lancaster University.
Supple, and the

anonymous

referees

Preface
Lancaster University,
tute

the

for

its

laivironnient. Philosophy

ported the Kendal Project
space and equipment. Kate

Wendy

Department of Religious Studies and the
in

Public

anil

Insti-

(Il^PPP) sup-

Policy

material ways, not least by providing office

Lamb

of Il.PPP assisted with data input, and

Francis of Religious Studies helped with budgetary matters, mail

ings and

other queries.

also

received excellent support

from (^are

Hindle of the Lancaster University Research Support Office.
Students from the Department of Religious Studies assisted us in a
number of ways: by helping us test and strengthen our ideas in our teach
ing, by supplying good ideas and quotes, and by assisting us in the headcount we made of the churches and chapels in Kendal.
We would like to acknowledge the helpful feedback we received from
colleagues and students at other universities where we delivered papers on

findings from the Kendal Project, and tried out ideas and arguments for

the book.

who

Thanks

are also

due to the colleagues from other

began the research

Kendal,

held a

weekend workshop

which spe-

spirituality

generously

on contemporary

religion

and

how we

should proceed.

research

to thank the participants: Sylvie (Collins, Clrace Davie,

Mathew

Cuiest,

shared their experience and advice on

cialists

universities

contributed to research meetings held during the Project. Before

We would
Douglas Davies,

Mike Hornsby-Smith, Penny Long Marler, Hernice Martin,

David Martin and Martin Stringer.

There was one person present at that workshop to whom we owe a
debt of gratitude. Steve Bruce's interest and advice have been unwavering over the whole six years it has taken to complete this project. His
challenging questions, clear thought, and supportive friendship have been a
spur and encouragement throughout.
Finally, we winild like to thank the people of Kendal and environs who
took part in our research. They granted access to their churches, chapels,
meeting houses, centres, groups, practice rooms, shops, and homes. They
gave generously of their time, and spoke frankly and openly about matters
of personal significance. People were enthusiastic about our research, and
willing to go to considerable lengths to help us achieve our objectives.
The authors and publisher wish to thank the following for permission to use
copyright material: Tim Higgins; Wade (^lark Roof; Adam Rubinstein; South
Lakeland Leisure; l^he Westmoreland Ciazette; Willow Oeek Association; Ihe
Guardian and Getty Images; Spar (UK) Ltd; edcy Ltd; and A. P. Watt Ltd on
behalf of Michael B. Yeats and Scribner, an imprint of Simon & Schuster Adult
Publishing Clroup, for permission to reprint
he Nineteenth Century and
from
The
Yeats
Collected
After' by W. B.
Works of W. H. Teats, Volume I: The
Poems, Revised, edited by Richard ]. Finneran. (copyright
1933 by The
Macmillan Cvompany, copyright renewed
1961 by Bertha Cleorgie Yeats.
special

(

(('.j

;

Listen!

You hear

the grating roar

Of pebbles which
At

their return,

the waves draw back, and fling,

up the high strand

Begin, and cease, and then again begin.

With tremulous cadence

The

slow,

and bring

eternal note of sadness in

The Sea of Faith
Was once, too, at

the

Lay

like the folds

of a bright girdle

But

now

Its

full,

and round earth's shore
furl'd.

only hear

melancholy, long, withdrawing roar.

Retreating, to the breath

Of the night-wind, down the vast
And nalced shingles of the world.

edges drear

Matthew Arnold (from 'Dover Beach')

Though

the great song return

There's keen delight in what

no more

have:

The rattle of pebbles on the shore
Under the receding wave.

B. Yeats ('The Nineteenth

Century and After')

Introduction

those contemporary aspirations towards a religion which would consist

entirely in internal
freely

and subjective

states,

and which would be constructed

by each of us. (Durkheim, [1915] 1971,

47)

more personal and indi(The Catholic Communica-

the passage from traditional forms of religion to

vidual expressions of

what

tions Office,

2003,

Whether we

believe in

spiritual, that

called 'spirituality'.

p. 1)

God

or not,

think most of us have a sense of the

recognition of a deeper meaning and purpose in our

believe that this sense flourishes despite the pressures of

Elizabeth

and

Christmas Day Broadcast, 2000)

II,

influence of reUgion - particularly Christianity - in western

The dedining
societies has

lives,

our world. (Queen

been

tiie

chief topic of the study of religion for over a century,

but in recent years the emergence of something called 'spirituality' has increasingly - demanded attention. Survey after survey shows that increasing numbers of people
'religious'.

Terms

now

prefer to call themselves 'spiritual' rather than

spirituality,

yoga, feng shui, chi and chakra have

New

hoUsm,

become more common

culture than traditional Christian vocabulary.

the local bookshop or a

stroll

doubt that Christianity has
'The times',

Though
in

Age, mind-body-spirit,

Even

in the general

a cursory glance

around

around the shopping centre leaves

new competitor

little

in 'the spiritual marketplace'.

seems, 'they are a-changing'.

it is still

important to attend to the decline of traditional religion

western societies, we can no longer evade the challenge of assessing and

explaining the growth of such 'spirituaUty'.
cant

is its

West.>
this

growth.^

Are we

Is it

living

book attempts

altering the

through

exactly

a 'spiritual revolution'.>

to answer.

that will be introduced here,

What

it.>

How

signifi-

whole shape of the sacred landscape

They

These

in the

are the questions

translate into three fairly distinct tasks

and tackled

in the chapters that follow.

The first is to bring some clarity to the notion of 'spirituality'. As Meredith
McGuire (1997) notes, 'we do not yet have the language or conceptual

Introduction

apparatus for refining our understanding of spirituality' (p. 8). Only by de-

we hope

veloping such apparatus can

temporary landscape.

to shed light

not clear what

are

with 'religion', then

'spirituality' in contrast

will

on changes in the conmeant by the term
be impossible to make

much progress.
Having
is

clarified the

to assess

meaning of

significance.

its

Some understand

of concern with the sacred

doomed

argue that

our next - and main - task

as the last

gasp and whimper

West, an inconsequential dabbling that

in the

to disappear almost as quickly as

and Stark, 1992). Others view
will

'spiritualit)^',

as vastly

appeared (Bruce, 2002; Finke

more important than

and

that,

are witnessing a tectonic shift in the sacred landscape that

prove even more significant that the Protestant Reformation of the

What we

sixteenth century.

are living through, they argue,

nothing

less

than radical change in which religion - namely Christianity - has been
eclipsed by spirituality
this 'spiritual

made about

being

devoted to testing

The

(Luckmann, 1967, 1990; Campbell, 1999). Since
is the most striking and provocative claim

revolution claim'

final task

the contemporary sacred scene,
it

what

time explain the decline of some
offer

surely the 'holy grail' of the

forrris

Since

much of

underlies

calls 'the

them

one and the same
rise

of others.

make

to a single process - to

massive subjective turn of

'The turn'

the argument of this book,

turn of

informs our approach

some

contem-

modern

Turn

this 'massive subjective
it

26)}

Subjective

book

the 'subjectivization thesis', a thesis that attempts to

what Charles Taylor (1991)

The

of the sacred and the

sense of both decline and growth by relating

culture' (p.

this

by way of research devised expressly for the purpose.

to pursue

porary study of religion, namely a theory which can

What we

much of

It is a

'objective' roles, duties

culture',

to religion, spirituality

shorthand for

experience.

modern
a

life

and obligations, and

reference to one's

own

vidualistic). If, for

example,

will

shift

of which we

lived in terms
a turn

how

all

have

of external or

towards

subjective experiences (relational as
I

begin with

and change.

major cultural

turn away from

and go on to explain

life

much

lived

as indi-

have slotted myself into the role of a dutiful

daughter and a loving and caring wife and mother, and tend to disregard

my own

feelings

of exhaustion, unhappiness and periodic disgruntlement

Introduction

because that

not what

the role

I (in

But

living according to external expectations.

subjective states, to listen to

prompting by

altering

what they

me, and to

life

my own

lived according to external expectations, to

subjective turn

act

their

my own unique
am turning away

life

lived according to

thus a turn away from

lived as a dutiful wife, father,

husband, strong leader, self-made

etc.) to 'subjective -life' (life lived in

deep connection with the unique

'life-as' (life

man

The

inner experience.

then

suit

needs, desires, capabilities and 'relationalities', then

from

feeling,

decide to heed those

if I

are telling

ways that better

life

ought to be

occupy.)

experiences of my self-in-relation).

Exploring the idea a

little

people think of themselves

and

'given' orders of things

further, the turn
first

and foremost

which

away from worlds
as

which

belonging to established

are transmitted

from the past but flow

forwards into the future. Being 'higher' and 'greater' than the individual
self

such transcendent, collective, supra-self orders serve

'sources of significance' (to use Taylor's

what matters
tradition - whether
ingly,

a nation-state,

living one's life-as a

takes the

form of

one's duties or

may

fulfils

life

member of

and accord

communit)^ or

What

matters

life.

These higher authorities

real value to

some

when one performs

cases the roles of life-as

appear 'natural' and be pursued unreflectively; in others there

'the

good

life'

which stand over and above the

one's obligations. In

pressure to monitor one's

and

life

primary

a kinship system, a feudal system,

and bestow meaning upon

serve to direct one's

as people's

useful expression). Accord-

system or a particular religion.

a class

obeying, heeding, pursuing ways of
individual self

1989

may

self-consciously in order to conform. Virtue

life

are characterized in terms of sacrificing, disciplining or

masking those aspects of oneself that

pull

one away from the 'oughts' of

The most extreme examples of life-as can be found in
military contexts (where, to quote Tennyson in 'The Charge of the Light
Brigade', it is 'Theirs not to make reply/Theirs not to reason why/Theirs
but to do and die'), or in the religious life (where, to quote the Constitutions of the Societ}^ of Jesus, the Jesuit should become 'a corpse which
suffers itself to be borne and handled in any way whatsoever').
If the 'massive turn' in modern culture is thus a turn away from life-as, it
is correspondingly a turn towards subjective-life. The latter has to do with
the

embedded

states

life.

of consciousness,

states

of mind, memories, emotions, passions, sen-

sations, bodily experiences, dreams, feelings, inner conscience,

ments - including moral sentiments
of each individual become

and

senti-

compassion. The subjectivities

not the, unique source of significance.

Introduction

meaning and
full

Here

authority.

good

'the

life'

consists in living one's

life

awareness of one's states of being; in enriching one's experiences; in

finding ways of handling negative emotions; in
to find out where and

how

may be improved. The

goal

becoming

the quality of one's

life

not to defer to higher

own

the courage to become one's

authority.

Not

enough

sensitive

- alone or

in relation

but to have

authorit)^,

to follow established

own inner-directed, as subjective, life. Not to
become what others want one to be, but to 'become who I truly am'. Not
to rely on the knowledge and wisdom of others ('To the other be true'),
but to live out the Delphic 'know thyself and the Shakespearian 'To thine

paths, but to forge one's

own

self

true'.

Thus the key

value for the

authority, whilst the key value

mode of life-as
for the mode of

conformity to external

subjective-life

connection with the inner depths of one's unique

mode
there
as

has

own

its

satisfactions,

authentic

life -in -relation.

Each

but each finds only danger in the other, and

deep incompatibility between them. Subjectivities threaten the

mode -

may

emotions, for example,

one ought to be

living,

easily disrupt the

and 'indulgence' of personal

proper discharge of duty impossible. Conversely,

integrity

subjective-life.

Given that only

because the latter

life

feelings

makes the

demands

attack the

necessarily unique.

T can be that particular individual with the particular and

irreplaceable experiences

'oughts' of

This

life-as

life-

course of the

life-as

and

history that

life

threaten not only

make me who

values but

am, the

very existence.

Differing attitudes towards an institution like marriage illustrate the incompatibility

tution,

very

it is

clearly.

those

who

believe that marriage

obvious that one should

sacrifice

a sacred insti-

one's personal happiness for

the sake of one's marital duty. Life-as a responsible father or a faithful wife
will always

trump the

'selfish'

demands of subjective-life. Yet

for those

who

cherish subjective -life, the sacrifice of desires for the sake of an 'external'
institution like traditional marriage will be experienced as disruptive, under-

mining and damaging - for to do

this

to deny, override and take away

the inner realities that play such an important role in constituting individ-

and making people who they

ual lives

As to

how

the shift from

general cultural change,

life-as

it is

are.^

to subjective-life operates with regard to

important to

stress that

minute suggesting that subjective -life was absent
as has

disappeared today. Far from

suppose,

universal. Equally,

it is

it.

are

in times past,

Subjective-life,

reasonable to suppose that

not for one

nor that

life-

reasonable to
life-as

forma-

tions are always required for the organization and regulation of social

life.

Introduction

Nevertheless,

believe that Eric

Hobsbawro (1995), Ronald Inglehart

(1997), Charles Taylor (1989, 1991, 2002), Joseph Veroff et

al.

(1981) and

become the defining
The
evidence, which is
cultural development of modern western culture.
extensive, will be explored throughout this volume. What we will see is that
others are right in supposing that the subjective turn has

both self-understanding and socio -cultural arrangements have been developing in a 'person-centred' or 'subjectivity- centred' direction. In education cul-

ture,

'child-centred' or 'learner-centred'; in

see a turn towards the

purchasing culture, towards the 'consumer-centred'; in health culture, to-

wards the 'patient-centred'; in work culture, towards the personal develop-

ment of employees. Each of

these shifts involves a turn

hierarchical, deferential, life-as order

keeper, the doctor, the
for the

manager was

away from

of things in which the teacher, the shop'god'.

Thus those

institutions that cater

unique subjective -lives of the 'centred' are on the increase, whilst

those that continue to operate in

life-as

mode find themselves out of step with

the times.

Distinguishing Religion and Spirituality

One of
that

the great virtues of the language of

'life-as'

and 'subjective -life'

enables us to sharpen up the distinction between 'religion' and

ituality'

by distinguishing between

life-as religion

and

'spir-

subjective-life spiritu-

bound up with the mode of life-as - indeed it sacralizes
life-as. By contrast, the latter is bound up with subjective-life - indeed it
sacralizes subjective -life. Thus the former involves subordinating subjectiveality.

life

The former

the

authority of transcendent meaning,

'higher'

goodness and

truth, whilst the latter invokes the sacred in the cultivation

of unique

subjective-life.

important to

It is

tween

stress that the distinction

'subjective-life spirituality'

with the ways in which the terms
culture.

For example,

and

'spirituality'

'spirituality' is

press devotion to

God

'obedience to the

will

use in this volume be-

'life-as religion' is

and

in the

when

spirituality

thought of

of God' with the believer entering into an intense

subjective in the sense that

something which

used

often used in Christian circles to ex-

or Christ - as

relationship (involving self-surrender) with the divine.

awe, sorrow, gratitude

not always identical

'religion' are

etc.),

Such

spirituality

involves often intense experiences (of joy,

but objective in the sense that

it is

focused on

and remains external to and higher than the

self This

6
is

Introduction

experience of the sacred as transcendent, higher

way of the
and

inspiration of the

tradition. It

Holy

life

- whether

directly

or indirectly by way of scripture

Spirit,

not an experience of the sacred

as integral to, insepar-

from and flowing through one's own subjective- life. As such, it might
be called 'life-as spirituality' - and is clearly not the same as what we mean

able

by subjective-life

of Christian

unique

spirituality.

(This

not to deny that there may be forms

spirituality that are centrally

concerned with the cultivation of

subjective-life, particularly in the mystical tradition.)

many common usages of 'spirituality' and 'religion' which
overlap much more closely with our categories of 'subjective-life spirituality' and 'life-as religion'. Most notably the term 'spirituality' is often used
to express commitment to a deep truth that is to be found within what
belongs to this world. And the term 'religion' is used to express commitment to a higher truth that is 'out there', lying beyond what this world has
But there

to offer,
rituals,

The

are

and exclusively

related to specific externals (scriptures,

dogmas,

and so on).^

Spiritual Revolution

Claim

Given the cultural significance of the subjective turn, we would expect the
sacred landscape to be affected by
to operate in life-as

mode

it.

If 'secular' institutions that continue

increasingly find themselves out of step with the

times, whilst those that cater for unique subjective-lives are flourishing,

then

certainly

worth exploring the

possibility that the

same thing

happening within the sphere of the sacred. What we would expect
forms of the sacred that are experienced

that

compatible with the turn to

subjective-life will be faring better than those that serve to reinforce life-as

modes of existence.
In order to explore this possibility,

we work

with a simple formulation of

the spiritual revolution claim:

Life-as

forms of the sacred, which emphasize a transcendent source of

significance

and authority to which individuals must conform

at the ex-

pense of the cultivation of their unique subjective-lives, are most

likely to

in decline;

2 Subjective -life forms of the sacred, which emphasize inner sources of
significance

and authority and the cultivation or

subjective-lives, are

most

likely to

be growing.

sacralization

of unique

Introduction

To put

this

concretely, the expectation .would be that in the

those forms of religion that

tell

West

their followers to live their lives in con-

formity with external principles to the neglect of the cultivation of their

unique subjective-lives

will

West

churches and chapels are

contrast, those forms of spirituality in the

that help people to live in accordance with the deepest, sacred dimen-

own unique

sion of their

lives

can be expected to be growing. These

include the multifarious forms of sacred

together under collective terms
'alternative'
reiki,

Many

be in decline.

likely to fall into this category.

'holistic'

meditation,

ology,

much

tai chi,

wicca and

spirituality,

'body,

which

mind and

are often
spirit',

and which include

aromatherapy,

many more

activit\^

much paganism,

(a ftiller

will

grouped

'New Age',
yoga,

(spiritual)

rebirthing, reflex-

survey of such activities

offered in the pages that follow).

come about when
More specifically, given

for the spiritual revolution, this can be said to

subjective-life spiritualit}' overtakes life-as religion.

book (see below), the spiritual revoluwhen 'holistic' activities having to do with
attract more people than do 'congregational'

the primary empirical focus of this
tion can be said to take place
subjective -life
activities

spiritualit)^

having to do with

life-as religion.

Testing the Spiritual Revolution Claim
This clarification of the spiritual revolution claim renders

rigorous

enough to be tested empirically. The most straightforward way of doing so
would be by way of existing studies and surveys of religion and spirituality
in the West. Those of a more qualitative, ethnographic variety might enable
us to see how much now has to do with subjective -life activities rather than
those of a life-as form, whilst those of a more quantitative, longitudinal
nature would help us compare the relative fortunes of these two varieties to
see

whether the former

Whilst there are

draw

many

overtaking the

in this task, there are,

on which we can

however, only a few that are direcdy focused on

the issues which concern us most.

good ethnographic

latter.

excellent studies of Christianity

And

whilst there are a

studies of 'alternative spiritualities',

number of equally
and there

accu-

mulating evidence from both sides of the northern Atlantic that interest
'expressive',

'holistic'

growing, there
question of just

(mind-body-spirit),

as yet litde

how many

New Age

spiritualities

or no hard evidence that bears on the

people have become active

in this sphere.

in
is

critical

Introduction

Our
search.

only option, therefore, was to carry out additional empirical

did so by

way of

a locality

the relatively self-contained market

Cumbria,
District.

in the

re-

study of 'Patterns of the Sacred'

town and regional centre of Kendal,

north-west of England, just to the south-east of the Lake

By taking

- population 27,610

a single relatively small locality

1999 - we could be fairly confident of systematically exploring what was
going on by way of face -to -face, associational religious and spiritual activity.
We would also be able to look at such activity in some detail through indepth qualitative research.

town

for the spiritual revolution claim

ground

as a testing

'spiritual laboratory', as
feasibility study,

continued until

would,

in other

words, be able to treat the

one inhabitant of Kendal put

as a sort

After an

it.

initial

the Kendal Project began in October 2000, and research

end of June 2002, with some follow-up work

the

extending into 2003. (A summary of the research strategies of the Project
can be found in Appendix

Kendal

the question of the representativeness of

addressed in later chapters, in particular Chapter Three.)

The primary concern of
places

most

where

religious

and

it is

here that

women

and

life.

These

are the

clearly visible

men come

and

together

whose primary purpose

to engage in face -to -face, associational activities

church and chapel,

most

spiritual activities are

richly in evidence, for

engagement with the

we came

the Kendal Project was to study what

to think of as the heartlands of religious and spiritual

One was obvious: the very public activities of
heartland we came to call the congregational domain
sacred.

(other than Christians, there are very few adherents of world religions in

Kendal).
is

The other was

obvious: the

less

often called alternative or

New Age

refer to as the holistic milieu.

religious
uals,

and

Though

spiritual activity in

incorporated into the

nesses), for the sake

of the

'invisible' activities

spirituality

clarity

we came

a heartland

there will certainly be other forms of

Kendal (carried out

activities

of what

in solitude

of institutions

of comparison we needed

the spiritual revolution claim effectively,

we decided

by individ-

schools or busiin

order to

to concentrate only

test

the heartlands.

We set ourselves
tive:

two main empirical

to see whatw2is going on.

tasks in Kendal.

The second was

The

first

was

quantitative: to see

qualita-

how much

(of the different forms of engagement with the sacred) was going on. By
investigating the

what we were able to distinguish between those

associ-

whose primary concern was with Ufe-as, and
those whose primary concern was with subjective -life and the care of the self.
We did not assume a priori that all of the congregational activities would fall
ational forms of the sacred

Introduction
into the former category, nor that

into the latter.

fall

Chapter

and

One

findings about

the

different forms of religion

'how much' of the heartland
life-as,

a spiritual

activities

how much

and

Chapter Two. They allow us to give

question whether or not
C^hapter Three

how

subjective-lives.

present) were concerned with
are presented in

USA. In

a clear

answer to the

revolution has taken place in Kendal. In

how

also consider

and

religion

life-as

what

sites

- and

widely,

and

happening within

subjective-life spirituality are

faring in the media, schools, hospitals, purchasing-culture

The

and

consider the wider relevance of these findings, asking

the same chapter

portant cultural

(past

with subjective-life,

spiritual revolution has taken place in Britain

the wider culture:

variety w^ould

Kendal do or do not channel the sacred towards the

enhancement of unique

whether a

the^ 'alternative'

provides our findings, showing

spirituality in

Our

all

simply wanted to find out what was the case.

connection with popular

beliefs.

Growth and Decline

Subjectivization Thesis: Explaining

Without giving everything away by revealing

and other im-

at the outset

whether or not

we have found that the spiritual revolution has taken place in Kendal,
Britain or the USA, we can say that we have found robust evidence of a
pattern: a correlation

between

one hand, and between

means

subjective-life spirituality

life-as

religion

that our findings have a bearing

and growth on the

and decline on the other. This

on the

issue that has

long domin-

ated the study of religion - the study of secularization - as well as the
increasingly important issue of whether there

growth

in the territory

the sacred - the study of sacralization.

Those who defend theories of secularization and those who oppose them
with accounts of sacralization are divided over
planation. Controversy rages between those

the sacred

largely if not entirely

velop theories to explain

this,

fact,

who

undergoing

and those

who

interpretation

and

ex-

claim that the sphere of

relentless decline

and de-

claim that certain forms are

growing and develop explanations accordingly. The

title

of Steve Bruce's

God is Dead (2002 ), signals his role as a forcefiil proponent of
view. Luckmann (1967, 1990) and Campbell (1999) articulate the

recent book,
the

first

second position.
Rather than viewing decline and growth

dence we present suggests that the West

mutually exclusive, the

currently experiencing both

evi-

Introduction

and

secularization (with regard to life-as forms of religion)

And

(with regard to subjective-life forms of spirituality).

extremely interesting question: could

sacralization

be the case that there

this leads to
is

a single

explanation of both processes? Answering this question' in the affirmative,

of secularization per

offer neither a theory

but of coexistence. Without for a
change,

offer in

moment

se^

nor of sacralization per

Chapter Four what we

more people who

with, the sacred - are

modern

subjectivization thesis as

call the

the key to explaining both growth and decline.
'massive subjective turn' of

The

culture to explain

they are concerned about, or

much more
them

those forms which help

likely to be,

cultivate the

their subjective-lives than those

se^

ruling out other explanations of

thesis invokes the

why

there are ever

become concerned

or become involved with,

unique

'irreplaceabilities'

which emphasize the importance of con-

forming to higher authority.

we therefore
more about the winners and losers
in the contemporary spiritual marketplace. We show that the former are
most likely to be those that appeal to the increasing numbers of people for
whom subjective-life is the key source of significance. They succeed because
By taking

believe that

seriously the significance of the subjective turn

possible to understand

it is

they 'bring the sacred to
selves

and

tinction

most

their

life',

enabling participants to remain true to them-

significant relationships,

between personal and

turn helps explain

why

spiritual

little

numbers of people orientated

sources of significance, for there are fewer and fewer

who

remain committed

for,

demand

the living of life according to external expectations.^

to,

who

to
are

forms of the sacred which

looking

or no dis-

the losers are most likely to be those life-as forms of

the sacred which cater for the decreasing
life-as

and making

growth. Conversely, the subjective

Summary
We

bond between western
is to make appeal
and that in its place we

are interested in the idea that the great historical

cultures

and

a Christianity

to transcendent authority
are seeing the

growth of

whose
is

characteristic

rapidly dissolving,

mode

a less regulated situation in

which the sacred

experienced in intimate relationship with subjective-lives.
this

volume

considering
possibility.

to shed light

the

extent,

The purpose of

on the contemporary sacred landscape by

significance

and

causes

this

revolutionary

Introduction

The unique
'I

know my own

one

ha\ e e\ cr met;

whole world.
1971,

heart and understand

1 }.

fellow

better, but at least

what follows we consider the

man. But

even venture to say that

will

may be no

culture of the Rousseauian belief that

central

unlike any

no one

in the

different' (Rousseau,

importance

modern

unique', and what this has to

do with the sacred landscape. This does not mean

that

offer

some

sort

of paean of praise for the self-centred self 'Subjectivization' should not be
confused with

'indi\'idualization'. WTiilst

sees individuals

authorit)', this

atomistic, discrete or selfish. For as
is

'holistic',

involving

true that the subjective turn

as the true, subjective, 'me'.

as their

source of

need not imply that they

will see,

abo\e

self-in-relation

Hence it is common for
Carson McCuUers (1973) refers to as

in-isolation.

stood

emphasizing their personal experiences

meaning, significance and

spiritualit}'

all

will

else subjective-life

rather

than

self-

the subjective turn to involve

what

the Sve of me' (p. 39; being under-

One

Chapter

Distinguishing Religion

and Spirituality: Findings
from Kendal
You

call

us to leave our self behind

Son of God

grow

in us, so that

Your

ways may become ours. (Intercessions, Anglican Parish Church, Kendal)
Religion asks you to learn from the experience of others. Spirituality urges

you to seek your own. (From an interview with

who

The aim
give

Kendal Unitarian Christian

also involved in holistic activities)

to build

my own

ideas,

on people's own resources,

spiritual resources. I

but see what comes from the

client.

never

(Meg McCalden,

hypnotherapy and relaxation therapy, CancerCare, Kendal)

According to the
is

growling and

may be
two

spiritual

life -as

revolution

religion declining

eclipsing the latter.

effective

distinctive associational territories,

jective-life

spirituality,

claim,

way of testing

this

one having to do

other chiefly with

the

subjective -life

spirituaUt)^

- to the extent that the former
is

by comparing

chiefly with sub-

reUgion.

life-as

We now

show that we found such distinctive but comparable associational territories
on the ground in Kendal. And in the process of doing this, we put
empirical flesh on the stark analytical bones of our language of subjective
life
and life-as, thereby clarifying what we mean by 'the spiritual
revolution'.

The Kendal

Project began

life

with a

feasibility study.

to the designated places of worship in the town, where
as

rehgion, and to what

activities,

Attention was paid

we hoped

loosely referred to as 'alternative' or

where we hoped to find

to find

life-

'New Age'
we

subjective-life spirituality. In particular,

wanted to know whether there were enough alternative activities taking
place to justify taking things further. Having established that this was the
case, the Project got underway. However, we were taking something of a
gamble.

might have had

a fair

hunch, but we were

far

from certain that

Distinguishing Religion and Spirituality

the congregational
life -as

domain

(as

we came

was predominantly of

to calUt)

nature, or that the holistic milieu (as

we came

call it)

was

chiefly

focused on the cultivation of subjective-life.

We now
to

show

enter into the heartlands of religion and spirituality in Kendal

that conformity to

life -as

dominant emphasis

in fact the

in the

congregational domain - and, conversely, that the resourcing of unique
subjective -lives

the primary focus of the holistic milieu.

fact

words, that the congregational domain basically has to do

find, in other

with people being guided by higher authority to find fiilfilment in a

common

good, whilst the sacred of the

own

to help people live out their

holistic

milieu basically serves

own unique

interior lives in their

ways.

Accordingly, the comparison of the two associational territories undertaken

of the

in the next chapter will constitute a fair test

claim. (It

way of

spiritual revolution

would be misleading to test the spiritual revolution claim by

this

comparison were

to be the case, for example, that the

amount of

congregational domain contains a considerable

subjective -life

spirituality.

tlie Congregational Domain: The
of the Spiritual Revolution Claim

Life in

When we

began our research

Kendal

*^Religion'

in the year

2000

there were

congregations. All are rooted in the Christian tradition. (For a
see

Appendix

2.)

congregational

Since

all

have

their

includes

that

service

main

activity

worship,

theistic

ftiU

25
list

a weekly public
is

nearly

always

held on a Sunday, and generally takes place in a designated building,

we had

little

difficulty

to their corporate
for

research

life

identifying

proved

relatively

and locating them.

Initial

access

unproblematic, and fiarther access

purposes was kindly granted by

all

the congregations in

Kendal.

Unity-in-variety in the congregational

domain

As we pushed open the doors of the churches, chapels and meeting houses
on consecutive Sunday mornings, we became aware of a similarity that
overrode
one's

all

other differences.

attention

step into a worship service

being directed away from

oneself towards

to find

something

Distinguishing Religion and Spirituality

higher.

become

contrast, as will

chapter, to enter into the holistic milieu

wards oneself and one's inner

Thus we found

all

the conviction that truth and goodness

much
common,

and expressed
in visions

of Kendal to be united by
not

society, in

lies

privileged over subjective-life uniquenesses,

'what

am'. Yet

and music,

art

subserve

sum of

always

and, as such,

their

own,

parts.

its

for the

Authority

outside rather than within, and with

'the same' rather than 'the unique'.

this

good may be envisioned
ideals,

more than they would be on

domain

in the congregational

of unique

by way of conformity

concepts of God. But

who

considered to be greater than the

in the cultivation

in rules,

higher than those

binds them into something

whole

lie

authoritative good. This

different ways:

of a family- based

transcendent:

to find attention directed to-

as in curbing such individuality

individuality so

to a higher,

life.

congregations

the

the second section of this

clear in

consequence,

and 'what

important to emphasize

roles are

life-as

should be' over

the very outset that

does not mean that we found subjective-life to be wholly neglected

within the congregational domain. Rather, as

shall see,

we found

instead of being 'authorized' (treated as the primary authority in

often 'normativized'

that

life) it is

(channelled into conformity with supra- individual

norms).

The common good,

the higher authority, the focus of united

striving in the congregational

domain,

represented in

terms in different congregations. In some

takes the

hope and

somewhat

different

form of an encom-

passing social vision: of a united and harmonious society in which even
strangers

gregation
It

become neighbours. In others
itself,

its

growth

can vary in scope, and

every case,

we found

it is

in faithfulness

more
and

closely tied to the con-

its

success in evangelism.

can vary in degree of other-worldliness. But in

that belonging to a congregation

had more to do

with being caught up into a vision of the higher good than

going

inwards to discover truth and goodness by trusting and exploring one's

own

feelings, intuitions

and experiences. Thus 83.5 per cent of respondents

to our questionnaire survey of a cross-section of congregations indicated
that the statement 'the important thing
their belief than the statement 'the

(15 per cent). (Appendix
tionnaire.) This

important thing

dut\^'

came

closer to

fulfil

yourself

provides fijrther information about the ques-

was consonant with the way

placed strong emphasis

do your

upon

which many congregations

the importance of self-sacrifice, and the

way

Distinguishing Religion and Spirituality

which

liturg\'

surrender and

and hymns were saturated with the language of obedience,

self- giving.

The same dynamics
found to be

on deference

explain the pervasive stress

characteristic

of congregational

that

Whilst different congre-

life.

showed their priest
hierarchical form of organiza-

gations differed slightly in the degree of deference they

or minister, nearly

all

were characterized by

which the most important decisions and

tion in

of a small number of authorized personnel,

bilit}'

male. Such deference was but a reflection of the
that

who were nearly always
much greater deference

was expected to be shown to 'Almightx' God'. In

congregations

God

were the responsi-

activities

but

all

couple of

was approached by way of male pronouns and imagery,

particularly fatherhood,

and was portrayed

powxr who created and controls

as a

His

things.

all

personal being of unlimited
will

made known

in the

and communit)^, and is to
that God - and the Bible or

external, mediating authorities of text, tradition

be willingly obeyed. The underlying belief
the church -

knows what

better than our subjectivities

told in scripture not to

Roman

might

tell us.

one should only go to church on

the church give us an obligation to
basic

feel';

and

as a

one

feels like

go to mass? Because

human

ourselves,
it,

and

'We're

member of the

(having just criticized the idea that

Sunday

know

As one evangelical put

go on about how we

Catholic congregation put

we won't because our

best for us better than w^e

it):

if left

nature, our fallen nature,

'Why does

to ourselves
is

pulling us

away from God'.

found that

for

many

in the congregational

domain

w^as Jesus Christ

w^ho functioned as the immediate focus of devotion, reverence and defer-

model of perfect obedience and

ence, and as the inspiring
w^as

self-sacrifice.

interpreted not as an example of self-realization to be imitated by

own

'going one's

way', but as an example of deference w^ho must be de-

ferred to - by 'following
disciple',

heard

and 'giving

many
on

in his footsteps',
life

'obeying the Lord', 'becoming a

to Christ', to pick a variet\^ of expressions

times in interviews and worship services. As one evangelical

Christian put

there

it:

'All I

want to do

that [judgement] day

obey the Lord.

and hear him

say,

want to stand

"Well done, good and

faithful servant"'.

The congregational

life

of Kendal

also characterized

strong ethical and metaphysical dualism - a stress

throughout by a

the difference between

Creator and created, the supernatural and the natural, the overarching

moral order of things and the everyday (dis)order of things,

'life

Distinguishing Religion and Spirituality

should be
that the

and

living'

body

explicitly repudiated,

and the body. Not

actual subjective -life, the spirit

nor that

its

appetites are disciplined

by way of systematic asceticism. Rather, they are handled by being channelled into acceptable forms of expression rather than being allowed to 'do
their

own

only

when

riage

and family and

thing'.

Thus

sexual

activit}^,

viewed

as acceptable

expressed in the context of faithful, loving, heterosexual mar-

of a higher good (love, children

for the sake

for the sake of pleasurable sensation

ferred

for example,

to as 'disordered' sexuality

teaching as a key

symptom of

That which

itself.

etc.),

often presented in congregational

a disordered out- of- control

one

which the minister told the congregation that 'wholeness' (of

mind and

body,

society.

found the general view of such matters to be well summed up

sermon

not

revealingly re-

spirit)

should be of

less significance

to Christians than

'holiness'.

The

example points to

last

belief in overarching

element

a final essential

lized life-as in Kendal: a strong moralism.

moral authority, there

in the logic

Not only
is

of sacra-

there widespread

also general acceptance that

the authorities of church and chapel are there to instruct people in
live their lives.

found the idea that there

are standards,

how

norms,

ideals

and expectations to which subjective -life must be conformed to be pervasive.

Moral judgement and the language of 'should' and 'ought'

are a

of the currency of the congregational domain, and many

inter-

central part

viewees spoke about

how

they appreciated the clear moral guidance offered

by their church or chapel.
living,

had helped them move from chaos to orderly

from meaninglessness to meaningfulness, and from

fearfiilness to

embedded institutionally: in the very
practice of preaching, the very medium of the sermon, the very office of
the priest or pastor. Individuals are told what to do by higher authority,
security.

Such moralism

deeply

rather than being encouraged to look to their

decide for themselves. Moral guidance
terms. As an

OHP

slide at

Testament teaching to
puts

lay

own

inner resources to

often offered in clear and concrete

an evangelical church, which draws on

down

New

the ideal characteristics of a church elder,

it:

person

disqualified if he

self-indulgent or self-seeking. His qualifica-

tions are that he should be an integrated/controlled personality,

shows concern
wife, his

home

for moral standards.

At home

and that he

he should always have only one

should be hospitable and his children disciplined. At work, he

Distinguishing Religion and Spirituality

should be organized and focused. In the world, he should have a good
reputation.

The

effect

of such moral preaching

to discipline subjectivities by select-

nurturing some sentiments and dispositions whilst rendering others

ively

invisible.

Since anger, hatred, sexual desire and ambition (for example) find

space for expression in the congregational domain, they either have to

little

be renounced or expressed under the cover of more acceptable sentiments.

Thus
'I

much more common

was saddened to

ence' than

felt

setting about the

to hear

members of congregations

learn' than

was

proud'.

rare to hear

full

experi-

people speak openly

in this

was

range of their emotions. Generally speaking, that

which one should be tends to be given more prominence
gational

domain than

that

which one

as this

throughout, we found that
in different

covered that congregations

fell

life-as

congregational

in the

roles to

be predominant

emphasis varied, and that subjectivities

this

ways

congre-

domain

commonality, we also found variety

domain. Though we found emphasis on
were handled

in the

is.

Variety-in-unity in the congregational

As well

say,

humbling

furious', or 'It

in different types

into

of congregation.

one of four main types

dis-

in this regard.

Making use of the typology first developed in Woodhead and Heelas
(2000), we classified these as 'congregations of difference', 'congregations
of humanity', 'congregations of experiential difference', and 'congregations of
experiential humanity'. Congregations of difference are those

the distance between

God and

which

stress

humanity, creator and creation, and the

necessary subordination of the latter to the former. Congregations of hu-

manity narrow

this distance

God and human

beings have in

importance of worshipping
take

by singling out 'humanity'

God

common;

something that

they tend to emphasize the

by serving humanity. Both types can also

experiential forms, placing

subjective experience in the religious
tial

more emphasis on the authority of
Thus congregations of experien-

life.

difference continue to stress the

gap between the divine and the

human, but believe that God can enter directly into subjective experience
as the Holy Spirit. And congregations of experiential humanity, whose
humanitarian

stress has already

diminished the gap between the divine and

Distinguishing Religion and Spirituality

the

human,

it still

further by teaching that the divine

be found in inner experience than in the externals of religion

and sacraments. (For

which

type, see

on which congregations

details

Appendix

Kendal belong to

2.)

For congregations of humanity

churches of mainline -liberal de-

(chiefly

common

nominations, both Catholic and Protestant), the authoritative

good and

likely to

like scripture

'higher authority'

These churches emphasize

God-in humanity and humanity-in-God.

ethics over

dogma,

love over the law, this world

over the next, and unity over division. Since what matters, above

human

benevolence towards fellow
tively 'liberal', offering a

beings, these congregations are rela-

The

effect

emphasis on caring for others, and putting

however, to render these the

types. Instead

degree of freedom and tolerance with regard to

other matters of belief and practice.

is,

all,

of their strongly moralistic

God and

least subjectivized

neighbour before

self

of all the congregational

of focusing on individual experiences, needs,

desires,

moods,

bodily and emotional sensations, they direct their members' attention not

inwards to themselves, but outwards towards

God and

fellow

humans

need of care.
Within congregations of humanity the acceptable
not dwell on

ments such

its

own

neighbour second,
this

subjectivities,
'love',

'care',

self last,' as

attention to their

own

one that does

but expresses appropriate moral senti-

'compassion' and 'gentleness'. 'God

first,

one interviewee explained. So powerful

message that individuals are

much

self

likely to

experience guilt

subjective-lives.

found

telling that

they pay too

many

people within these congregations were uncomfortable talking about anything too personal - anything to do with their inner
matters of

faith.

As one Anglican gentleman put

doesn't talk a lot about

...

are

much

it:

'it's

repetition of set liturgies, responses,

and by the shaping of personal time
dar, congregations

Christ's

life.

falls

hymns, and

very

such a

difficult'.

ritual actions,

conformity with the church's calen-

of humanity conform subjectivities to

Attention

common good

something one

better at the weather

deep and private thing... to leap straight into that

Through

including

lives,

so definitively

common

life

and

on the higher authority of the

that the unique remains always in the

shadows of

'service'

both the worship service and service to others.

contrast, congregations of difference and, to an even greater extent,

congregations of experiential difference, give more explicit attention to
individual selves

and

and hopes. (In Kendal
evangelical, whilst congregations of

their feelings, fears, desires

congregations of difference are largely

Distinguishing Religion and Spirituality

experiential difference are charismatic-evangelical.)

congregation are united by the

between
will

God and

The

life'.

enhancement and

subjective

less

who submit

than reconstructed inner

lives

which such congregations play

'trick'

t\^pes

they place' on the absolute difference

the world, they promise that those

be rewarded by nothing

again' to 'new

stress

Though both

God

- 'born
to offer

terms that can make sense to a

cultivation in

subjectivized culture, but to insist that this

comes not through

reliance

one's inner resources but through submission to the higher authority of

God,

and congregational instruction. As one charismatic

Christ, the Bible

minister in Kendal put

it,

quoting Bob Dylan, 'You gotta serve somebody'.

Both congregations of
powerful appeal to people

and experiential difference make

difference

who

feel their lives are

not working by offering

to heal their brokenness and restore joy, contentment, calm,

hope and

They teach that each and every one of us is uniquely
make a free, personal decision to give our life
the means of salvation is placed in our own hands in the form

security in the Lord.

loved by

God and

to him, that

called to

of the Bible, and that fulfilment

will

be found in surrender to Jesus and on-

going, affective, relationship with him.
ious attention to

Many

such congregations pay

ser-

problems and to the healing of minds and even

life

bodies, and they devote considerable energ\' to affecting and enhancing

memories, moods and feelings
tive choruses).

The promise

(for

example, by extensive singing of emo-

up to God

that lives that are offered

will

healed, enhanced, reordered and redeemed. Congregations of humanity
offer to

make

individuals into (morally) better people; congregations of

difference and experiential difference also offer to

Yet although

we found

make people feel

catered for, nurtured and developed in such congregations,

them

own

better.

individual subjective- lives to be attended to,

did not find

to be fully authorized. Individuals are not encouraged to pursue their
spiritual paths

guided by way of
lated roles

and

on the

basis

own

of their

deepest experiences, but are

clearly defined, extensively articulated

Thus the climax of

duties.

evangelical

and

life

tightly regu-

the point at

which the individual surrenders his or her uniqueness and autonomy to
God - the point of conversion. This becomes very clear in the 'testimony'
narrative that

we found

to play such an important part in evangelical

Kendal. Although testimonies as to

how one was

'saved'

life

begin with

detailed attention to unique subjectivities including sexual urges, anger,
drug-fiielled states of

mind and so on,

these 'negativities' are given over to

their climax

God and

cleansing. The language used to describe

this

the point at which

destroyed
process

in the fires

that of unique

his
life

Distinguishing Religion and Spirituality

being 'broken', 'poured out', 'surrendered',

God',

of personal

as the full array

Thus the new

faithful disciple.

Christian

and 'given over to
of a

sacrificed in favour

authorized repertoire that conforms to the laid-down lineaments

far smaller

of the

'sacrificed'

subjectivities

highly normativized:

life

that begins for the born-again

and

lived according to models, rules

way of

expectations that are detailed and often rigorously enforced by

'discipling' that quickly shades into 'disciplining'.

Though

these general remarks apply both to congregations of experien-

and to congregations of difference, we

difference

tial

cant distinction between them. In the

lie

latter,

found

a signifi-

God and

scripture

also

authority -

good life is the life that is lived in strict conformmore charismatic congregations, however, we

outside one, and the

to this authority. In the

ity

found some disdain

for such an 'externalized'

Christian discipleship.

explained

why he

left

and

'rigid'

understanding of

congregational leader in Kendal put

when he

an evangelical congregation to found a charismatic

one, 'For us evangelism became a living thing, an experience, people were
sharing reality rather than concepts', and as another charismatic explained,

God

'You know, when

speaks to us, he speaks,

of experiential

congregations

difference,

into our hearts'. In

like,

words,

other

well

God 'comes within'. The
'Word' must be not merely followed but internalized - 'eaten' and 'swal-

remaining external and over- against the believer,

lowed'.

must go

of conversion

all

the

way down. In such congregations the real point
at which God, as Holy Spirit,

understood to be the point

enters directly into an individual's experience. Far from overruling unique
subjective -life, the

Holy

guiding and directing
the Spirit, so that
lives

Spirit

becomes the inner core of

from within. The

no longer

who

live

believer's

life is

subjective-life,

'possessed' by

but [the Spirit of] Christ

who

within me' (Galatians 2:20).

Because of
experiential

much
is

'it is

this inspiration

difference

less externally

little

by way of

from within, the worship

characteristically

congregations of

emotive and expressive, and

regulated than in other types of congregation. There

set liturgy,

are more
on what can be

and hierarchies of leadership

and informal. Nevertheless, there

are

still

clear limits

fluid
said,

done,

felt, and expressed. Subjective-life is authorized only insofar as it
conforms to external expectations and guidelines - above all, biblical teach-

ing.

Individuals

are

encouraged not

self-expression

but

Spirit-

expression, and the limits of what counts as spiritual inspiration are clearly
laid

down.

found that only

a relatively

narrow range of emotions and

dispositions were able to be expressed in collective worship (even in small

Distinguishing Religion and Spirituality

group contexts), abo\c

must always be the

gratitude, joy, love an^i celebration.

all

of God, not

glorification

matic service in Kendal declared

wants you to

The purpose

member of a

charis-

the middle of a service: 'The Lord

your eyes on him. Fake them off yourself. Irrespective,

fix

them off

take

self.

and

yourself,

your eyes on him. He'll sort out what's

fix

going on and what needs sorting out."' And

as the service leader replied

in response,

we must keep our

Yeah,

Lord God.

eyes fixed

who

the only one

all

the answers,

all

the answers. He's got

the congregations in Kendal,

tions of experiential

us out of our

lift

own

only, Jesus, the
selves,

own

our

Let's just start again to look at Jesus as the

introspcctiveness, so to speak

one who has

on him, on the one and
can

we found

humanity (including the

of Friends) that went furthest

all

authority.

that

was the congrega-

LInitarian chapel

and Society

authorizing subjective-life. Rather than

preaching a higher truth which believers were expected to hear, follow and
obey, such congregations actively encouraged individuals to forge their

own unique

life

paths and

'Sermons' took the form of

spiritual

paths

their

own unique

on 'what

a personal rellection

be helpful', with the preacher sometimes suggesting that those

might disagree. In worship

listening

ways.

have found to

who were

services as well as small groups, the

assumption was not that authorized teachers should be instructing the
but that each individual had the

ability

rest,

and responsibility to develop

personally meaningful spiritual path. As the Unitarian minister said proudly

congregation,

his

truth

all

who was

their

they

own

are

path'.

'people

And

as a

strands,

all

searching

experimenting with different types of spirituality told

helpful in the spiritual

life

we found

'spiritual'

dimension of

all

what was

that these were the congre-

gations which went furthest in presenting and picturing
set

us,

was to follow 'whatever seems heart centred to

you'. In keeping with this emphasis,

of an external authority

for

member of the same congregation

God

not

terms

over against the individual, but as the deepest,
life

and

all

human

an external check on what counts as spiritual,

lives.
it is

Instead of there being

only within the depths of

personal experience that the Spirit can be encountered - indeed the Spirit
these depths, depths in which individual

other

life

found to connect with

is
all

life.

Despite strong tendencies in the direction of subjective- life spirituality,

however, we also found some countervailing tendencies

congregations

Distinguishing Religion and Spirituality

of experiential humanity. For one thing, we found that older members
of these congregations tended to be more comfortable with more structured and patterned ways of proceeding, and that moves towards a deeper

emphasis on subjective-life were often being made by younger people
outside the context of the main worship service (e.g. by setting up small
spiritual groups).

we found

In addition,

with congregations of humanity a strong

that these congregations share
stress

on the overriding duty of

humanitarian care. Instead of merely encouraging individuals to discover
the sacred in their

own

way, whatever that might be, these congregations

human

often identify the sacred task with the duty of care for fellow

beings and the whole planet (justice, peace and ecology). As a conse-

own

quence, the encouragement to probe one's

spiritual

depths

checked or even contradicted by appeal to the higher good of

may be
a loving

community.

we found

Overall then,

realm

which

the congregational

who

to 'become themselves', those

conform

'disciples',

and heeding the voice of
than within; the divine
say

that

participate in this

their lives to higher authority.
'servants', 'children'

than by relying on one's
is

subjective-life

domain of Kendal

to be a

take precedence. Rather then being encouraged

life-as roles

and

They

The

inner voice.

are exhorted

are 'hearers', 'followers',

'sheep'. Salvation

'the shepherd', 'the Lord',

own

domain

truth

comes by hearing

'Our Father', rather
is

'out there' rather

transcendent rather than immanent. This

ignored or neglected in the

not to

congregational

domain of Kendal, merely that it is expected to be conformed to acceptable
norms rather than being regarded as a source of authority in its own right.
Nevertheless,

we found some

of congregations
life

and bring

interesting variations

in the characteristic

ways

between different types

which they handle subjective-

touch with the sacred. To sum up:

Congregations of humanity expect subjective-lives to be wholly dedicated to the service of

found outside

God and

oneself, in one's

oneself in the depths of one's
self-sacrifice overrides

fellow

human

neighbour

own

beings.

to be

in need, rather than inside

experience. Since the imperative of

any impetus towards self-cultivation, these congre-

gations tend to offer least in terms of the cultivation and

of unique

God

enhancement

subjective-life.

2 Congregations of difference render
beings and teach that he

known

God

wholly external to

human

only through Jesus C'hrist and the

Distinguishing Religion and Spirituality

Word of

scripture.

sacred

the

only

Individual

lives

obeying

come

these

saving

-into

higher

23
with

contact

Such

authorities.

congregations make an explicit offer of subjective reconstruction and
satisfaction,

but

subjectivities

comes about not by heeding one's unique

but by putting them under the control of higher authority.

name

3 As their

insist that this

suggests, both congregations of experiential difference

and experiential humanity

are the

most willing to accept that God

not

only external, but can also enter into individuals' unique experience. As
such, they travel furthest in the direction of a subjective-life spirituality.

However,

of experiential

congregations

insisting that subjective

experience of

difference

God

always be checked against the higher authority of the

And

qualify

this

or the Holy Spirit must

word of

scripture.

congregations of experiential humanity step back from the

full

au-

thorization of subjectively guided spirituality by steering subjective-life in
a

humanitarian direction.

none of these

Since

spirituality^

of the

variations qualifies our overall observation that the con-

domain

gregational

predominantly a realm of

life-as religion

rather than subjective-life spirituality, they

do not

spiritual revolution claim in the following chapter.

and

affect

life-as

our

test

Their significance

become apparent later in the volume when we broaden our horizons to
some of the more highly experiential forms of congregation found elsewhere may be developing in such a way that they have tipped
over, or will at some point tip over, into the category of subjective-life spir-

will

consider whether

momentum

ituality,

and so add

look

another possibility - that more subjectivized forms of life-as religion

and

life-as spirituality are

doing

decline of the congregational

the

to a spiritual revolution. In addition,

momentum which favours

relatively well, serving to

domain

as a

also

down the
slowing down

slow

whole and thereby

the spiritual revolution claim.

Life in the Holistic Milieu:
Spiritual Revolution Claim

The

Having

conclusion concerning the congregational

arrived at this

domain, we

now

showing that the

'life-as'

'Spirituality'

of the

pave the way for testing the spiritual revolution claim by
activities

of the

holistic milieu are

tated around the cultivation of subjective-life.

predominantly orien-

Distinguishing Religion and Spirituality

Nuts and

Two

bolts

main forms of

found

associationai activity are

in the holistic milieu

of Kendal and environs (the area within a five-mile radius of the town):^

groups and one-to-one practices. During the autumn of 2001, there

were approaching one hundred practitioners catering

what they understand to be

members of

for the

these groups and the clients of these one-to-one practices,

providing

all

activities.

Although

number of groups is the same as the number of one-to-one
groups are more popular: around two thirds of those active in

provisions,

significant

spiritually

the

belong to them. Regarding the
aromatherapy to Buddhism,
naturopathy to

circle

dancing to the Alexander Technique,

The most popular

reiki.

the milieu

themselves, they range from

activities

yoga, followed by various

versions of massage, aromatlierapy, homeopathy, reflexology, the Alexander

Technique,

osteopathy,

chi,

tai

Activities take place in a variety

the

Town

and

reild

Hall and the Quaker Meeting House.

main specialized

centres,

the Fellside Centre

training school), the Lakeland College of
(largely

flower

essences

therapy.

of settings, including people's homes,

Many

take place at four

(an Alexander Technique

Homeopathy, Loop Cottage

groups and workshops) and Rainbow Cottage (largely one-to-one

activities).

In addition, holistic activities are catered for by relatively

self-

contained enclaves within institutional settings (settings which provide
a

wider range of provisions for the public): Kendal College (with

Holistic Therapy

Care

(with

its

Centre (with

its

Diploma and various evening
complementary health
six

yoga and

portrayal of the milieu

events - the gatherings,
as

tai

and

chi groups). Finally,

Kendal Cancer

Kendal

workshops and

fairs, festivals,

Kendal and environs taking place

our introductory

list

talks that take place

of holistic milieu
weekly basis

activities

during the

autumn of 2001; Chapter Two provides an account of how we
the

Leisure

would be incomplete without mention of one-off

occasion demands. (Appendix 3 provides a

classes),

practices)

its

arrived at

list.)

As we enter into the

What

evidence

holistic milieu,

turn to the

nub of

the matter.

there that subjective-life spirituality and the nurturing of

unique

subjectivities

religion

and

characteristic

life -as spirituality.^

this

territory, rather

than

life -as

Distinguishing Religion and Spirituality

Statistics

some

Let us set the scene with

more informaIn answer to the question 'Do you
the greatest number of respondents

tion regarding the questionnaire.)
lielieve

any of the following!*'

(82.4 per cent) agree that 'some sort of
lives',

from the questionnaire we

statistics

distributed within the holistic milieu. (See

with 73 per cent expressing belief

Appendix

spirit

life

in 'subtle

nels) in the body'. Presented with a range

for

force pervades

that

all

energy (or energy chan-

of options and asked to select

the statement which best describes their 'core beliefs about spirituality',

40 per cent of respondents equate

spirituality

and decent person', 34 per cent with 'being
'healing oneself and others' or 'living

belongs to
alive)

and

ituality

life-itself ('subtle

energy

life

in the

understood to dwell within the
is

appears,

full'. Spirituality, it

body' which serves to keep us

seems that spirit/energy/spir-

lives

of participants, an interpret-

supported by the finding that very few associate

spirituality

with a transcendental, over-and-above-the-self, external source of
cance. Just 7 per cent of respondents agreed that spirituality

God's

will'. It

being integral to

(By

life

from beyond the

'perv^ading' or flowing

life:

contrast,

that almost

signifi-

'obeying

appears, then, that rather than spirituality serving to dictate

the course and nature of

alive.

caring

touch with subtle energies',

to the

subjective-life ('love', 'caring'). It

ation that

with 'love' or being

the

60 per cent

congregational

self,

domain

believe that 'spirituaUty

through

experienced as

life,

bringing

questionnaire

obeying God's

almost 70 per cent agreeing with the statement that

life

shows

will',

with

obey God's

commands'.)

Holistic activities

From

the statistical evidence, then,

subjectivities

may indeed be

appears that the cultivation of unique

central to the holistic milieu.

But

statistics

only

where what matters has much more to
do with activit)^-cum-experience than belief systems. So let us turn to our
more in-depth research on whether the spiritually informed activities of the
take us so

far, especially in a setting

milieu serve to cultivate unique subjectivities.^

Distinguishing Religion and Spirituality

entering the milieu, one

immediately struck by the pervasive use of

language: 'harmony', 'balance', 'flow', 'integration', 'interaction',

'holistic'

'being at one', and 'being centred'.

connect'.

upon from our
aiming for
feel

The

we might say, is 'only
many which could be drawn

great refrain,

provide three examples from the

interviews, yoga practitioner Gill

really

Green

union between body, mind and

integrated', kinesiologist Jan

Ford Batey

says that 'what

spirit;

talks

I'm

make people

of 'dealing with

emotional, mental, physical and spiritual aspects of the whole being', and
astrologer

Helen Williams told us

how

of you and

that 'If you've got a sense of

the bits

all

move

they can be integrated together, you can actually

through and grow'.

Above

the activities of the milieu provide the opportunit)^ for partici-

all,

pants to 'grow': to

with

'habits' associated

dis-ease has to

move beyond

those 'barriers', 'blocks', 'patterns' or

by making new connections. So whether

'dis ease'

do with the bad

habits of the

body (manifested

back

aches, for example), emotional blockages or dysfunction (involving stress

or anger, for example), or problems in relationships at

home

work

or at

(such as an inability to assert one's needs or a sense of low self-esteem), the

important thing

move on or 'grow' by

linking

up more

holistically

with other aspects of life - in particular with the spiritual dimension.
Reiki practitioner Fay Bailey

one

bit

without the other'.

the 'other' which

makes the general point, 'You cannot heal

And

for the practitioners

of greatest significance

of the

holistic milieu,

the spiritual aspect of life. For

whatever progress might be made by addressing bodily complaints (for
example) by linking them up with and exploring underlying emotional
factors (for example), the ultimate goal

aspect of
that in

with

its

life

to facilitate contact with the

which best serves the dynamics of the whole. For the

which

all

things

come together, and in which each
To illustrate, yoga practitioner

deepest dimension.

Wetenhall affirms the importance of 'weaving in the
relationship

between the mind and the body and the

reconnects

life

Celia Hunter-

spiritual
spirit'.

spirit is

element, the

And

Julie

Wise

describes her Infinite Tai Chi group as providing a 'very integrative ap-

proach' that serves 'to aid spiritual awakening and growth'. Participants,
she says, are provided with the opportunity to 'undo those patterns and
habits'

which keep them locked into impoverished modes of being. They
touch with their 'true nature' - the 'energy' which,

are enabled to get in

once experienced, serves to suffuse their

life:

'The more you get

with your true nature, the more peace and love you have,' she

one-to-one aromatherapist practitioner Linda McGarvey puts

says.
it,

touch

'because

Distinguishing Religion and Spirituality

are part

matters

of the

spiritual path, the

who they are', thereby 'helping
own personal healing process'.
of

towards wholeness'. What

who

they are and the potential

journey

'helping people to connect with

each person, whatever they are, in their

go deeper to bring

Typically, then, activities enable participants to
ituality (or functional equivalents

'true nature') to bear

esteem, aches and pains,
tate the

within

such

stress,

of their experiences (low

and so on). Holistic milieu

spiritual

spir-

as 'energ\^', 'chi', 'qi', 'prana',

the particularities

convergence of the

self-

activities facili-

path and the personal path.

What

lies

often envisaged as being person-specific. Fay Bailey, for instance,

spoke of that which

makes us

'within us and

lies

a person',

and Linda

McGarvey of the importance she attaches to the 'deep inner self and deep
inner knowing'. Numerous group facilitators and one-to-one practitioners
spoke of enabling people to get
'dealing with issues of

all

touch with and explore the

the content in

life

the person, the essence of the person' as Jan Ford Batey put
people's

own

spiritual aspect

accordingly. Personal
ity

truth',

it;

of releasing

'heal

provided

'true nature', the 'inner-directed solutions'

of one's being serve to cultivate one's personal

life

it.

themselves' or, as

Participants are enabled 'to live their

we might

say,

are

provided with

the opportunity to he-come themselves. 'Live in harmony with your
flyer for

put

life

thus remains as unique or distinctive as the spiritual-

or 'deep inner self which suffuses

own

spiritual resources, as others said.

Flowing from one's
by the

'true' self;

from that aspect, the core of

Raja yoga meditation puts

- 'bringing out yourself,

life', as

we might

it.

Relationships
Additional evidence that the spiritually informed
milieu are serving to nurture unique subjectivities

activities
is

of the

holistic

provided by the nature

of the relationship between practitioners and participants. Time and time
again,
their

hear practitioners rejecting the idea that their relationships with

group members or

what we

clients

are calling in this

Statements

like that

fixed faith or

dogma

have anything to do with pre-packaged, or

volume

'life-as',

ways of transmitting the sacred.

of homeopath Beth Tyers,
I

adhere to' were

typical.

certainly don't have a

So were words to the

effect

of Shiatsu practitioner Jenny Warne's affirmation, 'We don't want to be

something that we impose on somebody

else'.

Jaquetta

Gomes, of

the

Distinguishing Religion and Spirituality

Theravada Buddhist group, explained that 'People don't want

a package,

they want to think for themselves'.

Far from telling their group
or

feel, in

the

members or

manner of life-as

clients

what to think, do,

religion, practitioners continually

the importance observing' their participants. Their language

believe

emphasize

of 'helping',

'guiding', 'supporting', 'working with', 'encouraging', 'enabhng', 'nurtur-

and

ing', 'facilitating'

rather than

to-one

'steering'.

The focus

on some higher authority or

activities,

but also in groups

common

the unique participant

good. Especially

in one-

(in particular smaller ones), practitioners

explore what kinesiologist Jan Ford-Batey

calls

'presenting details', namely

the 'issues', the hopes and fears, of their participants. Practitioners say that

they are then more than happy to tailor their
particularities they

duced to the

engage with the

have encountered. Clients and participants are not intro-

central, spiritual

become 'open' or

activities to

dimension of the dynamic 'whole'

'ready to hear' about

it (if at all).

In short, to draw on the

words of acupuncturist Janet Conway, 'Because everybody
everybody is treated completely differently'.

With widely used expressions
tic

like 'child -centred

until they

so different,

education' in mind, holis-

milieu practitioners are thus highly 'participant-centred'. Fully recogniz-

ing that participants, alone, can truly experience their
the practitioner
their

own

life

to enable participants to

own

lives,

the job of

become themselves by

'trusting

experience', to use Julie Wise's words, by 'listening' to

their bodies, feelings, intuitions, 'inner

cated meanings have to

tell

what

knowledge' or personally authenti-

them, and by sensing what

'out of balance' so

they can 'work through their blocks' appropriately. If participants should
discover that a particular activity

them

not working for them, then

to look elsewhere: 'They've got to find out

basically', as

it is

what works

right for

for

them,

massage practitioner Chloe Crossley emphasizes.

Psychosyn thesis practitioner Caroline Cattermole provides a good formuof the kind of relationship - between practitioners and participants -

lation

which

widely encountered within the milieu.

What

she does, she says,

involves 'the client having a conversation with themselves,

simply making sure that that conversation
this, participants are
ity whilst

an honest one'.

provided with the freedom to exercise their

and you

are

elaborate

own

seeking to heal themselves, grow, develop their life-paths,

authorlive

out

their lives, express themselves. Practitioners certainly see themselves as able

to serve their participants, but generally speaking this
egalitarian, sharing, reciprocal relationships

tion

of unique

lives

rather

than

the

which

done by way of

greatly favour the cultiva-

application

of the authoritative

Distinguishing Religion and Spirituality

(Freudian)

know

you

better than

.
.

imposiJ:i()n

we encountered

ized ways of life. Indeed,

in the introduction

exaggeration to say that

and developed

many of those

And

lives

also

theme

to introduce a

Chapter Four,

active in the milieu

developing the 'me' of their

selves to be

of correct or standard-

number of practitioners who

participated in the activities of other practitioners.

mentioned

not an

it is

understand them-

by way of the 'we' of group and

one-to-one encounters.

Experiences

remains to emphasize the extent to which the holistic

of the

activities

milieu serve to address, nourish, cultivate and enrich the experiences of

out what

McKay's
Qi

good

out of

life';

health, fulfilling relationships

moving

freely,

leaflet

spell

Kendal Leisure Centre

Jane Deeks's reiki offers

sense of

and enthusiasm for

life';

Shiatsu explains that

'When our

experience overall wellbeing and

Neil

'good

nutritional consultancy offers 'emotional balance' as well as

Jenny Warne's

health';

Yoga

offer in the holistic milieu.

offers 'to take the stress

wellbeing,

and brochures

Publicity material such as the leaflets

subjective-life.

energ)^ or

vitality';

Berna-

dette Riley's brochure states that 'Rebirthing sessions develop awareness,
sensitivity

and self-confidence

trust in relationships';

'deep relaxation

developing sense of physical

... a

and craniosacral therapist

calmness and wellbeing

Adam

safety,

Rubinstein writes of

vitality'.

In virtually every case, the publicity material which

we have

collected,

which covers the great majority of the holistic activities of Kendal and
environs, refers to the

Hardly

experiences.

theme. To

theme of enhancing the

surprisingly,

many

Waters

(client

illustrate, Jeff

Rainbow Cottage)

talks

'life

having

tional level', Marilyn Solsbury (yoga

side to

life',

quality of subjective-life

participants

refer

of kinesiologist Fiona

felt lighter

the

same

Adams

and better on an emo-

group member) of 'getting to

calmer

and Erica Donnison (yoga group member) of yoga being

'pretty high for overall wellbeing'. Likewise,

having said that

'spirituality is

often about feelings'. Infinite Tai Chi practitioner Julie Wise spoke of 'em-

bracing things

form

our anger - love

it,

and by doing so to gradually

trans-

it'.

Another way of making the point that the spiritualit)^ of the milieu is
very much to do with the enhancement of the quality of personal experience

by showing that other goals are not to the

fore.

Consider,

first,

the

Distinguishing Religion and Spirituality

quest for enlightenment. Questionnaire returns

show

that just 7 per cent

consider spirituality to be 'overcoming the ego', and under 10 per cent of
participants in the holistic milieu are involved with activities, in particular

groups, which focus on this quest.
significant

numbers

consider the opposite possibility that

are deploying spirituality to

advance their progress with

way of spiritualmake more money; or drawing on spirituality to enhance their performance of life-as roles. Without denying that some in the holistic milieu
attend to the 'externals' of life, we did not meet many who were using
spirituality in an instrumentalized way, as a means to achieve prosperity.
Neither did we find much evidence of the application of spirituality to
serve life-as duties, obligations and responsibilities. The focus is very much
on making life work by enhancing the quality of personal - belonging-tothe-person - experiences rather than on improving the qualit)^ of experiregard to the 'externals' of life: empowering themselves by

ity to

ences by conforming to

pull out the

life-as roles.

main points of our discussion of the

holistic milieu:

rather than imposing pre-packaged life-as values, beliefs or injunctions, the

great majority of the holistic practitioners of Kendal and environs are intent

on enabling their participants to he-come themselves. Participants are not
called upon to be anything other than what they are at heart. Practitioners
work with their participants to enable them to be true to their deepest
experiences of themselves, to know themselves, to build upon themselves.

And by

virtue of being holistic, practitioners enable their participants to

experience spirituality as integral to the 'wholeness' of their being. Spirituality,

however

through

directive

subjectivities,

might

itself be,

thereby experienced as flowing

without violating or harming the unique

as the

sum

of personal life-experience.
Finally,

although the

and environs has
this

tivities,

where

Kendal

do with the nurturing of unique

subjec-

spirituality

a great deal to

of the

in the milieu.

end of

Numbers of

participants

great

many of

evidence."^

to be

draw on
practise

found every-

activities for this-

yoga

little

the

holistic, let

means
alone

being attached to their engagement. However,

does nothing to detract from the
a

Some

alleviating stress, for example, with

spiritual, significance

importance to

of the milieu

not to say that holistic spirituality

worldly, personally orientated purposes.
to the

activities

fact that virtually

their participants

subjective-life

are

spirituality,

holistically

with

all

practitioners

this

and

orientated, attaching

life-as

religion scarcely in

Distinguishing Religion and Spirituality

Conclusion:

Our

Two Worlds

research in Kendal (and environs) has revealed that the 'massive sub-

more evident in the holistic
milieu than in the congregational domain. For we have found that whilst
the former is predominantly to do with holistic spirituality which acts with
of modern culture'

jective turn

and through the

do with

indeed

far

of subjective-lives, the

particularities

which

theistic authority structures

latter

direct

very largely

to be lived in

life

accordance with 'higher' values.

Thus the congregational domain and holistic milieu of Kendal are largely
The one emphasizes life-as and the normativi-

separate and distinct worlds.

zation of subjectivities, the other subjective -life and the sacralization of

unique

subjectivities. In the former, self- understanding,

change, the true

sought by heeding and conforming to a source of significance which

life, is

ultimately transcends the

change, the true
a source

has to

life, is

life

of this world; in the

sought by seeking out, experiencing and expressing

of significance which

do with

latter, self- understanding,

lies

within the process of

life itself.

The one

deferential relationship to higher authority, the other with

chasm lies between
domain ('God .knows what is
than we know ourselves', 'Fix your eyes on him. Take

holistic relationship to the spirit- of- life. Concretely, a

what we have heard
best for us better

them

in the congregational

own selves') and the holistic milieu
own resources, spiritual resources'.^

off yourself, 'Lift us out of our

where
This

'the
is

aim

to build

on people's

not to deny that we found something of a spectrum from congre-

gations of difference and congregations of humanity at one end (placing

more emphasis on
jective-life at
'this-life').
tial

truth without than truth within) to spiritualities of sub-

the other (with the importance they attach to what belongs to

Somewhere between
more

two we

the

difference and, even

find congregations of experien-

humanity, whose relative

so, experiential

openness to the entry of the sacred into personal experience brings them
closer to holistic spiritualities

of the very few individuals

domain and the

who

this-life.

Revealingly,

are active within

holistic milieu are associated

we found

that

most

both the congregational

with the Unitarian chapel

(however, the total numbers participating in experiential religions of hu-

manity are small, around 6 per cent of the congregational domain
whole). Overall then,

we found

very

of the congregational domain and

little

as a

overlap between the 'two worlds'

holistic spirituality,

with only around 4

Distinguishing Religion and Spirituality

per cent of congregational

week

members having

in holistic activities that

significance,

native or

participated in the previous

they regarded as having spiritual or religious

and only 6.4 per cent agreeing with the statement that

complementary non-church forms of

spirituality

'alter-

have things to

teach Christianity'.

Post-modernists write about the disintegration of boundaries, the
or 'hybridization' of previously distinct beliefs and

activities,

fiision

and of people

drawing on provisions which used to be kept apart. Journalists speak of

new

'pick 'n' mix' attitude to religion

such a post-modern condition
gational

and

spirituality.

In Kendal at least,

scarcely in evidence. Instead, the congre-

domain and holistic milieu constitute two largely separate and
So far as the spiritual revolution claim is concerned, this

distinct worlds.

means

that they can readily be used to see

ive-life spirituality are faring

the latter

- and thereby

overtaking the former.

how

life-as religion

test the validity

and subject-

of the claim that

Chapter Two
Testing the Spiritual Revolution

Claim

Kendal

Scholars have talked about the decline of the sacred, seeing

but have

secularity,

were changing. (Robert Wuthnow, 1998,

The emergence of
Stacey,

2000,

how

failed to see fully

Life, rather

being replaced

understandings of the sacred

p. 3)

than God, as the

site

of worship. (Jackie

124)

have supposed that what has been happening has been the secularization of

religion^
life,

and we have

even though

failed to see the

much

greater extent of the sacralization of

has already deeply affected us

The previous chapter

has established that

all.

(Don

we can

Cupitt, 1999, p. 2)

use the two associational

heartlands of Kendal to determine whether those forms of the sacred which
respect, relate to, resource or serve peoples'

unique subjective -lives are

faring well whilst those which do not are faring badly. In this chapter

way

which the sacred

underway - or has taken place - in the
embodied, experienced and understood in face-

therefore see whether a revolution

to-face settings.

Our
in

initial task is

to provide a snapshot of the

the congregational

whether the

domain and the

holistic milieu.

spiritual revolution has already

ciational activities.

can then

move on

numbers of people involved
This

will

sometime soon, even

if it

to the second task: tracing change

over time. This will enable us to see whether the spiritual revolution
to take place

tell

taken place in the realm of asso-

likely

has not already done so.

Counting the heartlands
TTje con^re£fational

domain

Locating the congregations we planned to count involved some detective

work, for we were anxious not to miss any.

Many were prominent

in the

Testing the Spiritual Revolution Claim

town, for they are housed

and chapels which often have
tourist information

lists

Kendal

dedicated and purpose-built historic churches
a

visible presence.

powerful

directories,

and newspaper advertisements of worship service

times helped us locate the harder- to- find congregations,
recently established, and

Phone

some 'hidden'

in a

meeting

some of them

hall

quite

or (in one case) a

cemetery chapel. Having looked into the possibility that there might be
churches outside the town boundary that were heavily used by Kendalians,

and which might therefore have to be included

they very largely served their local communities.
attention to the places of worship where

our count, we found that

therefore confined our

most of the churchgoing popula-

tion of Kendal are to be found, namely those within the

town

itself.

Having located all the congregations, we established contact with their
and gained permission to undertake our research. Initial observa-

leaders,

tion of their activities helped us think through the issue of

Since worship was the central activity for

we needed

clear that

all

numbers involved

to count the

what to count.

these congregations,

Sunday continues to be the main day of worship

in worship.

was

Since

for the congregations

Kendal,

we decided

yield

one of the best-established measures of congregational

would be best to count attendance at Sunday
worship. Although the 'typical Sunday attendance' figure that this would
is

that

the study of Christianity, there has recently been debate about
Afi:er
like

having considered the arguments

in favour

we were

Sunday attendance would be the best measure

that t)^pical

spiritual revolution claim.

its validity.

of alternative measures

average weekly attendance over a month, however,

of testing the

vitality in

for

satisfied

our purpose

Having made these decisions about what to count, we began to think
about

how

best to undertake the task.

the well-established

(doorstep,

methods

postal

methods
or

could have used one or more of

for determining attendance figures: surveys

telephone)

are not necessarily reliable.

clergy

estimates.

reviewed in Chapter Three, indicates that polling
lation

may

among

USA,

the general popu-

of attendance. Aiming to be

yield exaggerated figures

ate as possible,

However, such

Research in Britain and the

as accur-

therefore decided to adopt the strategy of counting

every single person entering a place of worship in Kendal on a typical

Sunday.

the best of our knowledge, this

headcount has been carried out
(1904) organized a similar count

in
in

Britain

London

the

since
in

first

time that such a

Richard Mudie-Smith

1903.

Though

a challenge

to organize and administer, such a headcount would yield an accurate and
reliable figure for typical

Sunday attendance

Kendal.

Testing the Spiritual Revolution Claim

Our

Kendal

plan was to station counters at every entrance to every church, chapel

or meeting house in Kendal on a typical Sunday.

congregational leaders in advance (though

We discussed the count with
did not disclose the date

would be carried out), and we noted down all the Sunday service times, and
the number of entrances to each building. Since we needed 29 'counters', we
asked 24 volunteers from amongst our Religious Studies undergraduates at
Lancaster Universit)^ to serve as additional counters alongside the core
research team. After a pilot count at one of the

the town, a 'master plan'

was drawn up

medium -sized churches

for the co-ordination of the day. All

the counters were issued in advance with clear instructions concerning their
duties,

and were trained

The headcount was

how to undertake

carried out

which we took to be pretty
holiday period or church

the count.

on Sunday 26 November 2000,

typical in that

festival

day.

did not

fall

in,

day

or near, a

Counters were stationed

every

entrance to every church, chapel or meeting house, at least half an hour in

advance of every service of the day. They were asked not only to count
attenders but to record their gender and estimate their age.

this

end

they were supplied with count sheets on which they were asked to place
tally

mark

young

for each attender in

M or F' (primary school
and 'adult, M or F' (18 and

for counter to distinguish gender), 'child,

age), 'adolescent,

above).

one of the following categories: 'baby' (too

or F' (high school age)

Where churches had more than one

double or treble counting individuals

who had

service, in order to avoid

already attended a service,

counters asked each person whether they had attended earlier that day. At
three sites where this proved difficult, congregational leaders or greeters

were asked to estimate numbers of double attendances.
Everything went according to plan. By the end of the day

we were

on the basis of which we could tally
numbers and work out gender ratios and age profiles for each congregation. Once we had analysed the data, we sent all congregational

possession of a sheaf of count sheets
overall

leaders a

summary of

complete

a brief questionnaire to

the figures

we had gathered, and asked them to
compare our numbers with their own

Sunday attendance. It was found that in most
numbers were very similar (apart from the Salvation Army where
we had been forewarned that owing to practical transport difficulties that
week the attendance would be lower than usual).
clergy estimates of typical
cases the

Our key

finding was that 2,207 people (adult and younger) attended

the 25 churches and chapels of the congregational

November 2000;

that

domain on Sunday 26

7.9 per cent of the total population of Kendal.

Testing the Spiritual Revolution Claim

The

holistic

Kendal

milieu

According to Steve Bruce (1996a),

'clearly impossible' to

'count the

numbers involved' in the 'New^ Age' (p. 222). Difficult, yes; impossible,
no. The task was demanding, for it was by no means easy to track down all
those activities which have to

do with

was by no means easy to count those

holistic spirituality.

who

Furthermore,

are involved in these activities,

an obvious challenge being to find a way to avoid double (treble,

etc.)

counting of participants.

Preparing for the count

At the very beginning of the Kendal

Project,

we had

to decide whether

it would make sense to count holistic milieu participants on a 'typical day'
- thereby retaining strict comparability with the congregational domain

The

count.

holistic

milieu, however,

Christian Sunday. Nevertheless, the

has

day similar to the

single

rhythm of activity

of a similar weekly

order: the weekly group, the weekly visit to the one-to-one practitioner,

or even more frequent participation.
then, was to decide to count

on the

The only

basis

realistic

way forward,

of participation during a

typical

week.^

We
ity

also

had to make

we were

to count.

a decision regarding the kind

had to

of associational

specify those associational activities

activ-

which

were similar enough to the congregational domain to ensure that we could

compare

ensure that

with

like,

whilst at the

we could compare

same time being

different

enough

the relative vitality of subjective-life forms of

the sacred with those of a congregational, life-as variety.

In order to retain comparability with the congregational domain,

employed the following

specifications. First, given that

our study of the

congregational domain has not included anything which individuals might

do on their own (such as praying or reading the Bible), we determined that
we would only count those involved in associational, face-to-face activities
(rather than people meditating alone or reading
for example).

mind- body-spirit books,

Second, given that our study of the congregational domain

has only looked at designated places of worship
schools, for example),

we determined

involved in activities taking place within
(rather

than

taking place

within

and

(not

Christianity

we would count only those
their own self-contained contexts

that

witli

reference

such

broader

Testing the Spiritual Revolution Claim
institutional contexts as schools or businesses)^

And

Kendal

third, just as congre-

gational activities are taken to be of sacred significance by those

who

lead

them, so we determined that we would only count those involved with
activities

which were taken to be of sacred significance by those who pro-

vide them.

In order to make sure that there was also the necessary difference with

domain to make it possible to test the spiritual revoluwe of course decided that we would only count those activities
which had to do with the cultivation of subjective -life spirituality in the
the congregational
tion claim,

understanding of the practitioners

Having

specified

who

offered them.

what to count, our next

was to locate

task

it.

As we

have already explained, where the congregational domain was concerned

our study to the town boundary, since church and chapel

restricted

provision for Kendal's population

largely concentrated within that area.

In order to be comparable, however, we found that

needed to take place not

holistic milieu research

town, but within a five-mile radius

just in the

of the town. This was because two key

holistic centres

which

lie

just out-

side the town (Loop Cottage and Rainbow Cottage) cater for a significant
number of Kendalians. If we had excluded the activities taking place within
them, we would have failed to count a significant segment of Kendal's
holistic scene. When we come to calculate the numbers involved in
the holistic milieu, we therefore express them not as a proportion of the

Kendal population

congregational numbers), but as a proportion of

(as for

the population of 'Kendal and environs' (1999 population 37,150).

Turning to how we found the specific activities we wanted to count, we
wanted to make sure that we did not miss anything relevant to do with

Guided by our four

subjective-life spirituality.

sought to build up
kind of

of every

activity

specifications,

therefore

which mi^ht have to do with the

under consideration. This 'mapping' exercise was not

spiritualit}^

light task.

a list

For whereas most of the congregations of Kendal meet

identifiable buildings, associational activities

often considerably

difficult to locate.

beyond church and chapel

Groups

in clearly

are

(for instance tai chi) or

one-to-one encounters (for instance aromatherapy) often take place in
rented rooms and

halls,

involved a considerable
cafes, shops,

or in private houses. Accordingly the

amount of

other public places such

and

tourist information centres

and

spirituality like

ing anything

detective work. Visits were
as the

Hall, the Library, leisure

and specialized centres

Rainbow Cottage,

spiritual

Town

mapping
made to

for holistic healing

to look for flyers and cards advertis-

or spiritual-cum-religious

significance.

These

Testing the Spiritual Revolution Claim

Kendal

adverts varied widely from minimal, handwritten details ('Elaine, Shiatsu

and

phone...')

Reiki,

publications
the

such

and

(free

Cumbria Green Handbook,

national

sold),

North West

the

produced posters or

professionally

Noticeboards, local newspapers

magazine

listings

New Age

and

Caduceus and Body and

zines like Kindred Spirit,
Cumbria Yellow Pa^es, were all checked
visits were made to groups and centres,

who

for leads.

leaflets.

specialized regional

Cahoots and

holistic health

maga-

Soul, as well as the

And

same time

at the

know people
many of whom who did not

in order to get to

could direct us to other practitioners,

advertise.

In order to test the spiritual revolution thesis, however,
take a second step. It w^as crucial that

whittled our

we needed
most

initial,

inclu-

sive, list

down

'spiritual

dimension', and which, more precisely, had to do with subjective-

life

spirituality.

virtually

all

to just those activities

Accordingly,

which practitioners

interviewed

the one-to-one practitioners (a

all

saw^ as

having a

the group facilitators and

number by

telephone). In add-

enabled us to establish close relationships with key net-

ition, fieldwork

workers - people with wide-ranging experience and knowledge of the kind

of activities we wanted to find out about. On the basis of all this research
we compiled a list of activities to be counted: a list which included practitioners who used the term 'spiritual' - or close cognates such as 'chi',
'energy' or 'vibrational qualities' - to refer to the 'flow' or inherent nature

of life, and which excluded those
have

a spiritual

who

said that

what they practised did not

dimension. (Some osteopaths, for example, were therefore

included, whilst others were not.) Overall, then,
it

onto our 'counting'

ers

task

who

list

attached at least

had group

all

the activities that

made

and one-to-one practitionsome importance to 'inner' spirituality - to the
facilitators

of enabling their participants to get in touch with inner 'energy' or

'spirit'

which could

Appendix 3

The count

for a

summary of the

number of individuals

week, we attended

their activities to be

all

how

involved in groups during a

those groups run by practitioners

spiritual significance as the

course. Attendance figures were noted

asked

their lives. (See

itself

In order to ascertain the
typical

empower and ftilfil
activities we identified.)

holistically heal,

Kendal Project ran

down, and group

facilitators

when

there

its

practitioners

were

on the

basis

representative they were. Figures were only revised

of information given by group

who took

seemed

to be very

Testing the Spiritual Revolution Claim

why

clear reasons

they were abnormal. Otherwise,

Kendal

was assumed that

divergences from norms would even out between groups overall.
In trying to gauge the

Kendal and environs during

ual practitioners of

faced with a

far

to the one-to-one spirit-

numbers of clients going
challenging task.

Many

week, we were

a typical

one-to-one practitioners

could not say what a typical week was because numbers could vary so

much from one week

The

to another.

estimates that they were willing to

were often based on different time

give

One

scales.

person might

any one time'; another, 'about 20 a month';

to estimate' or, 'about

Some

tricky.

others,

still

'it's

'up

too

difficult

books'. Using such information was

answers, such as the overall

books, could not be used, in

er's

200-300 on

say,

20 or 30

to five people a day, three days a week'; another might say, 'about

number of clients on

this case

a practition-

because different clients' patterns

of attendance vary widely from two or three visits a week to a one-off visit
for a particular ailment - so knowing how many clients practitioners have

their

books gives

little

clue as to

how many

they will see in an average

week. But where practitioners gave figures for different lengths of time,

such

weekly or monthly

as daily,

simple, but conservative, maths.

clients,

figures, these

Where

practitioners did not give a

number

was sometimes possible to assign conservative estimates based

on some knowledge of

their practice, such as

worked. Working carefully through our

was thus possible to come up with
the

could be standardized using

number of

dimension to

clients attending

list

how many

days a

week they

of one-to-one practitioners,

a conservative overall

weekly estimate of

one-to-one practitioners with a

their practice at a location in or within five miles

spiritual

of Kendal.

A picture of the numbers involved in a typical week was beginning to build
up. However, fieldwork had
there were around

those

'acts'

840

'acts

made

increasingly apparent that although
fair number of
more than one activity.

of participation' each week, a

were by the same individuals engaging

To retain comparability with our headcount of the congregational domain,
we had to find a way of avoiding double (treble, etc.) counting. Furthermore, fieldwork was making

found

their activities to be

increasingly clear that not

all

participants

of spiritual significance (some, for example, told

us that they were practising yoga to 'de-stress'). In order to address such
issues,

and gather other information, we used the

naire (see
ities

Appendix

I).

holistic milieu question-

By providing respondents with

(taken to be spiritual by their practitioners) that

and environs, and by
been involved

aslcing

them

list

of all the

we had found

activ-

Kendal

to tick the activity or activities they had

during the preceding week, we were able to measure the

Testing the Spiritual Revolution Claim

Kendal

extent of multi-participation and reduce our weekly participation figures

accordingly.
activities as

were

having

also able to establish the

'a spiritual

So what were our key
practitioners

these,

their

dimension' (see below).

During the autumn of 2001, 95

findings?

were providing the

and environs.

numbers who regard

activities

of the

holistic milieu

spiritual

of Kendal

41 were group practitioners serving 63

different

groups, while 63 were one-to-one practitioners serving individual clients

and having an estimated average of four
established during the

were taking part

year of the Kendal Project that

which enabled us to

more than one

provided us with our

final figure:

involved in the 126 separate

assess the

one-to-one
activity

Having

some 840

asso-

number of people who

associational encounter per week. This

during a typical week, 600 people were

activities

provided by the holistic practitioners

Two

of Kendal and environs: 1.6 per cent of the population.

600 people,

clients.)

were taking place weekly, we then carried out ques-

ciational encounters

tionnaire research

first

week.

clients per practitioner per

(Thus nine practitioners serve both groups and individual

can be added, were participating

activities,

in groups,

thirds of the

and one third

with significant numbers engaging in more than one

- whether group, one-to-one or both.^

These figures had been determined by the end of 2001 At the close of the
.

end of June 2002), and thus with an additional six
months of research completed, we were finally in a position to scrutinize all
the information we had gathered - questionnaire findings, field notes, interKendal Project

(at the

views, the primary literature

we had collected - to assure ourselves that we had

only counted those involved with spiritually informed activities

drawn upon to

cater for

unique

subjective-life.

ition to assure ourselves that the spirituality

and environs

which can be

Only then were we

of the

holistic milieu

in a pos-

of Kendal

predominantly of subjective-life significance. In short, only

the end of the Project did

number of people

definitively

conclude that the milieu - and the

involved - provided what was required to test the spiritual

revolution claim. (See Chapter

One for the detailed evidence.)^

Counting the Heartlands Over Time
The decline of the congregational domain
Reliable longitudinal

domain

Kendal.

data

Some

hard to come by for the congregational

churches and chapels have no records

all.

Testing the Spiritual Revolution Claim

Others have only

partial

Kendal

and/or patchy records. Openings, closings and

mergers of various churches and chapels add a, further complication.
is

more, there

data that

Some

What

of comparabilit}^ between and within the

a frequent lack

available.

congregations record attendance numbers,

numbers of communicants, still others record membership
figures (with membership itself being defined in different ways), and some
congregations have changed the way they count at some point in their
record-keeping. Prior to the Kendal Project, there had been no systematic
others record

study of the congregational domain in Kendal, and subsequent to Horace

Mann's (1854) census of churchgoing in 1851, there appears to have been
no serious attempt to arrive at a reliable figure for church attendance in the
town.

numbers in the congredomain in Kendal over time we have therefore relied on tw^o
methods. The first was to gather what figures we could for the main types
In order to build up a picture of the changing

gational

of congregation in Kendal that were discussed

in the last chapter.

to select as representative a sample of congregations as possible,

our

final selection

was constrained by

availability

tried

though

of records (most notably,

the lack of reliable longitudinal figures for a congregation of difference).

The congregations

Holy

selected were

Trinity Anglican

Church (congre-

gation of humanity), St Thomas's Anglican Church (congregation of experiential

New

difference).

experiential difference),
ential

Community Church (congregation of

Life

and the Society of Friends (congregation of experi-

humanity). The second method was to draw on trend data for Great

Britain as a whole, particularly that gathered in the three clergy- estimate

censuses for
in

t)^pical

Sunday church attendance

carried out by Peter Brierley

1979, 1989 and 1999. Since our longitudinal data for particular types of

congregation largely corresponds with national findings, and since our

head count figure of 7.9 per cent

identical with Peter Brierley's

figure for Great Britain (p. 2.23), the picture in

Kendal

(2001)

unlikely to

deviate significantly from the national picture.

Both the
in overall

local

and the national data suggest severe and

church attendance

Kendal since the 1960s

prior to that time, see Chapter Five).

To begin with

relentless decline
(for the picture

the national longitu-

dinal figures, according to Brierley (2001, p. 2.23) 11.8 per cent of the

population of Great Britain attended church in 1980, 11 per cent in 1985,
10.3 per cent in 1990, 8.8 per cent in 1995, and (as
7.9 per cent
years.

2000:

a decline

we have

just seen)

of almost exactly one third over

just

Testing the Spiritual Revolution Claim

Kendal

Clearly these figures conceal differing rates of change experienced by
different types of congregation.

But

turn next to the figures

gathered from the four Kendal churches, the picture - though more
differentiated -

is still

one of decline

The raw,
show

(relative to the population).

non-adjusted, attendance figures at Holy Trinity and St Thomas's

congregational numbers to have been

fairly static since

the 1960s;

New

Life

in 1981) experienced growth until the late 1990s followed by
and the Society of Friends has been in decline since the 1960s. If

(founded
decline;

population growth over the same period

none of these congregations has managed

New Life

taken into account,
to keep pace -

find that

and that

all

but

have declined by around a half since the 1960s, for the population

of Kendal grew from 18,599
cent. Indeed, at the time

1961 to 27,610

1999 -that

is,

by 48.4 per

of our research we did not find any hard evidence

to suggest that any of the congregations of Kendal, of whatever type, had

managed

to keep pace with population

period, probably

no more than

growth (other than

a decade, as in the case of

for a short

New Life).^

Thus, taking population growth into account, the overall picture

domain in Kendal. In terms of
numbers most congregations have been static or declining since
the 1960s, and relative to the growth of the town the congregational
domain appears to have followed the national trend and declined by
the steady decline of the congregational

absolute

around

a half since that time.

The growth of the
Academics

holistic

milieu

rarely claim that holistic ('alternative',

sive') spiritualities are in decline.

Even

'New Age'

or 'expres-

secularization theorist Steve Bruce

(1996a) writes of 'the flowering of alternative ideas and therapies' and the
'enduring

demand

for such practices' (pp. 233-4).

Such claims have been

supported by various forms of evidence, including mind- body-spirit book
sales

and population surveys. To the best of our knowledge, however, no

one has ever addressed the matter by way of

a locality study, charting face-

to -face holistic activities over time.^

One way of building up
interviewed

some 25 long-standing

urally, their oral histories

comparing the interviews
a

a picture

by way of memories. To

end,

participants in the holistic milieu. Nat-

cannot be taken
it

this

as the

was possible to

gospel truth. However, by

arrive at

what appeared to be

reasonably reliable delineation of the broad contours of change. In

Testing the Spiritual Revolution Claim
addition,

collected old brochures and flyers advertising holistic activities

- material which helped confirm the picture provided by the oral

Kendal

also delved into the past

histories.

by way of the Yellow Paqes, the trade

listing

felecom Archives' records of

phone directory in the UK. Using the British
the Cumbria and North Lancashire Yellow Pajjes, which

ran back to 1969,

we were able to chart the number of one-to-one Kendal-based 'comple
mentary

therapists' advertising their services.

of growth, from
not

complementary

all

having

a spiritual

The

picture which emerges

nothing to almost 40 services

virtually

homeopaths)

therapists (say

dimension,

this research strategy

an exact measure of change with regard to the

1999. CJiven that

see their practices as

does not

number of

in itself

provide

holistic activities

taken to be spiritual by their providers. Hut our mapping at the beginning

of the Kendal Project of

those

all

activities in

Kendal and environs which

could have been of spiritual significance (thus including

all

homeopaths,

for

example) shows that roughly two thirds of one-to-one or 'complementary'
practitioners (as of
a ratio

2001

sec their practice as having a spiritual dimension:

will

on the

light

complementary

ten adverts for Kendal

or so

)

which can be used to shed

when we

past in that

therapists in 1990,

find

likely that six

it is

have been providing spiritually significant provisions.

So what has emerged from our study of the
1960s and 1970s, say interviewees, was
servative with a small

"c"

The Kendal of

past?

the

well-heeled market town', 'con-

a traditional

place 'with only four types of

it hardly comes as any surprise
Hunter Wetenhall reporting that 'Kendal was

vegetable available in local greengrocers'. So
to find yoga teacher Cclia

not touched by the
first

clear signs

sixties'.

As the 1970s progress, however, we

of the emergence of

regular Transcendental Meditation meetings in

three

complementary

therapists advertising their wares.

More groups appeared during
first

the earlier 1980s, for example Kendal's

Buddhist group (formed 1982) and

Alexander technique school, running

gramme, was

established in

1985

in a

Fellside Centre. This also provided an

one-off workshops with

drama,

tai chi,

1980s wore
Ian

first

astrology classes (1985).

building which became

And

as the

Universal Peace Dancing, psycho-

spiritual

on. Overall, though, by say

groups.

known

important venue for new groups and

and energy and auric work. There was

new

three-year teacher training pro-

activities like

report, of the coalescence of a

spiritual

find the

odd yoga group,
someone's home, around

holistic activities: the

a sense, interviewees

network

1987 there were

neither were there

Kendal

still

many one-to-one

the

relatively

few

practitioners:

Watson (today co-director of the Lakeland College of Homeopathy)

Testing the Spiritual Revolution Claim

told us, for example, that only
a

week) was

active

HoUigan, reported

Kendal

one homeopath (practising

for just

one day

Kendal around 1985. Another homeopath,

that, 'If

you

said to

someone

Sally

you were studying

that

homeopathy, they would often say "What's that then?"'

During the

later

new

entered a

New Age

the

1980s, however, the development of the holistic milieu

phase.

hands-on healer and

real

turning point was reflected in the founding of

facilitator

of Findhorn-inspired workshops, reports

between 1989 and 1991 cards began to appear

that
for

high street shop 'Turning Point' in 1988. Suzanna Michaelis,

and the

in cafes

homeopathy, acupuncture and massage bearing names she had never

heard of before (prior to

1992

CHOICE

ment) was

this,

she

knew

all

the practitioners in the area). In

(Complementary Health Options In a Caring Environand in 1993 Ian Watson founded the Lakeland College

initiated,

of Homeopathy and Personal Development. From an

intake of 18,

initial

by 2001 the college had over 140 students enrolled on three-year and
post-graduate courses. Kendal College started running a Holistic Therapy

Diploma

1994 (CeUa Hunter Wetenhall, having estimated an intake of
40 had enrolled), and also started running evening

16, was shocked to find

courses

bow

crystal healing, the

Alexander technique, and astrology. Rain-

room

Cottage, providing outlets for one-to-one practitioners and a

for spiritual groups,

was established by Linda McGarvey

Loop Cottage -

a somewhat more
- developed during 1997.

Just as the

casual centre for groups

1999; and

and workshops

growth of centres and courses took off during the later
number of spiritual groups - Buddhist and yoga groups,

1980s, so did the
for example.

One-to-one

activities

have also grown since the

Thus the number of complementary

later

1980s.

therapists advertising in the Tellow

Pa£fes started to rise quite sharply as the

1980s drew to

a close. Indeed,

numbers have roughly tripled since 1990 (from 10 in that year to 36
1999) - an increase which of course includes non-spiritual forms of

their
in

complementary

activities,

but which also includes the approximately two

thirds of one-to-one practitioners

who

consider their activities to be

spir-

itually significant.

Given that our research indicates that the number of groups
proximately tripled during the

last

also ap-

10 or so years of the twentieth century,

we can work backwards from the 126 separate activities on offer in 2001 to
conclude that about 40 activities would have been available in 1990 (our
evidence also indicating that there were around 30 in 1987, when the
growth of the groups and one-to-one

activities

holistic

spiritualities

Testing the Spiritual Revolution Claim

began to take

Overall,

off).

somewhat

Kendal

evidence unequivocally demonstrates

the

growth: from the virtually non-existent in 1970 to
today - or, to put

differently,

from

fact that the

available

nobody involved
of
a typical week
600

with groups or one-to-one practices in 1970 to the

of 2001. Furthermore, although the

that

all

virtually

population of Kendal has

grown by 48.5 per cent between 1961 and 1999 means that the congregational domain has declined considerably more than is suggested by how
congregations themselves have been faring (and perceive themselves to

have been faring), the population increase does very
picture of holistic milieu growth. For to
tic

milieu has

grown from

during the 1990s,

all

and

scratch,

Associational

undermine the
holis-

grew by around 300 per cent

when population growth was

Comparing the Two

little

and purposes the

intents

just

1.4 per cent.

Domains of Kendal:

A Spiritual Revolution?
Recalling the

numbers involved

in the

two

associational heartlands, at the

time of our study 2,207 people (or 7.9 per cent) were active in the congregational

domain of Kendal, and 600 people

we can

milieu of Kendal and environs. So

(or 1.6 per cent) in the holistic
say with

during a typical week in 2001 there were five times
in the congregational

domain

as there

were

in the holistic milieu.

Regarding the two associational heartlands,
a spiritual revolution

has not taken place.

that the holistic milieu
declining.
rate as

2ls

some confidence that
many people involved

it is

thus perfectly clear that

However,

equally clear

growing whilst the congregational domain

2/ the holistic milieu continues to

grow

at the

same

(linear)

domain continues
has done during the same period, a

has done since 1970, and 2/ the congregational

to decline at the same (linear) rate as
spiritual revolution

would

take place during the third decade of the third

millennium
This speculative scenario

critically assessed later in

immediately apparent, however,

the volume.

What

that although claims of a spiritual revo-

lution are exaggerated, a major shift has occurred in the sacred landscape.

The 1851

Religious Census

showed

that

to 47,7 per cent of the popula-

tion of 11,829 in Kendal took part in religious worship

on census day
(Mann, 1854, pp. 39-55). Even though this number is swollen by double
and triple attendances, it points to a society in which churchgoing was
normal rather than exceptional, and

which the congregational domain

Testing the Spiritual Revolution Claim

occupied an unchallenged position

Kendal

the monopolistic supplier of the

By the time we undertook our research

sacred in Kendal.

Kendal,

however, the congregational domain was facing serious sacred competition
for the

first

time in

its

Even though the

history.

'mini-revolutions' clearly have.
size

of the

gational

One

mini-revolution concerns the relative

and the major denominations within the congre-

holistic milieu

domain -

not taken place, a number of

spiritual revolution has

now outnumbers

for the holistic milieu

every single

major denomination besides the Anglicans. Thus our count shows that

comparison with the 600 people

Sunday there

a typical

531 Roman Catholics, 285 Methodists, and 160 Jeho- and 674 Anglicans. And if what is happening elsewhere in

are

vah's Witnesses

Great Britain, where Anglicanism
nominations,

active in the holistic milieu,

anything to go by,

one of the most

it is

swiftly declining de-

soon

virtually certain that there will

be more people active in the holistic milieu in Kendal than in Anglican
churches. Other mini-revolutions concern the relative vitality of particular

types

holistic

activity

and various denominations. Take yoga,

example, the most popular form of holistic group
environs: around

there are

250 people

are active

more people involved

in a

denomination besides the Anglican,

during

activity in

a typical

yoga group

Roman

Kendal and

week. This means

Kendal than

for

any

Catholic or Methodist.

Before drawing the discussion to a close, three important considerations

remain to be addressed. The

first

derives

from the

according to

fact that

the holistic milieu questionnaire 55 per cent of the respondents to the

multiple choice question 'Does this activity [practised during the

last

seven

days] have a spiritual dimension for you.>' answered in the affirmative. This

means

that during a typical

week not

1.6 per cent but 0.9 per cent of the

population of Kendal and environs were involved in what they (together

with the practitioner) took to be spiritually significant associational
ities.

What

to be

made of

this finding?

activ-

Should we use the 0.9 per cent

compare with the 7.9 per

figure, rather than the 1.6 per cent finding, to

cent figure for the congregational domain.^"'

The

validity

of testing the

spiritual revolution thesis

by comparing the

1.6 per cent figure for the holistic milieu with the 7.9 per cent figure for

the congregational

domain

lies

namely the numbers involved
be of

had

spiritual

with the fact that

compares

in associational activities

or religious significance by those

who

tried instead to use the 0.9 per cent figure for

we would have

faced the

difficult)^

of arriving

at a

which

with

like:

are taken to

organize them. If

comparative purposes

comparable figure for the

Testing the Spiritual Revolution Claim

congregational domain - namely

t±ie

Kendal

percentage attending Sunday worship

who consider their activit}^ to be of religious Or spiritual significance. We
know from fieldwork in Kendal that people attend churches and chapels for
a

wide variety of reasons, not

all

of which might be thought of

uphold

(or spiritual): for moral reasons (e.g. to

as religious

civic values), for social

reasons (one interviewee described his church as 'the best club in town'),
in order to have their children experience the benefits

ment, to

'get in touch' with a departed relative, to

cially in the case

on. Since

of newcomers), to find

we have not been able
doing so, we do not

difficulty in

of church involve-

meet new people (espeand reflect - and so

a space to relax

and given the

to quantify such matters,

think that

it is

useful to use the 0.9 per

cent figure for comparative purposes. (Interestingly, however, even

were to compare
holistic milieu

with unlike by using the 0.9 per cent figure for the

and 7.9 per cent for the congregational domain,

the latter

continues to decline at same rate as in recent decades, and the former to

continue to grow

has done, then the spiritual revolution can

predicted to take place just a few years later than
is

the

1 .6

still

per cent figure

used.)^

The second
typical

consideration derives from the fact that

Sunday attendance

weekly attendance

(for the congregational

(for the holistic milieu).

If research elsewhere in Britain

we have compared

domain) with

But what of longer time

typical
spans.>

anything to go by, monthly church

tendance figures tend to exceed weekly figures

a multiplier

at-

of about 1.5

(Benson and Roberts, 2002), and yearly attendance figures (not including
attendance
(Brierley,

baptism, wedding or funeral) by a multiplier of around 2.2

at a

2000,

p. 78).

And we know from our

people are often involved in holistic
time, their

short period of
place then being taken by others
which suggests that the

longer the time span
will

research in Kendal that

activities for a relatively

take, the greater the

number of

individuals that

be found to have been involved in the milieu. However, since formid-

able research difficulties - to do with tracking participation and avoiding
counting people more than once - mean that monthly or yearly figures

cannot readily

(if

ever) be established for the holistic milieu,

feel confi-

dent that the comparison we have carried out provides the most reliable

measure of the

The

final

relative strength

consideration

of the two heartlands.*^

that talk of a 'spiritual revolution' can easily

give the misleading impression that sacred activities are

the contrary, our findings

way,

it is

show

that even

if a spiritual

growing

overall.

revolution

under-

taking place within a realm of associational activities which

Testing the Spiritual Revolution Claim

decline. For the

pensating

tor

grow th of the

the

(

rcKui\cl\

of the

decline

Kendal

smalH

holistic milieu

(considerabh

n(^r

com-

congregational

larger)

domain.

Summary
Kendal has ntu experienced

a fiilK

tledged spiritual rexolution, e\en though

the sacred landscape has altered quite dramatically since the 1960s, with

mini levolutions graphically illustrating the degree of change.

life-as

ities

And

tc^

forms of religion

subjective-life
set the

clearh- in e\ idence, as

- albeit w ithin an ox

tone for the

last

decline

the turn to spiritual-

framework of secularization.

chapter of this \"olume,

ha\e charted continue into the future,
within the next 30 or so vears.

erall

The

the trends w e

a spiritual re\c^lution will take place

Chapter Three
Evidence for a Spiritual
Revolution: Britain and

Two

extraordinary facets of contemporary

confront a sociologist of religion. The

exploding - panoply of various regimes,
in

any large or middle-sized American

showing the world how

(Callum Brown, 2001,

immediately leap out to

the sheer - and exponentially

spiritual therapies

city.

gone

.the culture of Christianity has

Britain

spiritualit}^

first is

USA

and groups

available

(John A. Coleman, 1997,

of the new millennium.
we have known it can die.

in the Britain

religion as

198)

Eight out of ten Americans, not just 'religious' people, express desire for

growth. (George Gallup

spiritual

Jr.

and Timothy Jones, 2000,

45)

we move fiarther afield in our quest to test the spiritual
we do so we become increasingly reliant on research
out by others. Though we draw on work of the highest quality, it

In this chapter

revolution claim. As
carried

has rarely been designed with our questions in mind. That

why

the conclusions of this chapter must be

that have preceded

it.

less

one reason

determinate than those

Another has to do with the chapter's scope.

thing to ask whether the spiritual revolution has taken place in a

some 28,000

It is

one

town with

inhabitants (Kendal), but quite another to ask whether

has

taken place on a national or international scale. Towards the end of this

chapter

also

move away from

the relatively clear-cut business of measur-

ing associational religious and spiritual

of assessing whether a
large

We
in

and

in the

turn

first

realm of personal

USA

congregational and hohstic milieu

now

The USA

to the

tricky business

taken place in the culture at

belief.

to Britain and the

picture as in Kendal.>

activit\^

spiritual revolution has

compare the numbers involved

activities.

Do we

find

much

the same

particularly intriguing in this regard, since

widely claimed to be 'exceptional' (Finke and Stark,

Warner, 1993; Berger, 1999; Davie, 2002). The most

common

1992;

claim

Evidence for a

that there

possible

Spiritual

Revolution

simply 'more' religion in the

form of exceptionalism: could

USA. Our

be the case that there

evidence for the spiritual revolution claim in the

Remaining with

we have

characterized predominantly by
spirituality.

Now we

on both

Finally,

religion rather than subjective-life

life-as

true,

cultivate

we would have

unique

fiirther

subjective-lives.

sides

we broaden

of the Atlantic to consider

spiritual

taking place

enter Christian

this possibility.

moving beyond the realms of congre-

the picture by

revolution

evidence to support the

gational and holistic milieu associational activities altogether.

whether the

domain

consider evidence that congregational activities else-

within rather than outside the congregational domain.
territory

consider another inter-

revolution claim - evidence provided by what

spiritual

in Britain?

seen that the congregational

where may be serving to authorize and
the extent that this

USA than

we then

associational activities,

esting possibility. In Kendal

interest lies in another

consider

underway, or has taken place, with

regard to widespread cultural provisions, including products on sale in
shops, media content, and activities in educational and health care contexts.

also consider another possibility: that subjective-life spirituality

flourishing in the realm of beliefs.
sions

and popular

Could

may be

be the case that cultural provi-

beliefs indicate that the spiritual revolution has

more headway outside the realm of
within

made

'heartland' associational activity than

it>

These are big

issues

and big questions.

definitively in a single chapter.

cannot hope to

settle

them

can, however, marshal available evidence

to provide provisional answers.

Spiritual Revolution in Britain

and the USA?

Britain
According to our measure of

activity

during

a typical

week, the

spiritual

revolution has not taken place in the associational heartlands of Kendal,

but can the same be said for Britain
Until

now

as a

whole.

the problem with determining the current level of weekly

church attendance in Britain has been not a lack of data, but discrepancy

between different sources of

data.

According to national sample

polls, at-

tendance has been at the level of around 12 per cent or more for several
decades. For example, the British Social Attitudes survey of 1997 reported

Evidence for a Spiritual Revolution

that 12 per cent of the population of Britain attended weeldy (Brierley,

2000,

p. 72),

and the Soul of

of 2000 provided a figure of

Britain survey

15 per cent (Heald, 2000). According to the polls the proportion claiming
to have gone to church on the Sunday prior to interview has been relatively
steady since the 1950s at 10 to 15 per cent (Field, 2001, p. 10).

Since 1979, however, polls have been supplemented by another source:

Peter Brierley's surveys of church attendance in Great Britain, which are

based on individual clergy reporting

levels

typical

Sunday attendance

own churches and chapels. These surveys report a lower level of
Sunday church attendance in Great Britain than the polls: 10.3 per cent in
their

1990 and 7.9 per cent

2000 (2001,

Brierley concludes that

p. 2.23).

people say they go to church more often that they
'reporting factor'

that has not varied in the

For the

first

really

do, and that the

about double the true level of churchgoing - a ratio

began

years since his surveys

(p. 5.15).

members in Kendal
findings. Our results sup

time, our headcount of congregational

allows us to adjudicate between these discrepant

port Brierley's findings over the polls, for Brierley finds that 7.9 per cent of
the population (4,604,500 people) attended church on a typical Sunday in
the year 2000, and our head count revealed that 7.9 per cent of the population

of Kendal (2,207 people) attended church on

2000. This finding would not be decisive

there were

thinking that Kendal was not representative of the
will see

below that

Nor do we know of any

domain

Kendal

Sunday

good grounds

UK as

whole, but

for

socio-demographic terms Kendal does not seem to

deviate from the national picture in any striking
ness').

a typical

way (other than

its

'white-

reason for thinking that the congregational

particularly unusual.

In any case, the Kendal Project yielded additional evidence to support

the accuracy of data yielded by clergy- reporting over that based on
reporting. In 1998, before

carried out our

headcount

self-

Kendal, and

before clergy and congregational leaders had been told such a count would

we asked them to estimate the numbers in their congregations
typical Sunday. The total clergy-estimate figure came to 2,466. Since

take place,

on
this

only slightly higher than the figure yielded by the headcount carried

out two years

later,

helps confirm the accuracy of individual clergy-

reporting as a source of information about attendance.

Thanks to these findings we

are

now

able to rely

Brierley's research

with confidence, including his findings about the decline of the congre
gational

Two

domain

Great Britain over time.

It will

be recalled from Chapter

(p. 41) that Brierley's surveys reveal the severe and

ongoing decline of

Evidence for a Spiritual Revolution

regular attendance in the congregational
last

domain

Great Britain over the

couple of decades, by almost exactly a third since 1980 (2001,

Evidence presented

Chapter Five

p. 2.23).

139) shows that Sunday attendance

(p.

has probably declined by around a half since 1950.

When we
milieu,

from the congregational domain to the

shift attention

find that

far

it is

holistic

harder to arrive at a figure for national involve-

ment. Given the amount of research that would be required to establish

number of people

the

practising holistic, mind-body-spirituality activities,

a weekly basis, in various kinds

regions (north, south west, etc.),

amount of work remains

Our

strategy

localities (inner city, rural, etc.)

So how

to be done.

are

to proceed?

to extrapolate from Kendal findings to arrive at a figure

for Great Britain.

To do

this,

though, we obviously have to show that

Kendal findings are representative of the national picture. But

this

when we do not know

activities,

weekly

tackle this

basis, in the

the

numbers involved

can

in holistic milieu

problem, we draw on the few relevant figures which are

available for the nation.

These derive from research which has been carried

not perfect for our

task.

Many of

not consider their practices to be of
activities

how

nation as a whole.

out into complementary and alternative medicine (or
are

and

hardly surprising that a considerable

it is

CAM).

CAM

those providing

spiritual significance,

CAM

figures

activities

and many of the

we found in Kendal and environs (such as yoga or tai chi) are not
much of the CAM literature. However, if we can show that the

discussed in

numbers involved with
of Kendal and environs

CAM

activities

which belong to the

are in line with national figures,

holistic milieu

we can support

the

case for using Kendal Project findings to provide a national figure for holis-

milieu participation during a typical week.

tic

Simon

Mills

and Sarah Budd (2000) estimate that there

aromatherapy practitioners
Kendal and environs

in the

thus four or

Budd

(p.

five;

17). The
we found

predicted
six.

are

6,943

number

Regarding

for

reflex-

The prediction
for Kendal and environs is eight; we found eight. Given that we have only
found one anomaly (homeopaths, the prediction being that we would find
one whereas we actually found nine), we can thus be confident that the
ology, the Mills and

CAM activities
tive

of Britain

of the
as a

national figure

holistic milieu

12,648

(p. 37).

of Kendal and environs are representa-

whole. In addition. Mills and

Budd

estimate that there

60,000 practitioners of CAM in the UK (p. 55). This indicates that we
ought to find 38 practitioners based in an area with the population of
are

Kendal and environs; we found 42.

Evidence for a Spiritual Revolution

CAM

taken to involve one-to-one participation.

activities arc generally

So we have

what of the group

to ask:

activities

of the

Kendal and environs? Pulling together evidence from

holistic milieu

estimate that between 400,000 and 500,000 people are participating

yoga groups

the nation, and around 100,000

in tai chi

former figures predict between 253 and 316 participants

groups.

Furthermore,
there

CAM

no reason

looks as

activities are also in line witii Britain as a

activities

The

Kendal and

environs (we found 250), the latter 63 (we found 63). So

though these two group

of sources,

a variety

whole.

of Kendal and environs are representative,

same does not apply to group

to suppose that the

activities.

What makes

more confident of being

us even

able to extrapolate from

milieu

our 1.6 per cent weekly participation figure for the

holistic

Kendal and environs to provide

that data concern-

ing the

town of Kendal

a figure for the

nation

corresponds very closely with that for Eng-

itself

land and Wales. Adding together the 2001

(>ensus figures for the

Kendal wards, and comparing them with the overall

and Wales, we

find that Kendal's age

occupational grouping
occupations), and so
fact that

the fact that there are

social gradation
is

statistics for

and gender structure

England

typical, so

being slightly skewed towards lower income

(albeit

Kendal College

not

and educational attainment (the

a college

somewhat fewer

of Higher Education explaining

full-time students than the national

figure).

Overall then,

safe to extrapolate

from the

fact that 1.6

per cent of

the population of Kendal and environs are involved on a weekly basis in
associational

This

means

activities

that

regarded

slightly

over

spiritually

900,000

the holistic

of Great

inhabitants

(57,103,927 according to the 2001 Cknsus)

by practitioners.

significant

are active

Britain

weekly basis

milieu of the nation (913,663 to be exact) - of whom 146,000

are spiritual practitioners. (It

figure provided for

interesting to

compare

this

with the 1994

GPs by The Royal College of General

Practitioners,

namely 37,352; or the widely cited figure of 25,000 therapists
with an equal number of clergy.) We can also assume that just

in Britain,

55 per

cent of the holistic milieu of Kendal and environs take their current holistic
practice to be of spiritual significance, so will

milieu of the nation - that

would obviously

rise if

is,

million people. (The

one included those engaged with

cant practices during any time
practising

about half

around 55 per cent of the

the past but

group or one-to-one

who

arc

basis). In addition,

number

spiritually signifi

no longer currently
and thinking of the

Evidence for a

mini-revolutions

600

Spiritual

Revolution

discussed in the

chapter, the fact that

last

individuals (42 per cent) of the holistic milieu of Kendal

practise

yoga during

a typical

week

approaching 400,000 individuals
attending

many of the main

372,600

Kendal and environs suggests that

practise this activity during a typical

250 of the

and environs

the holistic milieu of Great Britain

week -

larger

number than

are

Christian denominations (Methodists totalling

2000, Pentecostals 216,400, according to Brierley (2001,

p. 2.23)).

To close our discussion of the holistic milieu in Britain, we must consider
how it has been faring over time. In Kendal and environs, it will be recalled
from the
tic

last

chapter,

activities prior to

we found

virtually

1970.

applies to the nation overall.

no evidence of associational

are pretty confident that

much

holis-

the same

Even where the counter-culture was most

evidence, namely uni\ersity towns and rural areas like the Welsh Borders,
there were very few groups and one-to-one activities of the kind
today. This

not to deny that the

find

(running from the mid-1960s to

'sixties'

the mid-1970s) saw plent\^ of subjective-life spiritual activity - whether

exploring 'inner space' by way of
East. Indeed,

and some

it is

rural areas, there

were

subjective- life spirituality in (say)

incontestable fact
activities

1960s -

LSD, music, nature or

the journey to the

highly likely that in Britain, especially in university towns

many

not more individuals pursuing

1970 than

in (say)

1985. However, the

that the subjective-life spiritual groups

and one-to-one

we measure grow^th have grown nationally since the
they have grown in Kendal. They must have done so in

by which
just as

order to have attained their current numerical significance relative to the
situation in 1970.^

conclude that

just as the spiritual revolution, as

we have

defined

reference to the relative weight of congregational and holistic milieu activities,

has not taken place in Kendal, so

has not taken place in Britain.

True, there might well be some hot spots around the nation where
taken place (places
localities

Totnes and the Dart

valley,

has

perhaps, or specific

of north London). Equally, there might well be some 'cold spots'

where there

little

sign of a spiritual revolution taking place. But con-

sidered overall the sacred landscape in the country remains dominated by

the congregational: the same ratio that applies to Kendal, namely 1:5 in

favour of the congregational domain, applies also to Great Britain.

The

implications for the scholarly literature are clear. Insofar as associ-

ational involvement
holistic milieu

concerned, the figure

we have

(900,000 plus) shows that Bruce (1996b)

arrived at for the
is

wrong when he

Evidence for a Spiritual Revolution
claims that 'the

number of people

in alternative religions

[in Britain]

minute'

(p.

who

have shown any interest

273). Certainly the 900,000 plus

no more 'minute' that the 2001 Census finding that there are
people
of Hindu affiliation in the UK, some of whom will not be
558,810

figure

participating in temple associational activities. (For comparative purposes
is

worth noting

that the census yielded a figure of 1,591,126 for

Where associational involvement
(1999) and Luckmann (1990) who suggest

affiliation.)

bell

concerned, those

Muslim

Camp-

that a spiritual revolution

something very close to it) has already taken place in countries like
Britain are also wrong - or perhaps premature. And, we can add, our
findings support those - most noticeably Bruce (2002) - who see secular(or

ization continuing in Britain.
holistic milieu has

For whether

be Kendal or the nation, the

not become large enough to compensate for the decline

of the considerably larger congregational domain.

USA
In the

USA,

unlike Great Britain, there

congregational domain

widespread confidence that the

robust good health. In a typical week,

many

books and magazines tell us, 40 per cent of the population will be in
church - making the USA an 'exceptionally' Christian nation when compared with Britain and the
this

commonly

rest

of Europe. The most important source for

40 per cent figure is the Gallup
The finding is based on responses to

cited

tional attendance.

polls

you, yourself, happen to attend church or synagogue in the
or

Other sources, however,

not.>'

of congrega-

the question: 'Did

seven days,

last

arrive at different figures for

weekly con-

gregational attendance. For example, the General Social Surveys that, like

Gallup, ask questions of a representative sample of the

report a figure of 30 per cent attending 'nearly every week' in

now, 2003,

p. 3).^

even lower figure has been arrived

test the

population,

2000 (Wuth-

by researchers

who

set

out to

accuracy of the polls' self-reported attendance figures by counting

attendance in different ways. Using three different forms of data collection
(clergy- reporting,
a

headcounting and counts of cars

1992 study of church attendance

churches

church parking

lots)

an Ohio county, and of Catholic

18 dioceses, found that actual weekly attendance was slightly

over half the rate indicated by national polls (Hadaway, Marler and Chaves,
1993). Additional research by this team of scholars, using

variety

Evidence for a Spiritual Revolution

methods including headcounts, has

consistently arrived at a figure of typical

weekly attendance of 'probably between 22 and 24 per cent' (Marler and
Hadaway, 2000, p. 42; see also Chaves and Cavendish, 1994; Hadaway,
Marler and Chaves, 1998; Marler and Hadaway, 1999; Hadaway and Marler, 2003). Though the higher self-reported figure yielded by the polls has

been vigorously defended (Hout and Greeley, 1998), the accumulating
evidence convinces us that the lower figure
true picture (and the

methods used

to arrive at

are

likely to represent the

compar-

readily

which yielded the figures of 7.9 per cent for Kendal and
We conclude that the proportion of the population regularly

able with those

Great Britain).

involved in the congregational domain
in the

USA

How

than Great Britain, not

probably about three times higher

times higher.

five

do the two domains compare over

time.>

have noted that

at-

tendance in Great Britain has declined by a half since 1950 - has the same
thing happened in the

USA}

even harder to answer

to find out about current attendance levels in the
either

from

polls or

have already noted the tendency of

ance

not

this

question than

since data derives

from ecclesiastical-reporting (data collected by denom-

inations/national church bodies concerning their

USA,

own

self- reporting

levels

of adherence).

to exaggerate attend-

and ecclesiastical-reporting seems beset by other

levels,

least that

difficulties,

church bodies tend to report 'adherence' rather than 'attend-

ance' and to define

in very different

ways - many adherents may have

stopped attending long ago.

Most of the
peak

in the

and then

national sample polls suggest that churchgoing reached a

USA

fell

in the

1950s

in the

immediate afi:ermath of World War

quite sharply in the 1960s

and/or

early

out. According to the Gallup polls, for example,

1970s before

II,

levelling

49 per cent of the

population attended church in 1958 and the level had fallen to 40 per cent
in

1975, since when

has been

fairly steady;

the General Social Surveys

agree but suggest very slight decline in the 1990s (Gallup and Lindsay,

1999,

p. 15;

Wuthnow, 2003,

p. 3).

similar picture

astical-reporting, with the Yearbook of

emerges from

ecclesi-

American and Canadian Churches

recording a drop in adherence of 12 percentage points between 1970 and

2001 (Lindner, 2003), and data collected by the Glenmary Institute showing a drop in adherence of 4 percentage points between 1971 and 1990
(Johnson, Picard and Quinn, 1974; Quinn, Anderson, Bradley, Goetting
and Shriver 1982; Bradley, Green, Jones, Lynn and McNeil, 1992).'^
It

can be argued in favour of such data that even

denominations exaggerate their

levels

individuals and

of attendance and adherence, such

Evidence for a Spiritual Revolution
exaggeration

likely to

be stable over time. Against

this,

Hadaway, Marler

and Chaves (1993) have suggested that whilst individuals' perceptions of
behaviour

their

may have remained

constant since the 1950s, their actual

behaviour appears to have changed considerably. They suggest that whilst

church attendance
people

now

is still

perceived as socially desirable in the

attend, and that the gap between

they say they

do may have widened

(1998) offer evidence to support

steadily.

this

USA, fewer

what people do and what

Hadaway, Marler and Chaves

hypothesis from Catholic (clergy-

show attendance declining by a half, whilst self-reported levels remain steady. The implication is
that churchgoing in the USA may have fallen from a 'real' level of 40 per
reported) attendance rolls in San Francisco, which

cent in the early 1960s to the 22-4 per cent level today, thus mirroring the
decline of around

50 per cent which has been experienced over the same

period in Great Britain. Independent supporting evidence for a decline of
this sort

of magnitude comes from time-use studies conducted in the

since the

1960s which reveal

fall

USA

attendance from around 40 per cent

25 per cent (Presser and Stinson, 1998).
Although there are counter- arguments in favour of the accuracy of the

to around

optimistic trend- data yielded by the polls,

evidence points to
the

USA since the

decline, however,

some

significant decline

may not be

believe the weight of
in

1960s. In the absence of conclusive data on the rate of this

we can

safely say

between about 5 and 50 per
States

of the congregational domain

cent.

only that

it lies

somewhere

in the

range

conclude that even though the United

quite as 'exceptionally' religious as

some

like to claim, its

congregational domain

is significantly more robust than in Great Britain:
more of the population, and declining less quickly.
Turning from the congregational domain to the holistic milieu of the
USA, establishing the weekly numbers of those involved in associational
subjective -life activities provided by spiritual practitioners is no easy task.
So far as we are aware, research focusing on this topic has not been carried
out in the USA.
A way forward is to draw on self- reported poll data. According to Wade
Clark Roof (1999), 14 per cent of baby boomers (namely those born
between 1946 and 1962) are 'metaphysical believers and seekers' (p. 204).
Since baby boomers constitute one third of the USA population, around

involving three times

5 per cent of the general population belong to

what Roof describes

as the

who emphasize 'immanent' spirituality and
211) - what we are calling subjective-life spirituality.

'subculture' (p. 203) of those
'self-expansiveness' (p.

But

how many

are also involved with relevant associational activities during

Evidence for a Spiritual Revolution

week? Roof

a typical

states that a third

seekers report that they arc

'in

his

metaphysical believers and

support groups where they can share experi-

ences and receive spiritual support from others

Expressed

themselves' (p. 205).

a proportion of the national population,

around 1.65 per cent

this

means

tliat

are involved with spiritually significant associational

groups."^

boom

Since this figure only refers to baby

metaphysical believers and

seekers involved in spiritually significant support groups,

into account the numbers involved with one-to-one

aromatherapy) or those group

as spiritual

not appear to qualify

activities

'support groups'.

do
mind

(such as yoga) which

also have to bear in

that the 1.65 per cent figure does not include those

cerned with drawing on

does not take

holistic activities (such

who

are

more con-

holistic spirituality to address dis-ease (etc.)

with spiritual seekership- cum -metaphysics, nor those
in secular ways,

body- spirituality resources

who draw on mind-

without any

And,

'spirituality'.

of course, the 1.65 per cent figure does not take into account people

might be involved with the
thirds of the population

who

holistic milieu

are

The number of those involved

who belong

but

One argument

'metaphysical

amount
milieu.

USA

in the holistic milieu

derives from, the fact that

and seekers'

who

it is

can infer that

it is

five

are 'metaphysical believers

milieu in the

USA

two

USA is

of the

clearly

how much

highly unlikely that

involved in groups

active in Kendal's holistic

reasonable to suppose that the holistic milieu of the

unlikely to be so very different

it is

also

are

more than 20 per cent of those

Given that

Britain),

who

believers

to the

who

not baby boomers.

higher than that indicated by the 1.65 per cent figure. But
higher.>

than

from

its

equivalent in Kendal (or

times as big as the percentage of people

and

seekers'

- so

20 per cent of the

are seekers, the total percentage involved in the holistic

would be around S.^
Another argument involves

milieu

Davis, Ettner et

al.

CAM

usage. Figures provided by Eisenberg,

(1998) indicate that 19.5 per cent of the

USA

popula-

tion saw an alternative, one-to-one therapist in 1997.

Thomas, Nicholl and
Coleman (2001) arrive at a broadly comparable figure for England of 13.6
per cent (p. 2). Assuming that spiritually inclined practitioners make up at
least as large a

proportion of

CAM

practitioners overall in the

England, that means that the number of
practitioners in the

England.

of use

And
the

USA in

a given year

given that there

USA

clients seen

USA

spiritual

as in

CAM

about 50 per cent higher than

no obvious reason why temporal

patterns

should be radically different from England, we can

Evidence for a Spiritual Revolution
conclutic with sonic confidciuc
cfiil

than

onenlaled

(

the

There
is

than

larger

that

urck .ipproaching SO per

reasonahle lo assunu- lhal

per cent

.6S

the

that

milieu

holistic

'metaphysical

figure

argument indicates

true that holistit milieu

the S.in fr.uicisco P)ay

the

l>ut

area by the earlier 1970s ~

has the holistic

middle sized American city\ provided
in

Wuthnow (1976)

'in

1970. Summari/ing evidence drawn from

hard copy listings' and on websites),

articles

which

hav^e

press and magazines like 'lime, and .uademic publications

of growth.

the

Web

had existed

around IS, 000 different

sites

in the

around 22
where the

1970, we very

USA, and
t()

we conclude

possibly

ec)ui\alenl figure

for that critical test
spiritual revolution
in a

involves

cent, the ratio
is

the

much doubt

that

New

7.9

|)er

cent.

given

a spiritual

namely the

ratio

The

lu^listic

but

milieu of the U'SA

would

In-

revolution to have taken place. As
of

what could turn out lo be

between congregation.il

week - we have seen

3:1; but

a typical

on any reckoning,

that

(ireat

24 per cent of the population and the
is

under-

clearly larger than in (Jreat l^ritain

of the development

used, the ratio

carried out,

Great Britain? With

l>ritain

favour of congregational numbers. If the congregational

figure

the picture

24 per cent of the populati()n pr()bably attending on

by no means large enough for

numbers

appeared

revolution

a s|)iritual

more advanced than

also larger than the 1.6 per cent of l>ritain

USA

range of

would have been advertising yoga

Sunday, the congregational domain

would

they do today.^

Pulling things together, can

way

any large or

the start of this chapter,

hand

first

including primary material (in particular adverts for events

sources

York

in places

surely the case that

contemporary situation

the

and

believers

were present

.ittivities

experience of yoga during this [x-riod. However,

CyolemaiTs description

ISA

could go up to 8 per cent; our

reports that H per cent of inhabiianis of the Kay area had had

not have applied

means

vvhicii

approaching SO per cent

l^e

could go up to close to 2.S per cent.
It

healer

spiririially

per cent figure for Hngland (or Britain)/'

the

orientated group praetitioners

wliole could well

as a

(>AM

spmin.ilU oncjiiatcd

here are pioportionarely

doiihting the fact that

first

milieu grown?
like

little

seekers'. ()iir

second

spiiitiially

USy\ milieu
1

}',i\(

healers lhan in laiu,laiuh H

larger than the

consull

iirihermore,

^AM

there are also
dial

USA

people- in ihc

l.n[;laiui.

ih.ii

.iiui
ii

domain

holistic

S:l
of

the

holistic milieu 8 per

the (approaching) 2.S per cent holistic milieu

around 10:1.

L'ntil

further research has been

foolharcK' to suggest a precise ratio.

Evidence for a Spiritual Revolution

Looking

longitudinal c\ idcncc, although

at the

arc prctU' certain that

domain in the USA is taking place at a
faster rate than is often thought, sound evidence to say how fast it is
declining is simply not available. There is certainly no reliable evidence to
show that it is declining as tast (or taster) than the congregational domain
in Great Britain - evidence that would be required to help support the case
the decline of the congregational

that the trends that there

USA

tion in the

now

momentum

greater

than in Great Britain. As for

almost certainly bigger in the

probably

much

the same size in 1970,

taster rate since the

about

USA

1960s. That said,

behind

tJie holistic

growth. As things stand

at the

it is

grown at a
however, we do not know enough
has almost certainly

moment,

domain
gro\\ing
trends which

milieu, since

than in Great Britain, and was

current size to be able to assess the scale or

its

a spiritual revolu-

momentum

its

then, the only safe conclusion

USA

and the

that the congregational

milieu

certainly ha\'e to be present if a re\ olution

declining in the

holistic

to take place in the future.

A Spiritual Revolution in Christianity?
Up

to this point

wc ha\e

than
tic

life-as religion

the spiritual re\'olution claim - that

tested

is set to become, more important
- by treating the congregational domain and the holis-

become, or

subjective -life spiritualit)^ has

milieu as separate 'blocs'. In the case of Kendal,

this

was

life

spirituality

justified

by the
in

the

fact that there

and

in the

within Christianity.^ If this were true

the

\'italit)'

subjective-life spirituality

holistic

is
it

evidence of subjectivelife-as

religion

becoming increasingly intluenw ould mean diat our simple

and congregational

of subjective-life

that

be the case that in Britain more widely,

tial

comparison of

litde

congregational domain, or of

the holistic milieu. But could

USA,

was very

we have shown

spiritualit)^ in tiie

vitalit)^

has under-estimated

sacred landscape as a whole.

must therefore look within the congregational domain on both sides of
the Atiantic to see whether a Hfe-as emphasis in Christianity is being supplanted by developments of a

variet}'

subjectivized nature. Given the internal

of the congregational domain, the best way of doing

considering in turn each of the four main

oudined

Chapter One. As well

subjectivization within each variet),

decades.

arieties

Christianit)'

this

b)'

w hich

w^e

exploring the nature and degree of

will

consider their fate in recent

Evidence for a Spiritual Revolution

Con^re£fations of difference
Given that congregations of difference are defined by their orientation
towards the higher, external authority of a Ciod to w hich human beings

must conform

their lives in order to be saved,

might seem unlikely that

the influence of subjective-life spirituality could creep into this sector of

Ammerman's (1987)

Christianity. In-depth qualitative research like

of a conservative Baptist congregation

USA

in the

confirms the picture of

strongly 'differentiated' communities in which individuals defer to

women

men and

which

children to parents, and in

study

life is

to very clearly defined roles authorized by the infallible

God,

lived according

word of scripture.
how-

In his studies of evangelicals and evangelicalism in the early 1980s,

Hunter (1987) discovered evidence of

ever.

subjectivization in evangelical ranks.
ceticism' giving

way

growing

He found

liberalization

to a 'fascination with the self and with

and

and moral

'self-sacrifice

human

as-

subject-

(pp. 65-71). But a recent study which replicated Hunter's research
design discovers that the 'coming generation' of evangelicals has not subivity^'

jectivized as uniformly as

Hunter predicted (Penning and Smidt, 2002). To

the contrary, American evangelicals appear to have become somewhat more

conservative with regard to theology, morality (particularly with regard to
the family) and politics.

Only where

concerned

there

evidence of a growing subjective turn, with 94 per cent of evangelicals

1996 agreeing

self-identity

that 'self-improvement

important to me' compared with

87 per cent in 1982, and 75 per cent feeling 'a strong need
ences' compared with 68 per cent in 1982 (p. 89).

What we seem
a

concern with

constrained by a
find

growth'

its

strict

cultivation, but only insofar as

theological and moral framework.

^'^

Even when the language of

adopted,

used to speak of a

and conforms to God-given

gations of difference have
fully

unfavourably

rules

and

begun to draw

subjectivized
as

experi-

forms

'New Age') and

What we do not

'spirituality'

life

contained and

moral and

and

'spiritual

which the individual

roles rather than to his or her

inner feelings, convictions, instincts and judgements. Indeed

tween

new

of) subjective-life,

any clear evidence of an authorization of subjective-life

religious matters.

listens

for

to be finding in Christian congregations of difference

growing recognition of the importance of (the quality
and

a sharp

and

spirituality

many congre-

critical

(often

the true Christian way.

contrast be-

categorized

The same

critique

offered by conservative Catholics as by conservative Protestants: that

Evidence for a Spiritual Revolution

New Age

order of things

new form of 'gnosticism' which turns the proper
upside down by putting human beings in the place of God.

spirituality

for the fortunes

of congregations of difference,

in Britain (including

Kendal) some of the smaller denominations of hard difference have declined very fast since the 1960s, even to the point of near extinction (the

Christadelphians in Kendal, for example). Yet attendance in the single largest conservative

evangelical denomination in England, the Baptists, has

almost managed to keep pace with population growth since the

which

in the rapidly secularizing British

cess (Brierley,

2000,

late

1970s,

context represents remarkable suc-

p. 37). This success

echoed

USA, where

in the

the

(more conservative) Southern Baptist Convention (SBC) has been one of
the most successhil of

all

large

Kelley (1995) pointed out (pp.
as a

whole

is still

growing,

xi-xii,

rate

its

denominations over the same period,

of growth

in the

SBC

20-5). However, although the

1990s slowed to around

Roozen and

0.6 per cent (Wuthnow, 2003, p. 10; Shibley, 1996, p. 58;

Hadaway, 1993, pp. 52-3).

Congregations of experiential difference

Though

they share important characteristics with congregations of differ-

ence, congregations of experiential difference place greater stress

importance of inner experience of the divine by way of the Holy

on the

Spirit.

Kendal we found such Christian experientialism to be firmly constrained by
a

framework of

life-as roles (see

Chapter One), but there

dence to suggest that elsewhere, particularly in the USA,
ing free of such constraints to take a

Donald Miller (1997) argues
experiential difference in the
tianity.

Could

be that the

ive-life spirituality,

and

that the

new paradigm

growing

may be

hally subjectivized

most

USA represent

successfLil

evi-

break-

form. Thus

congregations of

'new paradigm' within Chris-

beginning to embrace subject-

thus the vanguard of the spiritual revolution in

the congregational domain.

In support of this conclusion, one can cite evidence presented by Miller
in his study

periences,

new paradigm megachurches. Here

skills,

hurts, traumas,

vidual are taken far

the needs, desires, ex-

dilemmas and 'uniquenesses' of the

indi-

more seriously than is common elsewhere in the
Not only are there many small groups in which

congregational domain.
'individualities'

can be expressed and

churches organize their

lives,

'healed'

(see

worship and teaching

below), but these

such a way that the

ior

t vid(-'rK.(.'

imprc-ssion
II. il

l.ivonr

liidin^',

c-iuc-

c\ci\

with

.md

'msi

dcsigiK'd to

lull

liiiu-

way

fit

ways

vice- vcrs.i.

lh.it

.illhou^h these

.issistaiits

.IS

the-

holistic

ive-

niilie-ii,

them

give

more heed

tion

go so

iiK

new

the-

life-

m.iy

The

they

Nowhere

own

still

cluster of

P>97,

'H-'l

(

in.il

huK

p.ir

l.iy

;ilvvays

lod

lo he

p iniu

lil<"

.ind

tluic

lli.il

xpc

which hodv, mind,

111

other words,

hurc

the-

ne.ir

.r.

resistance to the

full

.ire>und

otlicT

sul))e(

they

I'or .iltlioiij.di

iiidividu.ils' subject-

tlie in.

hey

Word

of (lod.

to the point

nibraee

not

te)

they

tli.it

The- inte n

which they

.it

iod of jesus Christ .ind are

(

the-

lolv

fSarge

Spirit

.int,

as (a discipline- of (Jirist etc.;

life

tli.it

su).?,^csts

th.iii

nor to suggest

w.iy,

sceins

lies

which
i/c-d

nowhere-

.lui

lion/. it ion

such congreg.itions' strong support

'family values', centred

indiv uhi.il, i.ithe*r

e\i(le-iic(siib)e-c

iiltiv.itc-

them

to bring

life.

.ind loi

in de

.luthori/c-

tli.in

and control subjective
tliis

clearer than

npl.ivfd

(MilUi,
r.-H

openness, but their mtcntion

to continue- in their

dow

worship

uiii(|iie-

more-

are-

.is

.iiid

to their subjectivities

aim,

p.ir.idii'.m

counter

be-

'reborn' as children of dexl by the action of

|")ossess

ss.ij.?,r

of the-

(voluntarilyj surrender to the authority of the

should

Spn
on}',(

(thoiiji,h

n.iture-

even help

f.ir

to 'convert' indiviehials

2()()()).

or even the gener.il culture-.

Seekers' with warmth, toleranceeiuour.igc-

.is

iirj'.ics

III

life

lic

j^ooel de.il of

conji,rc}:^alioiis

not

u.ilit y'

suhjcc

to, e.iter for .ind

they

ive lives,

lod

scl

holistic

lii}i,hl\'

Spirit

the-

Yet there-

.ippe.il

(

on die individ

hclicl

mvolveef.

p.irts e)f'tlic ce)n}j,rcgatioiial doniaiii,

rccogni/e,

IcmIuics of

of exte rn. il conformity, but

.ill

.iroiind

dow

iiir,

d<')f',in.ilu

of toii}i,rcg.U ion.il

.ispcct

than

vi/ed

ioiliT

ii iit

v Ix Mi

of icl.ixfd .ind infonn.il

l.ivoiii

spirit arc

iii.iny

111

hoi

cxpcTitnc

personal

M'>xtt rn.il\

iransforinatie)n of

.111(1

einotioiis

.iiit

iinporl.nui- ol coi

lu-

not only hy

lius

.iiid

ii.il

(iircnt

111

p.islor

known

rc)(clcd in

litip.ition
hie

Old. lined .ind rohcd pi icslliood,

.111

iiHisic, .uf

120 33).

pp.
c

inmiini/c-(l.

Revolution

Sfjirilij<il

fe)r

subjective- lives

very

lonaT gender

r.idit

p.irticiil.ir

roles,

bor

example, individuals Struggling' with same sex relationships m.iy be enC()uraged to join small groups desigFied lo 'help' them.
is

not to

listen to

subjective

'Ciodly'

subjective

Though

life

and

them and honour
spiritualities;,
'bil-)licar

but

their sexual onc nt ition

direction.

re-oric

This

life

('.is

.is

would be

inner .ind oute

iit

however,

he- .iim,

life

spirit u.ilit v r.ithcr th.iii

life spirituality.

Miller doiis not supply numbers,

digm megachurches
impressive fthey

are

growing

ne)rni.illy

h.ive

r.ipidly,

he-

.iiid

thinks

tlu

tli.ii

the

sheer si/e

new
is

para-

cert.iiiily

me-mbe-rship of well e)ver 2, ()()();,

The

Evidence for a Spiritual Revolution

most informative numerical data comes from the Faith Communities Today
US megachurches as lying in the

study which estimates the membership of
region of 1.2-2 million, with 'nearly

all

of the growth of the megas' having

taken place 'since the 1970s' (Lindner, 2003, pp. 16-19; see also Bradley et

453 and Roozen and Hadaway, 1993, pp. 25-8). However, not
are new paradigm churches, and not all congregations of

al.

1992,

all

megachurches

experiential difference are
periential congregations

new paradigm

churches. Just as in Kendal, ex-

of difference may also take the form of individual

congregations within broader denominations which have been strongly
fluenced by the charismatic renewal

1970s (most towns

in Britain

congregation; most

cities

movement which got underway

USA

and the

many more). Whilst

have

will

(2002) in the

USA

one such

systematic

there has been

at the

like Francis,

and Shibley (1996) and Tamney

in Britain

suggest that since the 1980s they have been

successhjl than any other type of congregation.

been largely

in the

at least

attempt to assess the growth of such congregations, studies

Lankshear and Jones (2000)

Such success seems to have

expense of other varieties of Christianity, with research

by Perrin, Kennedy and Miller (1997) revealing that the majority of
ates to the

in-

'new paradigm' megachurches were raised

affili-

in congregations

humanity.

Congregations of humanity
Because congregations of humanity are often referred to

might be assumed that they

are the

most

of the subjective turn in the religious

life

likely to

very

'liberal',

- since they appear to provide the

necessary basis of freedom and tolerance. As

worship in such congregations

be open to the influence

much

we saw

in Kendal,

however,

focused on praise of God, and

preaching tends to take a humanitarian rather than a libertarian direction,

with more emphasis being placed on duty and

dom,
phasis

self-realization

directive

life-as

in Britain

ecclesiastical

generally.

evidence of a systematic and
life

spirituality in

subjective-life.

free-

This em-

and organizational structures,

liturgical

officially

re-

worship.

Kendal appears to be

than on

often reinforced by the survival of hierarchical,

and formalized

What we found
humanity

and the cultivation of unique

duties

and dominating

sidual clericalism,

self-sacrifice

typical

of congregations of

Thus we have found no

significant

see also

n.2,

Hadden,

Douglas E. 165 n.l7

136
and

56, 164 n.lO

Hadaway, C. Kirk, Marler, Penny Long

popular

beliefs

73-4

Gomes, Jaquetta 27-8
Green Spirit group 157
Griffith,

124, 164 n.9

Gross, Martin 79

see also

CAM

health

and age 108-9
and subjectivization

5, 73,

80, 126,

130, 138

and wellbeing culture 84, 92, 109,
130

196

Index

heartlands activities 8

-9,

12-32, 152

change over time 40-5, 116-20

numbers involved
see also

33-40

congregational domain;

Ellie

A. 170 n.l6

n.l,

practitioners 24,

spirituality 8, 11,

13,23-30,31
and subjectivization

herbalism 157

thesis 77, 78,

81, 82-110, 137

Hicks, Douglas A. 165 n.l

transmission 135-6

hierarchy
in congregational

domain

15, 20, 64,

111, 116

management 79-80

Rob 119
Hobsbawm, Eric

Timothy 137

Holy

Hochschild, Arlie 101, 102, 108,

170-1 n.20

Hoge, DeanR. 114
Hoge, Dean R, Johnson, Benton and
Luidens, Donald A. 115, 120
Hoge, Dean R, McGuire, Kenneth and
Stratman, Bernard

115, 120-1,

and subjective

homeopathy 24, 27-8, 44, 52, 87, 89,
157
hospices, and holistic spiritualit)^ 73,

80, 84, 85
hospitals,

and

holistic spirituality 73,

126
Hout, Michael and Greeley, Andrew

124, 172 n.28

and Roozen, David

Houtman, Dick and

A. 115, 120, 172 n.28
holistic milieu

Spirit,

experience 6, 17, 20, 21, 23,

62-3, 144-5, 146

Hofstede, Geert 100, 171 n.25

USA 49, 57-8, 60, 99, 137
and wellbeing culture 86-90

Hollinger, Franz and Smith,

Hirst,

Hoge, Dean

66-7

and subjective -life

110, 171 n.21, 173 nn.3, 5

26-9

52, 89-92, 91
small groups

Heelas, Paul and Seel, Benjamin 89,

36^0, 45-6,

reasons for involvement 29, 30, 39,

165 nn.l8, 22, 173 n.7,

174 n.l2

52-5, 57-8, 77, 135-6, 149

and Beckford, James

Heelas, Paul 154, 159 n.l, 161 n.4,

162

mapping 37-8, 43, 152, 161 n.3
newspaper coverage 70
numbers involved

holistic milieu

Hedges,

growth 42-5, 47-8, 54, 59, 60, 75,
81-2, 88-90, 107

Mascini, Peter 95,

110, 115, 127, 137-8, 165-6

156-8

age profiles 107-10, 132-3, 134,

n.23, 168 n.ll, 169 n.l3

136, 137
and Christian background 133

humanity

and congregational domain 31-2,

hypnotherapy 157

see

congregations of humanity

Hunter, James Davison 61, 67

60-8, PL 17

and educational background 93-4,

136
future prospects 129, 131-8,

and gender 94-5, 98, 102-7,
108-10, 136

lannaccone, Laurence 123
Indian head massage 157

149

individualism, and subjectivism 95-7,

98-100, 106, 135, 148, 170 n.l6
individualization

Index
and congregational domain 14,

subjective-life spirituality

115-16
Ronald

5, 79,

Moreno, Alejandro 115, 169 n.l4
and

P/.

questionnaire

Kenton, Leslie 169 n.l
Keynes, John Maynard 129, 130-1
kinesiology^ 26, 28, 29, 87,

subjective-life

757

26, 86

spirituality'

inter-faith

152,

xiii,

see also

Miguel and

Inglehart, Ronald, Basanez,

PL 10

team

86, 93-4,

110, 114, 120, 131, 172 n.30

integration,

23-30,

131-2, 133-4, 135-6, 156-8, PL

and subjectivization 11,90,95-7
Inglehart,

197

Lakeland College of Homeopathy 24,

group 157

43-4

lona group 157

Lambert, Yves 127
James, William 148-9, 159 n.l
Jarvinen,

Langford,

Wendy 110

language of subjective -life spirituality

Margaretha 101

70-1

Jehovah's Witnesses 46, 161 n.5

164 n.l

Jesuits 3

Lau, Kimberly

Jesus Christ, devotion to 15

Leonardo, Micaela

Johnson, Douglas W, Picard, Paul R.

liberalism, religious

Jones, Constance A.

168 n.l

al.

101

and church growth 172 n.28

and Quinn, Bernard 56

Jones, Dale E. et

169 n.l

and congregations of humanit}' 18,
64-5, 145
life

Dean M. 62, 123-i

Kelley,

in-relation

Kelner, Marrijoy and Wellman,

life-as

Beverly 168 n.ll, 173-4 n.7

Kendal 53,68-9, 151, PL

life-itself

as site

Kendal Cancer Care 24, 156

Kendal Leisure Centre 24, 29, 152,

25, 127

of worship 33, 38

50, 61-3, 68, 80, 82-4, 87,

149

PI.

see also life-as spirituality; subjective-

Kendal Project

12-32

xiii-xiv, 8,

age profile 107-10, 132-3, 134,

136

life spirituality;
life

trainers

113-14, 116, 121-2, 140, 144,
146-7, 154-6, PL

PL 6

definitions of spirituality
feasibility

study 8, 12-13, 151

profile

94-5, 103-6, 136

research strategies

151-8

spiritual revolution 9,

33-48, 50

religion, life-as

life-as spirituality

congregational domain 13-23,

and

subjective-life 3-5, 6, 8-9, 25, 33,

Kendal College 24, 44, 53, 165 n.l9

gender

6-7, 8-9, 22, 31

and decline 6-7, 9-10, 12, 23, 60,
111, 131

and external authority 2-5,
13, 14, 16,

and

6, 10,

61-3

subjective-life spirituality

60-8,

W. 56, 64
Loop Cottage, Kendal 24,
Lindner, Eileen

12-13, 32,

37,

Lc)wendahl, Lena 162 n.6, 169 n.l

198

Index

Liickmann, Thomas

Miller,

2, 9, 55, 73,

Donald 62-3, 67, 124

Lukes, Steven 96, 159 n.2, 169 n.l

Simon and Budd, Sarah 52
Mingins, Rosemary 152

Lynch, Gordon 110, 121

Mitroff, Ian

159

Mills,

n.l

L and Denton, Elizabeth

nT8

A. 165

management

culture,

subjectivization

and

Moore, R. Laurence 165

71,79-80,88,130

moralism, and

Mann, Horace 41, 45, 139
Marler, Penny Long and Hadaway,

16-17,

18, 145

Mudie-Smith, Richard 34

Mulgan, Geoffrey 166 n.2

C. Kirk 56, 166 n.24
Marler, Penny

nT7

life-as religion

Long and Roozen,

mysticism. Christian 6, 65, 144

David A. 119
naturopathy 24, 157

Marsden, George 145
masculinity,

and

God

New Age

massage 24, 28, 44, 87, 89, 138, 157

massage

retreats

life

see holistic milieu; subjective-

spirituality

new paradigm churches 62-4,

materialism, and church attendance

147

114

McCullers, Carson 11, 97

new

McGuire, Meredith 1-2, 168 n.ll, 169

newspapers

CAM

meditation 7, 136
Christian 65,

Norman, Edward 65
Nussbaum, Martha 166 n.4
Nussbaum, Martha and Glover,

see press; television

medicine, complementary and
alternative see

movements 167

see press

Nietzsche, Friedrich 77

n.l3, 171 n.21, 172 n.29

media

religious

Jonathan 166 n.2

144

nutritional therapy 29,

157

Transcendental Meditation 43, 122

megachurches, and experiential
difference 62-4,

obedience, in congregational

domain 15

147

men

Orchard, Helen 165 n.20
osteopathy 24, 38, 138, 157

and individuated
subjectivism 98-100,

involvement

106-7

in holistic milieu

106-7

paganism

Mercer, Calvin and Durham,

Thomas

W. 100, 168 nTl
meridian therapy 157
metamorphic technique 157
Methodist Church

holistic milieu

methodology

46, 54

see case studies;

questionnaire

157

palm reading 157
Partridge, Chris 71

Penning, James M. and Smith,

Cor win

Pentecostal Christians, and holistic

declining attendance 65, 139

and

Ostwalt, Conrad 165 n.l

95,

milieu 54

Martyn 146, 172 n.29
Perrin, Robin D., Kennedy, Paul and
Percy,

Miller,

Donald

E. 64,

147

Index
Perry, Everett

and Hoge, Dean R.

39-40, 46,

holistic milieu 25, 30,

91-3, 94, 98, 105-6, 107-8, 133,

172 n.28

136, 153, 157-8

161 n.4

pilates

199

Quinn, Bernard

Gay 66
157
pluralization 130
Pilgrim,

al.

56,

play therapy

politics, subjectivization

166 n.2

Poloma, Margaret M. and Hoelter,
Lynette

148, 169 n.l4, 172 n.30
practitioners, holistic 24,

female

Ray, Paul

26-7, 36-8

107,132-3

H. and Anderson, Sherry

Ruth 99, 163 n.7
157

172 n.29

post-materialism 79, 114, 115, 131,

age profile

Rainbow Cottage, Kendal 24, 29, 37,
44, 152, PL 5

rebirthing 7, 29, 87,

recognition, in holistic milieu 105
Redfield, James

Reeves,

Thomas C. 65

reflexology 7, 24, 89, 138,

numbers 53, 59

number of practitioners 52

numbers attending 39-40, 57, 58

reiki

relationships with participants 27-9,

relationality

157

7,24,26,29, 87, 138, 157

and downshifting 108, 110

88,90,98

and gender 98-102, 103-5, 108-10,

press

and

holistic activities 59, 70,

162-3

and wellbeing culture 84
Presser, Stanley

and Stinson, Linda

relationships

and

subjective-life spirituality

Princeton Religion Research

Center 120, 121-2

Rosemary 101

prosperity,

and congregations of

experiential difference

172 n.29
psychic consultancy 157

and wellbeing culture 85-6, 88, 90,
103
relaxation therapy

157

religion, life-as 5, 6-7, 8-9, 31, 50,

125-6,

PI.

decline 6-7, 9-10, 12, 23, 48, 75-7,

81, 126-7, 131, 149

psycho-drama 43

and education-culture 71-2

psychosyn thesis 28, 157

future prospects 131,

psychotherapy 157

growth

Putnam, Robert D. 101-2, 142,

and

life-as life

and

life-as

166 n.2
Puttick, Liz

69-70

see

Society of Friends

questionnaire

congregational domain 14, 113-14,

153

areas

139-47

123-4
forms 160 n.4a

values 114-15, 141-3,

146-7

new
Quakers

27-8,

95-7, 98

Pringle,

117
and subjectivism 96-7, 135

n.l

religious

movements 167 n.8

and production-culture 71

and purchasing-culture 68-71
and

spirituality 2,

12-32

5-6,

200

Index
Romanticism, and culture of wellbeing

religion, lifc-as (cont'd)

and

172-3 n.2

siibjcctivization thesis 77, 78,

Roof,

111, 113
subjectivized 23,

religion,

62-3

119,

congregational domain

see also

and

Roof,

5-6, 73-4

spirituality

qualitative 7, 8,

C. Kirk 62, 64, 164 n.lO

Rose, Nikolas 81

144

revolution, sixties, see sixties revolution
revolution, spiritual 1-2,
in Britain 23,

6-9

Christianit)^ 2,

Rousseau, Jean-Jacques

13-23, 60-8

sacralization 6,

and

cultural transformation 50,

49-76
prospects 75, 148-50

holistic milieu

Sai

Salvation

33-48

81-110

Army 35
Kimon Rowland 63

Schwartz, Shalom and Huismans,
Spike 114, 115

and new paradigm churches 62-4
and personal

beliefs 50,

73^,

75,

89, 98, 126

Scott,

and subjectivization

self

130, 135

79
Kelleher, Ellen

in-relation 2, 11,

138

life-as

roles, life-as

14, 30, 62, 67, 78, 104,

111-12, 116-17, 139, 142

15,

Centre 164

105

141-7
86

life-as religion

self-sacrifice

holistic milieu

Jesuit Spirituality

18,

self-realization 81,

and

Catholicism

declining attendance 65

15, 22, 121

3, 14, 15,

20, 61, 81

congregations of humanity 22, 64

Sennett, Richard 70, 169 n.l5
n.

sexuality, in life-as religion

16,

and returnees 115

Sharma, Ursula 168 n.ll, 171 n.24

and subjectivization 61

Sharma, Ursula and Black, Paula 99

USA

81-2,

autonomous 95-7, 105, 115, 120,

121-2, 172 n.28

Dan and

thesis

111-25, 127

49-50, 55-60, 165 n.21

Richter, Philip and Francis, Leslie 120,

Rieff, Philip

Robert Owens 166 n.24

Sea of Faith group 157
secularization 9-10, 33, 48, 55, 62,

and subjectivization 60-8

and

thesis

Schwartz, Shalom 114

mini-revolutions 46-8, 54, 149

Roman

82-3

Baba group 157

Sargeant,

and Kendal Project 9, 12-13, 32,

Roberts,

9-10, 33, 77

Salamon, Karen 165 n.l

6-7, 23-30, 31,

138

USA

subjective-life 31,

and subjectivization

68-73, 75

future

Rose, Stuart 169 n.l

50-5

evidence for 7-9,

Clark and MacKinney,

Roozen, David A. and Hadaway,

retreats, Christian 69,

and

159 n.l, 168 n.ll

Wade

William 164 n.l

quantitative 7, 8

and

Clark 57-8, 77, 118-19,

Roozen, David A. 114

research

and

Wade

Shiatsu

27,29, 138, 157

Index

Mark

Shiblcy,

A. 62, 64, 65, 67, 124,

subjective-life spirituality 5-7,

8-9

163 n.3
shops, and holistic spirituality 68-9
Silk,

in congregational

Mark 164 n.l5
in

Simmha, Anton 87
in

holistic milieu 43, 54,

132,

133^

and culture 68-73
and education-culture

counter-culture

Survey (1997) 50-1

Society of Friends:

fijture

declining attendance 41-2,

attendance 66

Southern Baptist Convention (US) 62
touch therapy 157

49, 54, 59, 65

Christian 5-6, 65, 121-2, 144-5

immanent 57
life-as 6-7,8-10,74

in press

and purchasing-culture

98-102, 135
173 n.7

68-71, 84,

thesis 77, 78,

82-110
USA 49, 57-60

81,
in

see also

congregations of experiential
difference 23,

166 n.4

Singer, Peter

domain 14-17,

22-3, 60-8

Simmel, Georg 148-9, 159 n.l

and

201

holistic milieu

39, 52,92, 104

in Christianity

60-8, 144

and individualization

subjectivization thesis 2-5, 9-10, 31-2,

27, 29, 30,

75, 77, 149

and age 107-10, 132-3, 137

202

Index

subjectivization thesis

Tipton, Steven

canted)

(

and congregational domain 8 1
111-25, 126, 130-1, 143-5
cultural

14, 22, 142,

change 2-5, 78-82,

111-12, 116
cultural

145

Transcendental Meditation 43, 122
transmission, intergenerational

momentum 130-2

congregational domain 119,140,

146

and future of associational

129-50

activities

67, 124, 159 n.l

114

transcendence, in Christianity 3, 6, 10,

counter-evidence 123-4

and

traditionalism 3,

holistic milieu

135-6

and gender 94-107

Trilling, Lionel 95,

and growth of holistic milieu 77, 78,

Troeltsch, Ernst 148-9, 159

126

True Vision group 157

81, 82-110, 137

and wellbeing culture 83-94,

'Turning Point' shop 44

124
Sufism 161

uniqueness,

Sunday Schools, decline 72, 133
Sweden, church attendance 129, 141,

62-3

difference

and congregations of humanit}^ 18

143

and
tai

human 11,13

and congregations of experiential

152, 157

subjective-life spirituality 4, 30,

31,50, 75,78,87,135

chi 7, 24, 26, 29, 37, 43, 69, 138,

and wellbeing culture 81, 82-5,

non-spiritual practice

numbers involved 53

Unitarianism, and experiential

Taize singing 157

Tamney, Joseph

B. 64, 65, 67, 78,

124

humanity 21, 31, 65-6,
143-4
United Reformed Church, declining

tarot card reading

157

attendance 65

Taylor, Charles 2-3, 5, 77, 79, 97,

Universal Peace dancing 43,

television, reality

shows 80

Tennyson, Alfred Lord
territory, associational

church attendance 55-7, 59-60, 65,

77
12-13, 33

120, 147, 174-5

nT4

congregations of difference 123

testimony, evangelical 19-20

and education-culture 165

Theravada Buddhism 28

growth

in small

growth

in subjective-life

Thomas,

157

USA

159 n.l

J.,

Coleman,

NichoU,
P.

J. P.

and

58, 99, 163 n.6,

167 n.5

Thompson, Wayne L., Carroll,
Jackson W. and Hoge, Dean
165

holistic

49, 54, 59, 65

miheu 49, 57-8, 60, 99,

137
and

life -as

values

114-15

media 164 nT5, 165

R. 172 n.28
Thrift, Nigel

spirituality

and

nT8

and popular

nT9

groups 66-7

beliefs

nT6

73-4

Index
and

spiritual revolution

49-50,

55-60, 165 n.21

Women's spirituality group 157
Woodhead, Linda 144, 152, 154, 159
n.l

and wellbeing culture 86

Woodhead, Linda and Heelas, Paul

Woodward, James 72

146-7
Veroff, Joseph

166

n.2,

al.

79, 86, 100,

Woolf, Virginia 80

Wootton,

168 n.ll

C. and Sparber, A. 99, 168

n.ll, 169 n.l3, 171 n.21

157

vision therapy

World Values Surveys
Walter,

alternative

Watts, Alan 118

Max 77

retreats

124-5

20-1

congregations of experiential

congregations of humanity 17, 18,

and gender 98-107
holistic milieu

numbers involved 34-5, 140-1

29, 86-90, 124,

132, 136, PL 10,

PI.

Wraight, Heather and Brierley,
Peter 174 n.ll

and purchasing-culture 68-71
as quality

forms 174 n.l

humanity 21-2

congregational domain 121,

and

14, 131

congregations of experiential
difference

wellbeing

and Christian

worship

Tony 73

Warner, R. Stephen 49

Weber,

Andrew 71
Wuthnow, Robert 33,
Wright,

of life 84, 86, 87, 89, 94,

103, 131-2, 166 n.2

and subjectivization

55, 56, 59, 62,

66-7, 74, 118, 159 n.l

thesis 81,

83-94, 124-5, 130

Yafai, Faisal al

138

White, A. and Ernst, E. 163 n.6

Yankelovich, Daniel 79, 168 n.ll

wholeness, and subjective-life

Yearbook of American

spirituality

26-8, 30, 105

Wild

Ken 133

Women

group 157

congregational

in holistic milieu

relationality

Women's Aglow movement

groups

PI.

43^, 59

52
94-5,

98-102, 103-5,

108-10, 117

164 n.9

K. T. 171 n.27

non-spiritual practice 29, 30, 39,

102-7, 108-10, 136, 157

and

xii

Yip,

growth

domain 116-17
involvement

W. B.
Andrew

Yeats,

yoga 24, 26-7, 69, 757,

women
involvement

and Canadian

Churches 56

wicca 7
Wilber,

17,

159 n.l

113-16, 126, 141-3,

values, life-as

203

numbers involved 46, 53-4, 58, 89,
136, 137, 162-3 n.l
and

relationality

170 n.l

seen as spiritual 7, 173-4 n.7

and younger people 137-8

Young,

Iris

Marion 170

204

Index

young people
in

and

holistic milieu

134,137-8

congregations of experiential
difference

and decline
affiliation

147
in

Zaleski, Jeff

church

165 n.l7

Zinnbauer, Brian

al.

165 n.24

118-20, 140-1

hidex compiled by Mcjj Davics (Rejjistered Indexer, SocieW of Indexers)

J Of tne

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This book explores the significance
subjective turn

modern

culture.

for

contemporary

To understand

this,

religion

research and constant reflection on our categories. Heelas and

both

generous measure.' CA)ar/es7ay/or,

'This well-researched

Hugh McLeod,

all

University of

Woodhead supply

offers a challenging diagnosis of

and cogently argued study

those interested

spirituality of the

both careful empirical

/WcG/7/ L/n/Vers/Y/

the spiritual condition of present-day Britain.
theologians, and

and

we need

be hotly debated by sociologists,

will

the future of religion and

spirituality.'

Birmingham

'The Spiritual Revolution provides a much-needed survey and theoretical synthesis of
research on religious involvement, particularly
...The result

Great Britain and the United States

much more nuanced and productive account

change

of religious

than the usual secularization versus sacralization approach.' Penny Marler, Samford
University

Are

giving

living

way

through a

'spiritual revolution' in

which traditional forms of religion are

new forms of spirituality? Are yoga, reiki and
to become more popular than churchgoing?

practice set

other forms of holistic

This book addresses these questions by presenting findings from a major research
project designed to chart the state of religion
little

to support

more extreme claims

and

of change,

spirituality today. Though

demand conformity

to higher truth. These

faring far better than religions

developments are explained by

drawing attention to the significance of a 'subjective turn'

whereby conformity
to inner

to external obligations

and wellbeing.

life

finds

discovers that spiritualities which

engage with the depths of personal experience are
that

becomes

the wider culture -

less important than sensitivity
-

^.-^r

Paul Heelas
Lecturer

Professor

Religion

and Modernity and Linda Woodhead

Christian Studies, both in the

Department of Religious Studies

Senior

Lancaster University, UK. They have written extensively on religion and spirituality
in

the

modern world.

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