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Translated,
with Introduction and Notes J by
)-0 N R.C. ! RTYN
; ooks 1-4
'..

MEDIAEVAL SOURCES IN TRANSLATION 40
The Letters
of Gregory the Great
Translated, with Introduction and Notes, by
JOHN RC. MARTYN
Volume 1
BOOKS 1-4
PONTIFICAL INSTITUTE OF MEDIAEVAL STUDIES

LIBRARY AND ARCHIVES CANADA CATALOGUING IN PUBUCATION
Gregory I, Pope, ca. 540-604.
The letters of Gregory the Great / translated, with introduction and notes,
by John R.C. Martyn.
(Mediaeval sources in translation, ISSN 0316-0874 ; 40)
Translation of: Registrum epistularum.
Includes bibliographical references and index.
Complete contents: v. 1. Books 1-4 - v.2. Books 5-9 - v.3. Books 10-14.
ISBN 0-88844-290-4 (set)
1. Gregory I, Pope, ca. 540-604 - Correspondence. 2. Popes - Correspondence.
I. Martyn, John R.C. IT. Pontifical Institute of Mediaeval Studies ill. Title. IV. Series.
BR65.G53R43132004
270.2' 092
C2004-903351-4
@2004
Pontifical Institute of Mediaeval Studks
59 Queen's Park Crescent East
Toronto, Ontario, Canada M5S 2C4
.
WWW.plms.ca
PRINrED IN CANADA

Contents

Abbreviations and Sigla
Preface
Introduction
Gregory the Great: A Brief Biography
Origins and career 1 I The Registrum epistularum 13 I Gregory's use of the
Scriptures 14 I Eschatology 17
The Historical and Political Context
The imperial court 18 I The exarchs 20 I Sicily 24 I Dalmatia 29 I The
Lombards 30 I Byzantine North Africa 32 I The death of Emperor Maurice 42
Gregory's Missions
An overview 47 I Key correspondents 48 I Sardinia 50 I Gaul 51 I England 58
Gregory and Augustine
The Responsa 61 I Gregory and Bede on Augustine 66
Religious Issues
Pastoral care 72 I Bishops: pallium and the 'power of the keys' 74 I Monks and
monasteries 81 I Heresies 84 I The Three Chapters S rhim 86 I J1,daism 87 I
Popes after Gregory in his letters 88
Social Issues
Patrimony 91 I Administrators, defenders, notaries 92 I Farmers 94 I Slaves
95 I Women, paupers, orphans 96
Major Correspondents
Sub-deacon Peter 98 I Maximian 99 I Anthelm 100 I Fonunatus 100 I
Januarius 101
The Letters: Stylistic and Rhetorical Features
Gregory's use of {;reek 102 I Conventions (formulae) 103 I Coinages and
rare words 105 I Imagery 106 I Rhetorical formats 110 I Clausulae 110 I
Parataxis 111 I Anaphora 111 I Chiasmus 111 I Antithesis 112 I Correlatives
112 I Wordplay 113 I Irony 113 I Euphony 113
The Letters: Biblical Quotations
The Old Testament 114 I The New Testament 115
. .
Vll
.
IX
1

VI
THE LETTERS OF GREGORY THE GREAT
The Letters of Gregory the Great
119
194
235
287

Abbreviations and Sigla
BIBDITIONS AND BOOKS
Editions of the Bible cited in the notes include the Latin Vulgate, as well
as modem editions, abbreviated as below. With minor exceptions, citations
of books of the Bible follow the conventions of the New American Bible.
AV
NAB
Vulgate
Authorized (King James) version
New American Bible
Biblia sacra vulgatte edition is Sixti V pontificis maximi jussu
recognita et Clementis VIII auctoritate edita (Paris, 1844)
GREGORY'S LETTERS: EDITIONS, TRANSLATIONS, MANUSCRIPTS
The Registrum epistularum (Register of letters) is cited by book and letter
number. Citations to specific letters use the abbreviation Ep(P) through-
out. App refers to the Appendices in the third volume. Although system-
atic treatment of textual matters is beyond the scope of this translation,
the notes make reference to numerous readings in previous editions of the
Registrum as well as to manuscripts containing the letters. For ease of
citation, the following abbreviations are used. In textual notes, references
to MGH and to PL are to the editions of the Registrum in those respec-
tive series. Detailed information can be found in the Bibliography.
Editions and translations
Barmby Selected Epistles of Gregory the Great, Bishop of Rome, Books I-XIV,
trans. James Barmby (Oxford, 1895)
Gussanvillaeus Sancti Gregorii Pap Primi cognomento Magni opera, ed. Pierre
de Goussainville, 3 vols. (Paris, 1675)
MGH (Ewald; Gregorii I papae Registrum epistolarum, ed. Paul Ewald and Ludo
Hartmann) Moritz Hartmann, Monumenta Germaniae Historica: Epistolae
1-2, 2 vols. (Berlin, 1887-1899)
Minard Registre des lettres, trans. Pierre Minard (with facing Latin text,
ed. Dag Norberg), 2 vols. (paris, 1991)
Norberg S. Gregorii Magni Registrum epistularum, ed. Dag Norberg, Corpus
Christianorum Series Latina 140, 14OA, 2 vols. (fumhout, 1982)
PL S. Gregorii Magni Registrum epistolarum, Maurist edition (paris,
1705), repro in Patrologiae cursus completus, Series Latina 77:
442-1368
Recchia Lettere, trans. Vincenzo Recchia (with facing Latin text, ed. Dag
Norberg), 4 vols. (Rome, 1996-1999)

Manuscripts
For further information on the manuscripts see the list in MGH 2: vii-
xxvi and also in Norberg's edition 1: v-xii. A superscript C in some sigla
(such as Rl') refers to scribal corrections made by a second hand.
P
Pal
Pal
Pbl
Pb2
Pb3
Pb4
Pb5
Pb6
Pb7
C
Cl
C2
C3
R
Rl
R2
R3
R4
r
rl
r2
e
el
e2
e3
e4
H
HI
H2
H3
H4
Melb
.. Pa (pal, 2) and Pb (Pbl, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7)
St Petersburg, Rossiiskaia Natsionalnaia Biblioteka, F.v.l.7 (8th century)
Bamberg, Staatsbibliothek, Msc. Patr. 23 (10th century)
Cologne, Erzbischofliche Diozesan- und Dombibliothek, 92 (8th century)
Vienna, Osterreichische N ationalbibliothek, Vindobon. lata 934
(9th century)
Diisseldorf, U niversitats- und Landesbibliothek, B.79 (9th century)
Berlin, Deutsche Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin-Preussischer Kulturbesitz,
Theol. lat. quart. 322 (9th century)
Cologne, Erzbischofliche Diozesan- und Dombibliothek, 94 (10th century)
W olfenbiittel, Herzog August Bibliothek, 75 Gud. lat. (11th century)
Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Clm 14641 (9th century)
== Cl, 2, 3
Cologne, Erzbischofliche Diozesan- und Dombibliothek, 92 (8th century):
see Pbl above
Vatican City, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Pal. lat. 266 (9th century)
Diisseldorf, Universitats- und Landesbibliothek, B.79 (9th century):
see Pb3 above
III: Rl,2,3,4
Montecassino, Archivio dell'Abbazia, 71 (11th century)
Trier, Stadtbibliothek, 171 (10th century)
St. Gall, Stihsbibliothek, 670 (10th century)
El Escorial, Real Biblioteca de San Lorenzo, d.I.la (11th century)
== rl, 2
Paris, Bibliotheque nationale de France, lat. 2279 (10th century)
Paris, Bibliotheque nationale de France, lat. 11674 (9th century)
III: el, 2, 3, 4
Milan, Biblioteca Ambrosiana, C 238 info (10th century)
Paris, Bibliotheque nationale de France, nou. acq. lat. 1452
(10-11 th centuries)
Paris, Bibliotheque nationale de France, lat. 2278 (9th- century)
Trier, Stadtbibliothek, 170 (9th century)
III: HI, 2, 3, 4
Paris, Bibliotheque nation ale de France, lat. 1565 (10th century)
Paris, Bibliotheque nationale de France, lat. 10741 (10th century)
El Escorial, Real Biblioteca de San Lorenzo, d I 2, f. 338 (976 AD)
El Escorial, Real Biblioteca de San Lorenzo, d I 1, f. 313 (992 AD)
Melbourne, Potter Museum, Melbourne University (11th century)

Preface
.-/
This translation of the Registrum epistularum, or Register of Letters, of Saint
Gregory the Great, the first complete version in English, and only the second
in any modern language, will provide all medievalists with access to one of the
most important documentary collections to have survived from the period.
About a third of Gregory's letters were translated by James Barmby and first
published in 1895, but they are full of errors and omissions (often where the
Latin is hard to work out), and the English is very old-fashioned. Also, his
sequence of letters is most confusing, and far from that used in modern edi-
tions. And yet his work remains the main source for English-speaking medie-
val students not fluent in Latin. 1 There is a recent French version ot Books
1-2 by Pierre Minard, but he died before he had translated the remaining
twelve books. 2 An Italian version, with notes, by Vincenzo Recchia was com-
pleted in 1999. 3 For my Latin text, I have used the standard critical edition
by Dag Norberg published in the Corpus Christianorum Series Latina. 4
All fourteen books of the letters appear in three volumes, each with a
preface of its own but sharing a general introduction found in the first volume.
Books 1-4 appear in volume 1, Books 5-9 in the second volume, and Books
10-14 (with appendices) in volume 3, which also contains a glossary, a bib-
liography of primary and secondary works and indices. The Introduction pro-
vides a brief biography of Gregory and discussions of the historical back-
ground and the main religious and social issues, as well as detailed exposition
of a range of topics, from Gregory's missions and his relationship with
Augustine of Canterbury, to the pope's major correspondents and his use of
Scripture. A concluding section on the stylistic features of the letters analyzes
Gregory's literary and rhetorical artistry.
1. James Barmby, The Book of Pastoral Rule and Selected Letters of St Gregory the Great,
Bishop of Rome (London, 1895).
2. Gregoire Ie Grand, Registre des Lettres, trans. Pierre Minard, with the Latin text of
Dag Norberg (see n4 below), Sources Chretiennes 370, 371, 2 vols. (paris, 1991).
3. Lettere, trans. Vincenzo Recchia, with the Latin text of Dag Norberg (see n4 below),
Opere di Gregorio Magno 5.1-4, 4 vols. (Rome, 1996-1999).
4. S. Gregorii Magni Registrum epistularum libri, ed. Dag Norberg, Corpus Christian-
orum Series Latina 140, 140A, 2 vols. (furnhout, 1982).

x
THE LETTERS OF GREGORY THE GREA T
Gregory was pope from 3 September 590 to 12 March 604, thirteen-and-a-
half years; most of his letters relate to July 599. All of his surviving letters
were written after he had become pope, and deal with the Lombard threat, the
administration of the Church's patrimony, the government of the Church, in
both West and East, the Church in Africa, Spain, Gaul and England, the main
theological debates and heresies, and the many sinful and criminal activities
that threatened good governance. The letters provide a detailed picture of a
man of God, now contemplative, now a just and tactful administrator, now
a reformer and judge, ever humble, ever friendly and charitable, except when
severity was needed, and ever working for a better, fairer society, controlled
by an united Church, centered on the sacred presence of Saint Peter, the prince
of the apostles, who appears noticeably throughout all fourteen books.
Gregory's correspondents were mostly bishops and the four patriarchs of
the East, especially his friend Eulogius of Alexandria. The archbishops of
Corinth, Thessaloniki and Thessaly in Achaea, the bishops of Carthage, Africa
and Dalmatia, and almost all the bishops in Gaul, were addressed, some of
them praised and others rebuked. But most letters were to Italian bishops,
especially in Latium and Campania, and to bishops in Sicily, Corsica and
Sardinia. A few are to bishops in the North, in Milan and Ravenna, and in
Gaul and England, and also in Spain. For the immense domains of the Holy
Church, his own agents or 'defenders' were regularly addressed on a wide
range of topics, especially those in Sicily (74 letters) and Campania (38 letters).
The letters are a rich source of information about provincial life, especially in
Sicily, including the Jews, farmers and slaves.
The pope's many letters to monks and abbesses also give us valuable
insight into the monastic system, especially in southern Italy, Sicily and Gaul.
For the laity, all classes of the civil and military hierarchies are included, the
Emperor Maurice in particular, who supported Gregory's elevation to the
papacy. The pope criticized him over his laws affecting monks and his views
on the Lombards and Three Chapters schism, but their letters show them as
family friends right up to Maurice's death. Many letters were to Gallic kings
and noblewomen, to whom Gregory often advocated a truly Christian way of
life. For the Visigoths in Spain he applauded King Reccared for converting to
Catholicism, and for the English he wrote to King Ethelbert and Queen Ber-
tha, supporting Augustine's mission. Other letters were to dukes and high
officials, often recommending the protection and support of the poor and
greater respect for justice. Some addressed army leaders and governors; he also
gave tactical advice in Rome's defense. Finally, twenty of his letters are to
women, three of them to the Empress Constantina, and one to Phocas' wife,
Leontia, and three to the emperor's sister, Theoctista, who had been very

PREF ACE TO VOLUME 1
XI
helpful to Gregory while he served as his pope's emissary in Constantinople.
One letter was sent to Gregoria, confidante of Theoctista, and five to an
influential and wealthy widow at court, Rusticiana. Other such letters were
sent to abbesses and to French, Italian and Sicilian noblewomen. Gregory also
regularly arranged for the provision of gold and other goods, mainly to assist
widows .and children.
Ti:e letters were composed with great dexterity and artistry by a Roman
nobleman of considerable learning. The notes to this translation cannot pro-
vide an exhaustive gloss on all the topics covered in the letters; however, they
do attempt to trace quotations, biblical, legal and literary references, and to
elucidate allusions to political and ecclesiastical debates of the period. Wherever
possible, concise reference to the ever-growing literature on Gregory and his
pontificate is made, so as to allow readers to explore historical topics in greater
detail. Traditionally, each letter carried a brief (and often misleading) summary
that was added several centuries later, useful for letters with complex periods
in Ciceronian Latin, but rendered superfluous by the complete English version
provided here.
A translation, even the translation of a canonical work, is not the appro-
priate place for strenuous exercise in textual criticism. Still, the notes to indivi-
dual letters do refer, and with some frequency, to misreadings in the previous
editions, including the standard critical text, as well as alternative readings
attested in the principal manuscripts; but they do so only in order to substanti-
ate my own lexical and syntactic choices. A further work is planned that will
present a spectrum of the honorific titles, superlatives and salutations, and an
analysis of key manuscripts (including one at Melbourne University) and of
major variants in the Latin text.
Much of the historical and religious material and some of the notes are the
work of my research assistant, Rev Chris Hanlon, who has lectured in early
Church history in Brisbane. My other assistants, Tor Hansen and Grantley
McDonald, both tutors in Latin at Melbourne University, helped me by check-
ing the translations, while breaking up periods for easier reading. For financing
of this work, I am very grateful to the Australian Research Council for a Small
Research Grant in 1999 and a Large Research Grant for 2000-2002. I should
also like to thank Melbourne University and its School of Fine Arts, Classics
and Archaeology, for their very efficient administration of these grants.

Introduction

GREGORY THE GREAT: A BRIEF BIOGRAPHY
Origins and career
Gregory the Great was born in Rome into a wealthy senatorial family, in
about 540. His parents' names were Gordianus and Sylvia, and his father
served as an official in the Church of Rome. 1 Gregory himself tells us that his
great-great-grandfather was Felix ill, pope from 526 to 530, and it is possible
that he was also related to Agapitus I, pope from 535 to 536. Other close rela-
tives may be identified. A brother, Palatinus, 'a glorious patrician,' and another
unnamed brother appear in the letters, and Gregory also had three paternal
aunts, Aemilia, Gordiana and Tarsilla and a maternal aunt, Pateria. 2
The family owned a spacious residence in a most exclusive part of Rome,
on the Caelian Hill, opposite the old imperial palace, and it also owned-other
properties in and around Rome, and very extensive estates in Sicily. An indica-
tion of the family's wealth and of Gregory's sacrifice in donating it to the
Church may be gained from the fact that later on, when his father was dead
and Gregory had given up a successful political career to become a monk, he
converted the family mansion in Rome into the monastery of Saint Andrew,
which still stands there, 3 and established six monasteries, with supporting
estates, from the family's domains in the fertile island of Sicily. His special
interests as pope in the religious, legal, social and economic development of
Sicily is fully revealed in the early books of letters, and it seems very likely
that he would have visited it more than once, first as heir to the family estate,
and then as a monk intent on converting all of those acres and farms into six
self-sufficient monasteries. His detailed knowledge, so soon after he became
1. For the historical background and sources, two recent books can be recommended:
R.A. Markus, Gregory the Great and His World (Cambridge, 1997) andJeffrey Richards, Con-
sul of God: The Life and Times of Gregory the Great (London, 1980).
2. For Felix III, see Gregory, DUtlogi 17 and Homiliae in EvangelUt 38.15; for Agapitus
I, see Liber Pontificalis 59 (if the reference to Gordianus is reliable). Palatinus was based in
Rome, helping his brother the pope: see Epp 9.44 and 11.4. The unnamed brother appears
in Ep 9.201: see the notes to this letter and John R.C. Martyn, 'Six Notes on Gregory the
Great,' MedievalUt et Humanistica, n.s. 29 (2003): 1-25, at 12-15; see also The Prosopography
of the Later Roman Empire, by A.H.M. Jones, J .R. Martindale and J. Morris, 3 vols. (Cam-
bridge, 1971-1992), 3A [1992]: 75. Gregory refers to paternal and maternal aunts at DUtlogi
4.17 and Homiliae in EvangelUt 38.15, and also at Ep 1.37.
3. He distributed the remaining silks and gowns radiant with gold and jewels and any
left over furnishings for the use of the poor; see John the Deacon, Vita Gregorii 1.6.

2
THE LETTERS OF GREGOR Y THE GREA T
pope, of the island's history, topography, towns, farms, peoples, taxation and
legal systems, and of many of its private individuals, suggests that he had spent
considerable time there in person. 4 Moreover, there is a preponderance of
nautical imagery in his letters, especially of storms, which suggest that he may
well have made more than one hazardous voyage there and back. The other
major source of imagery was farming, especially sheep, as well as wolves and
the javelins used by shepherds to repel them. Again, this suggests his personal
involvement in the farms and hillsides of the family's estates in Sicily.
As a Roman boy, Gregory would have completed a course in classical
literature, rhetoric and Roman law, no doubt based on Martianus Capella's
Seven Liberal Arts. 5 During these formative years, Gregory's basic Latin texts
would probably have been Virgil, Horace, Terence, Statius, Ovid, Juvenal,
Persius and Claudian for poetry, and Cicero, Seneca, Sallust and Pliny for
prose. For Greek, he read some Homer and Plato, at least; for rhetoric, Cassio-
dorns' De arte was likely, based on Cicero and Quintilian. 6 Once he was
pope, Gregory had little time to study the Classics, but he certainly would not
have forgotten them, and he admitted that he was still studying rhetoric five
years after he had become pope. 7 Theology became all-important, but there
are signs of Stoic philosophy in his works, and John the Deacon described
Gregory as arte philosoph us. 8 .
Gregory's expertise in the literature and culture of ancient Rome was
certainly recognized by his contemporaries 9 and is shown very clearly in his
letters. It is also apparent in his language and style, discussed further be-
4. Nearly 80 of his letters deal with Sicily, and he names 14 different estates there, compared
with only 14 for Italy and Sardinia. He never mentions any trip outside Rome, except for his stay
in Constantinople, but he must have made some, even when he was sick. In Ep 10.11, he men-
tions a recent trip north of Milan, but it seems unlikely. See Martyn, 'Six Notes,' 15-16.
5. The school book covered grammar, dialectic, rhetoric, geometry, arithmetic, astronomy
and harmony. As will be shown, music played a key part in Gregory's life.
6. For Gregory's knowledge of Greek, see below pp. 102-103 with n270. Gregory was
still studying rhetoric in 595, five years after he became pope, when he wrote the most auto-
biographical among his letters, his epistle to Leander, Ep 5.53a; see further n15 below.
7. In Ep 7.9, he asks John, bishop of Syracuse, to have the antiquorum dicta ('words of
the ancient writers') read out at dinner, rather than excerpts from his letters.
8. The sense is 'philosophical in manner,' not 'philosopher.' In Ep 3.65, to his Greek
doctor, Theotimus, Gregory's 'philosopher' refers to Plato's Republic .431, where the 'soul'
is divided into two opposite elements, the better and the worse. Gregory rejects the division.
Marcia L. Colish, in The Stoic Tradition from Antiquity to the Early Middle Ages, 2 vols.
(Leiden, 1985), 2: 258-266, detects three Stoic elements in Gregory, his moral attitude to
cosmic theology (with elements of the Stoic sage), his classification of audience in terms of
the Panaetian schema, and the Stoic doctrine of the interrelation of virtues (with a parallel
analysis of cardinal virtues).
9. To Paul the Deacon, young Gregory was 'second to none' in grammar, rhetoric and
dialectic (paul the Deacon, Vita Gregorii 2), a view endorsed by Gregory of Tours, Historia
Francorum 10.1. For his skills, see pp. 105-114 below.

INTRODUCTION
3
low. 10, Yet earlier scholars, such as Homes Dudden, claimed that Gregory's
works 'exhibit little or no trace of any study of the Classics.' 11 Besides the
certainty that his upperclass education in Rome was based on the Classics, the
evidence from his letters shows how wrong Dudden and those who support
him are, for there are several direct quotations in them from the range of
canonic Latin writers. 12
thing is known about Gregory's early manhood, and political career,
when he served under Justin II and Tibe.rius II, but he must have held various
offices in the restored imperial regime, following Justinian's success in his war
against the Goths. In about 573, he may have held the rank of Rome's chief
legal officer (praetor urbanus) and he may well have become city prefect (prae-
fectus urbis Romanae) a year afterwards. It seems that there were at least three
years between his appearance as praetor and his decision to become a monk
(573-576).13 The evidence appears in Ep 4.2, where the most reliable manu-
scripts and editors read praetor, but a few read praefectus, supported by almost
all modern historians. This is one of the few places where Gregory refers to
events before his papacy. Laurence, predecessor to Constantius (recipient of Ep
4.2) was archbishop of Milan from January 573 to August 592, and Gregory
was ordained in about 578, after at least two years as a monk. Thus he would
have had plenty of time to serve as city prefect after completing his legal
office. He was clearly an expert in law, and in diplomacy, administration and
10. Some might not support this. William D. McCready in his Signs of Sanctity: Miracles
in the Thought of Gregory the Great (foronto, 1989), says: 'on balance, his prose must be
considered relatively simple when judged by Classical standards' (p. 51). In the 'populist'
DUtlogues, perhaps, but certainly not in his letters.
11. F. Homes Dudden, Gregory the Great, His Place in History and Thought, 2 vols.
(London, 1905), 1: 74. Although dated, it provides basic source material for Gregory's life.
12. A passage from Seneca's Epistles 1.3 appears in Gregory's Ep 1.33 cum amicis ... ipsis, and
Cicero's famous 0 tempora, 0 mores, is used in Ep 5.37 for an identical context of widespread devas-
tation. In Ep 1.6, the euphemisms for mangy puppies ('panthers' and 'tigers') are close to those in
Lucretius 4.1153-1169, and their opposites in Ovid, Remedia amoris 325-340 turgida, si plena est,
si fusca, nigra ('fatty' if she's shapely, 'darky' if she's tanned'), while in Ep 1.24 there is even a
religious version of these euphemisms. The epics of Homer and Virgil were the basis for some of
his imagery, especially for storms at sea. The powerful phrase from Aeneid 3.57 auri sacra fames
('accursed hunger for gold') appears in Ep 11.40. Modem scholars have also detected references to
Cicero's 'Dream of Scipio' and passages from the satires of Juvenal and of Persius: see Colish, 1be
Stoic Tradition 2: 252-256. She is not convinced by all these allusions, but rightly rejects the view
that Gregory shows 'unqualified hostility to the classics,' a position 'given the decent burial it
deserves.' She cites the valuable work by Claude Dagens, Saint Gregoire Ie Grand: Culture et
experience chretiennes (paris, 1977), pp. 18-24 and 31-34.
13. In their introduction to Rome and the North: The Early Reception of Gregory the
Great in Germanic Europe (paris and Louvain, 2001), pp. ix-xvi, editors Rolf H. Bremmer,
Jr. et ale wrongly suggested that Gregory was prefect by 570, and their date of 586 seems a
year late for his recall to Rome. His likeliest dates seem to be: 540 birth, 573 praetor, 574
Prefect, 576 monk, 578 deacon, 579-585 emissary, 590 Pope, 604 death. For the years 573-
590 certainty is impossible.

4
THE LETTERS OF GREGORY THE GREAT
military matters also, suggesting a continuing career in Rome until 576. His-
torians have argued that the Senate had probably ceased to function by then,
and certainly by the end of the century, and yet the Roman Senate was there
in force to greet the icons of Phocas and Leontia, sent over by the new
emperor, on 25 May 603, after it had sent two embassies to Constantinople as
a body in the years 578 and 580. 14
When his father died, Gregory abandoned his secular career to become a
monk in the newly established monastery of Saint Andrew, until then his old
family home. He served initially under Valentio, soon succeeded as abbot by
the 'father' of that monastery, Maximian, who later spent time with Gregory
in Rome, and then became bishop of the key city of Syracuse in 591, after
Gregory had become pope. It is most unlikely that Gregory ever served as the
monastery's abbot. In looking back, he saw his service to God as a humble
monk as the happiest time of his life, only fully appreciated after he had been
forced to abandon it. Fortunately a letter has survived to his close friend,
Leander, bishop of Seville, in which he remembers his early years as a monk
and their years together in Constantinople. This most significant letter can be
seen as Ep 5.53a, dated July 595, where it covers five pages. 15 In Ep 5.53, he
tells Leander that he is sending over his book on Pastoral Rule, plus the first
two books of his Exposition on the book of Job (Magna Moralia), which he
had started with Leander's encouragement nearly twenty years before. It was
sent for him to review. Gregory's care in preparing this masterpiece can also
be seen both in his comment that chapters 3 and 4 were still being reviewed
in some monasteries, and in the eighteen years of writing and revision it took
him to complete the work for publication. He probably did so early in 596.
A mine of theology, it soon became the most popular of all his writings.
In about 578, Gregory was ordained deacon, and a year later, as a very
experienced negotiator, he was sent by Pelagius II as his papal emissary (apocri-
sarius) to the court of the Emperor Tiberius II in Constantinople. Several
monks from his monastery in Rome accompanied him there, and gave him spi-
ritual support, but they also pressed him to take on a very demanding and
exhausting task, a full-scale exposition on the book of Job. They added that
he should convert all its allegories into an exercise on morality, and back up
his interpretations with sound evidence. Gregory tells us that he was under
incessant pressure from secular cases, mainly trying to obtain money and
troops for his pope in Rome, to use against the Lombards. But he was revived
by daily discussions of biblical readings, and after some misgivings he began
14. For this argument, see T.S. Brown, Gentlemen and Officers: Imperial Administration
and Aristocratic Power in Byzantine Italy, 544-800 (London, 1984), pp. 21-22, and Markus,
Gregory the Great and His World, pp. 8-9.
15. Not in the earliest manuscripts, it was omitted by Norberg in his edition, but
Gregory mentions it in his Moralia in lob 11.1, and the editors of both PL and MGH in-
cluded it after his note to Leander (Ep 5.53).

INTRODUCTION
5
by reading his first sections on Job to the same monks, and then dictated his
text, with scholarly mendations, but with a style close to the spoken word.
His monks gave him lots of commands, and he obeyed them by means of expo-
sition, contemplation and moralizing, and finally completed his first draft in
thirty-five volumes, in six books. In his letter he then gives a full description
of his blend of history and allegory, with many biblical quotations, before
turni.!J.g'to Leander again. He asks him to review the volumes sent, as he had
promised to do. Gregory excuses himself, in case his friend finds the Latin
colorless and unpolished, by pleading illness, and an inability to pursue even
his rhetorical studies.
Gregory here describes his illnesses, not helped by the subjugation of his
body to his service to God and the long hours he spent in administering the
Church's empire. 'For many years,' he writes, 'I have been tormented by fre-
quent pains in my innards, for hours and every moment I grow weary with
the broken strength of my stomach, and I pant with fevers, slow-working
certainly, but continuous.' This was in July 595, a time of heat and fevers in
Rome, where drains and sewers were still in bad repair, after the floods of 589.
Although no hypochondriac, Gregory often mentions his painful afflictions
over the next eight years, and it was almost always July or August when a
fever aggravated his weakened stomach and the gout in his legs. He had con-
tinual attacks of fever and gout from September 598 to July 599 (when he
rarely left his sickbed), and in Ep 10.14 Guly 600) he summed up two years of
dreadful pain: 'The second year has now almost ended my confinement to my
wretched bed, suffering from such painful attacks of gout that on feast days,
I can scarcely get up for a space of three hours to celebrate the solemnities of
Mass. And soon I am forced by my severe pain to lie down again, so that I
may tolerate my torment, while shaken by groans. And for me this pain is
sometimes moderate and sometimes extreme.' Again in his words:
Just look, it is now eleven months since I have been able to rise from
my bed only on very rare occasions, just now and then. For I am
afflicted by such great sufferings from gout, and from other terrible
troubles, that my life is a most grievous punishment for me. For
every day I faint from pain, and I sigh, hoping for the remedy of
death. Indeed, among the clergy and people of this city there has been
such an invasion of feverous sickness that almost no one who is free
nor any servant remains, who could be fit for any office or
ministry. 16
16. See Ep 9.232. In Ep 10.14, he looked back over this terrible period of nearly two
years. By then he was celebrating Mass again, and could write long personal letters, like this
one to Eulogius, replying at last to his 'charming letters.'

6
THE LETTERS OF GREGOR Y THE GREA T
And in August 593, 596, July 598, 599, August 602 and July 603, he was in
every case almost too weak to write. 17
Gregory's prolonged illness in 599 may help to explain the very large
number of letters written that year. Although he was so sick that he could
rarely leave his bed, he could always read (or be read to) and dictate letter after
letter to one or more secretaries. 18 Fortunately Gregory was sure that the
more harshly he was tortured by his illness, the more certainly he could
anticipate a joyful eternity. He saw it as a divine plan that, when suffering, he
should write on the suffering Job, and understand the mind of one being
whipped by being whipped himself. And yet, from his immoderate suffering,
due to such hard work and to his excessive fasting, Gregory's strength of body
was scarcely up to public speaking, and his mind could not express its feelings
properly. Here Gregory uses an extended simile from music, to explain his
battle between body and mind. It certainly points to his musical expertise, as
it depicts a soloist conducted by an experienced choirmaster, and accompanied
by an organ. This predates the normal view that organs first appeared in
churches in about 1000 AD, and it suggests that Gregory may in fact have
played a real part in consolidating the 'Gregorian' chant, while extending the
schola cantorum ('school of singers'). A Byzantine craftsman may have made
an organ for him, perhaps with his friend Leander at his side. 19
Gregory may have owed his life to the doctors who remained lifetime
friends in Constantinople, and he was clearly very interested in all aspects of
medicine, both for himself and for others. He showed real sympathy with
fellow sufferers, comforting them just as he comforted himself, often with the
promise of heavenly bliss. He used medicine for imagery in his letters (and
allegorically in his Regula pastoralis), and he was always keen to help those in
need, like Eulogius of Alexandria, who was going blind, but recovered, and
was sent a sacred cross to place on his eyes, and Bishop Ecclesius of Chiusi,
who was sent a horse to use while still weak from his illness, and a thick tunic
against the cold winds of winter. 20 And when Marinianus, bishop of
17. See Epp 3.61 (August 593); 6.62 (August 596); 8.29 Guly 598: 'he found me sick and
left me sick'); 9.148 (May 599: painful gout); 9.174,176 Guly 599: painful gout again); 9.228,
232 (August 599: severe attacks); 11.18 Ganuary 601: continual pain); 11.26 (February 601:
seriously ill); 12.6 (August 602: too sick to write); 13.43 Guly 603: serious pain).
18. The average number of lines for the first 25 letters in Book _9 was 19, but as the
pope's health improved in the last 25 (Epp 216-240) and in Book 10, average lines were 45
and 34 respectively, over twice as long. He wrote most of these himself, and with great care.
19. For the simile, see p. 108 below. Gregory's picture has not been noted by the musi-
cologists, nor by Dudden in his Gregory the Great 1: 271-276, but he accepts that Gregory
may have endowed (but not created) a choir school. See also John the Deacon, Vita Gregorii
2.6. See too John R.C. Martyn, 'Gregory the Great on Organ Lessons and on the Equipment
of Monasteries,' Medievalia et Humanistica n.s. 30 (2004): 107-122.
20. For Eulogius, see Ep 13.42 (the tiny cross contained a benediction from Saints Peter
and Paul). To Ecclesius, Ep 11.3 Guly 603) Gregory sent a cabal/us ('pack-horse') to help him

INTRODUCTION
7
Ravenna, was vomiting blood, Gregory sent him the opinions of Rome's
doctors (mainly plenty of peace and quiet), and invited him to join him in his
papal palace, but before the dangerous time of summer, so that he could
provide rest and find a cure for the bishop's illness. 21 In Ep 2.25, sent in
April 592, he asked John of Ravenna to invite Bishop Castor of Rimini to stay
with him in Ravenna, to nurse the growing sickness of his body, and to help
with hJ$-.'simple-mindedness,' sending him to Rome if the journey was not too
painful for him. 22 Finally, he is said to have cured a Lombard ruler's
stomach pains with a milk diet. 23
At the end of his letter to Leander, Gregory asks his friend, in a very
literary manner, not to look for flowery language in his book, as a literary
grove should not be planted in the temple of God, and he ends with some
special pleading as he dismisses the rules of grammar and of Donatus, with
extremely rhetorical language. He argues that other interpreters of Holy
Scripture had done likewise, and that the new-born child of his Job should
imitate the mother of earlier works. Between two old friends and talented
scholars, this ironical argument should certainly not be taken literally, and out
of context, and yet almost all scholars have done so.24
It was in Constantinople that Gregory first got to know Leander, -exiled
from the Spanish court. 25 His friend had been forced to leave his home by
its Arian King, Luivigild, for converting his son Prince Hermenegild to the
Catholic faith, and he could not return until the prince's father had died or
had been replaced. Both were monks, both were writers, both became saints,
get around, and in Ep 14.15 Oanuary 604), a 'shaggy woollen tunic'(amphiballum tunicam),
against the cold, wrongly translated as a 'warm cloak' by Richards, Consul of God, p. 47
(taken from Dudden, Gregory the Great 2: 268). It is quite surprising that the sickly bishop
lacked a winter tunic of his own.
21. See Ep 11.22. The warning about sununer heat (aestivum tempus), considered very
dangerous by the doctors, is interesting. Gregory warns Marinianus not to spend long hours in
fasting and praying, and to use another priest for Easter services. This advice was valid for the
pope too. He was also very concerned about bishops sailing to Rome, and those who carried his
letters abroad, especially in December and January (but not beyond Sicily) and in mid September
(see Ep 2.50, under half as many as in November). About 12 letters a year were sent in July, only
3 in January. This has a bearing on the letters included in the third volume of this translation.
22. Gregory is looking after the sick bishop in Rome nearly a year later, his church
being left for Leontius, bishop of Urbino, to look after as its visitor (Ep 3.24).
23. See Anonymous Monk of Whitby, Vita Gregorii 23.
24. For a recent article showing this special pleading, supporting Petrarch in his high opinion
of Gregory's literary style, see Eugenio Massa, 'Gregorio Magno e I' arte de linguaggio: Alcune
osservazioni,' in Gregorio Magno e il suo tempo, 2 vols. (Rome, 1991), 2: 60-104.
25. For Leander, see Leandro Navarra, Leandro di Siviglia: Profilio storico-letterario (Rome,
1987), and the articles by Josep Vilella Masana, 'Gregorio Magno e Hispania' and Domingo
Ramos-LiOOn, 'Gregoire Ie Grand, Leandre et Reccarede,' both in Gregorio Magno e il suo tempo
1: 167-186 and 187-198. For more on Reccared's very welcome conversion, see Ep 9.229.

8
THE LETTERS OF GREGORY THE GREAT
both came from western courts, and both attended the Byzantine court, but
Gregory must have been even more welcome, once Maurice became emperor,
since in 584 he had become godfather to his friend's first-born son, Theo-
dosius. This responsibility bound the two men together with the solemn ties
of kinship. It appears that Gregory had got to know the future royal family
while Maurice was commander of the imperial bodyguard and son-in-law of
the old emperor, Tiberius, and he stayed in Constantinople for about four
years after his friend had been crowned emperor and his wife Constantina
empress, while living in their palace.
Through his stay there, Gregory built up many long-lasting contacts,
influential friends who appeared later in his letters, such as Maurice's two
sisters, Theoctista and Gordia,26 and his close relative Theoctistus, and two
court doctors, Theodore and Theotimus, and a religious courtier, Narses. He
was friendly also with the new commander of the guard, Count Philippicus,
Maurice's brother-in-law, and with the generals Priscus and Narses, and a
scholarly ex-prefect, Aristobulus. He also became friendly with a courtier,
Andrew, and a John, in charge of palace accounts, although none of these
seem to have helped him to obtain the troops or gold needed for Rome from
the emperor. Gregory seems to have had a special affinity with women, espe-
cially upper-class ones. For besides Constantina, Theoctista and Gordia, he
became very friendly with the aristocratic Rusticiana. She had lived in Rome,
but by 592 was in Constantinople, and it seems very influential at court.
Married to a noble Egyptian, Appio, she had three children, Eudoxius, Gregoria
and Eusebia, all three mentioned in the pope's letters. She had properties in Sicily
and Italy, administered by a most 'illustrious viceroy.' Eusebia was often addressed,
and 'his sweet son,' Strategios, is mentioned in some later letters. 27 Her sister,
Gregoria, held an honorable position as the chambermaid of the empress.
Gregory also influenced several wealthy widows to establish monasteries
and convents, either by using a husband's bequest, or by leaving a fortune of
their own in their wills for the same purpose, and the pope proved very persis-
tent in making sure that they were all built, sooner or later. There were also
generous bequests to established convents, like Petronella's (in Ep 4.6). A noble
lady Theodosia, in Epp 4.8,10, who had become a nun, was given a year by the
pope to implement the bequest of her wealthy husband, Stephen, to build a
convent in Sardinia. Relics were to be collected there and blessed by the local
bishop, J anuarius, whom he asked to complete the building, if Theodosia failed
to do so. In Ep 4.9, Gregory had attacked the bishop for taking inadequate
26. For this second royal sister, see Ep 7.27. Gordia was married to Marinus. They had a
daughter, Theoctista, married to a Christodorus. Thus the emperor had two sisters, as Epp 1.5 and
7.23 show that a Theoctista was his sister, married to Philippicus (tonsured under Phocas, 605/6).
See Theophanes, Chronographia AM 6098 and Theophylact Simocana, Historia 1.13.2.
27. Gregory shows special concern for this young man, perhaps to please his mother,
but he may well have been chosen as the boy's godfather, as with Maurice's son, Theodosius.

INTRODUCTION
9
care of the convents and nuns in Sardinia. Normally the pope found the ladies
most cooperative, like the illustrious Themotea in Ep 2.11, in Rimini, and
Rustica in Epp 3.58, 59, married to a rich man in Naples, Felix - although it
took six years for her convent to be completed (in Ep 9.165).28 A bequest
leading to a convent came from the estate of Vitula (Ep 1.46), also in Sardinia,
and Alexandria (Ep 9.171) left funds for a monastery in Naples. Among reli-
giou'men, Pompei ana built a convent in Cagliari (Ep 1.46), Lavinia a mon-
astery in Corsica (Ep 1.50), Capitulana a monastery in Syracuse (Ep 10.1) and
Januaria an oratory in Sicily (Ep 9.181). Finally, in two cases an abbess helped
in the completion of a convent, Juliana in Sardinia (Ep 1.46) and Flora in
Rome (Ep 3.17), and Brunhilde built a convent in Autun (Ep 13.5). In all, there
were thirteen ladies in the letters who played key roles in building or renew-
ing convents or monasteries, and others who made very generous donations.
It seems that the pope's influence was most effective, especially in Sardinia.
When added to the seven founded by Gregory himself, and eight by men, this
shows that as many as 28 were founded while he was pope, and no doubt
some others not mentioned in his letters. 29
Besides his personal charm and his ability to delight and inform most of
the recipients of his letters, Gregory made skilful use of holy and practical
presents to establish and cement friendships, whether charitable ones for
women and children and elderly priests in distress, or curative ones for those
suffering from cold and ill health, or valuable ones for imperial, royal and
aristocratic friends and for abbots, bishops and archbishops. For the clergy the
pallium was of most value, and both groups received gifts of small crosses with
shavings of the chains of Saint Peter and Saint Paul, the hair of John the Bap-
tist and other such relics. These gifts were often presented with formulaic
language, and their power to avert evil was stressed. In a useful article on the
gifts of Gregory the Great, Grazia Rapisarda discussed most of these holy and
secular presents, but ave very little attention to the pope's many gifts of
precious manuscripts. 0 He mentioned his Regula pastoralis and Moralia in
28. It was in fact 21 years after the death of her husband, Felix, in 578, as Gregory
points out in this letter to Romanus, his defender in Syracuse.
29. There are 8 cases of monasteries being founded by men, Ep 6.46 John (in Pesaro);
Ep 8.5 Venantius (bishop of Luni, a convent); Epp 9.10, 166 Romanus (an honorable man,
in Naples); Ep 9.58 Valerian (a Church notary, in Fermo, an oratory) and Ep 13.16 Proculus
(deacon of Asculanum, in Fermo); and finally, Ep 9.163 Liberius (a patrician in Campania),
Ep 9.217 Childebert (King in Aries) and Ep 13.21 Julian (Lord, in Catana). With the 13
founded by women and seven founded by Gregory himself, this adds up to as many as 28
monasteries or convents being founded and recorded in his letters. No doubt there were
many others not mentioned in his letters. His very important role in this area needs to be
emphasized. For a local bishop's 'donation' required by law, and used to set up a convent,
see Ep 8.5. For 10 nuns, 10 beds were needed, a chalice and plate, muslin (for veils), cooking
and farming utensils, a river, arable land, two slaves and a pair of oxen. See n19 above.
30. See Grazia Rapisarda, 'I doni nell' epistolario di Gregorio Magno,' in Gregorio Magno
e it suo tempo 2: 285-300.

10
THE LETTERS OF GREGORY THE GREAT
lob sent to Leander and the Regula sent to the Irish Columban (Ep 5.17),31
and a book of instruction (possibly his Regula) given to Dynamius (and
Aurelia) in Ep 7.33, but he did not mention a copy of Gregory's Regula
promised to Venantius in Ep 5.17, and the Heptateuch donated by him to the
new monastery of Praetoria in Naples (Ep 2.50), no doubt one of many such
works donated to start a monastery's scriptorium. Also two codices of Homi-
liae on Ezechiel (or on the Gospels) were sent to the monk Secundinus (Ep
9.148). Gregory searched his archives and library for a Martyrology by
Eusebius to send to Eulogius, bishop of Alexandria (Ep 8.28), and he sent a
Gospel Book to Elias, an abbot in Isauria (Ep 5.35), and a manuscript of the
bible was sent to Queen Brunhilde, for Candidus to use in teaching her (Ep
8.4).32 He also sent an illuminated bible to Augustine in England, brought
with. other books by Mellitus, no doubt including a psalter. By some miracle,
the 'Canterbury Bible' has survived. 33
While he was in Constantinople, Gregory had also made important links
with leading clergy, among them Maurice's influential nephew, Domitian, the
metropolitan of Armenia (Epp 3.62; 5.43; 9.4). He became friendly as well with
the local archbishop, the scholarly John 'the Faster' (Epp 1.4, 24; 3.52; 5.44;
6.15), whose self-styled title of 'ecumenical patriarch' later caused the pope
such concern, and even anger. 34 He got to know the patriarch of Antioch,
Gregory (Epp 1.24; 5.44), and its ex-patriarch, Anastasius (Epp 1.7, 24, 25; 5.41,
42), and Constantius, a deacon from Milan (Epp 3.29, 31; 4.1, 2, 3, 22, 29, 37),
and later its bishop.35 He was also well acquainted with Cyri, acus future
patriarch of Constantinople, and a kindred spirit. 36 He was friendly, finally,
31. For a useful study of his letter to Gregory, see Joseph F. Kelly's article on 'The Letter
of Columbanus to Gregory the Great,' in Gregario Magno e il suo tempo 1: 213-223. He sees it
as too offensive to warrant a papal reply, perhaps underrating Gregory's love of wit.
32. Gregory was generous in supplying codices to others, and he collected many for his
own library. See Ep 2.50 where he asks Peter to bring back other manuscripts with him, and
in Ep 6.65, where he asks the priest Athanasius to send him Latin manuscripts. See Martyn,
'Six Notes,' 17-20.
33. See Cambridge, Corpus Christi College, MS 286, containing the four gospels.
34. He dedicated a book of his on baptism to his friend, Leander (Isidore, De viris
illustribus 39).
35. In Ep 3.29, Gregory recommends him to the Naples clergy as the best candidate for
their bishopric, saying that in Constantinople he 'kept close to me fer a long time, and I
never found anything in him that could have been widely found fault with.' But in Ep 4.2,
he is annoyed to hear that Queen Theodelinda has given up Mass due to him.
36. In Ep 7.4, he reminds Cyriacus about their earlier time together in the royal city,
both of them forced from the peace of scholarly pursuits into exhausting Church administra-
tion. See Ep 7.5 for their shared reluctance to serve. Neither Richards, Consul of God nor
Markus, Gregory the Great and His World mentions this important early contact. Dudden,
Gregory the Great 1: 154, does mention him, but not the two letters. Gregory in fact stayed
in the grounds of the royal palace, where many accused of heresy used to visit him (see Ep
11.27, to Theoctista).

INTRODUCTION
11
with the 'glorious' ex-consul, Leontius, who caused him trouble in his final
years. But his first real taste of Byzantine controversy came with Eutychius,
patriarch of Constantinople, and author of a treatise on the resurrection, when
men's bodies, he argued, would become insubstantial. To Gregory, Christ's
resurrection proved quite the opposite. The two clerics became so hostile over
this that the Emperor Tiberius had to intervene. By the time that he had
agre support Gregory, and had decreed that the patriarch's book should
be burnt, both of the litigants were in a state of collapse. Gregory was
seriously ill with a fever, but soon recovered, while Eutychius failed to do so,
and was replaced as patriarch by John 'the Faster.'
This doctrinal controversy was one of several which would trouble Gre-
gory later on, especially when he became the arbiter, as pope. In about 586,
Gregory was allowed to return home, replaced by a deacon, Honoratus, and
he was soon enjoying the peace of his monastery, with time to continue his
great work on Job and to meditate on the Scriptures, while often fasting. After
the crowds and court life in Constantinople, his life in the peaceful cloisters
proved to be a period of great contentment. 37 And yet he had been appointed
as bishop of Rome, with plenty of administrative duties, and he continued also
to give some help to Pope Pelagius, in tackling the schism over the Three -Chap-
ters in the Istrian church. After an Istrian delegation to Rome had totally refused
to consider the fifth council, Gregory was given the task of writing a threatening
letter to their bishops, providing arguments to refute their interpretation, but still
to no avail. The general Smaragdus then used force to transport Bishop Severns
and three of his bishops to Ravenna, who after a year in detention, agreed to have
communion with John, the city's archbishop and a supporter of the pope's posi-
tion. But the Istrian people and several bishops refused to accept the capitulation
of Severns, who changed his view, and the schism continued.
Nature was also in revolt, for in 589, floods swept through northern Italy
and reached Rome in autumn, where the river Tiber broke its banks and flooded
the city and the papal granaries, and several old churches. Soon afterwards, as
often happens, a plague struck the city, and an early victim was Pope Pelagius
himself, who died on 8 February 590. Again the papal election was at a time
of crisis, with floods, disease and renewed attacks from the Lombards. The
clergy quickly found a replacement in the experienced monk, Gregory. And
thanks to the success of his career in Rome and in diplomacy, he would have
appealed to the nobility and the people; his monastic life and religious works
and love of prayer and fasting would have appealed to the clergy; and he was
also a member of the emperor's family. Gregory tried to escape the burden,
for which he felt totally inadequate, but it seems that his letter of refusal to
Maurice was not passed on by his brother, the city prefect Palatinus, and Rome's
verdict was soon confirmed by a no doubt far from unhappy emperor. 38
37. See Markus, Gregory the Great and His World, p. 12.
38. See Richards, Consul of God, p. 41. For the letter substitution by his brother, see
Paul the Deacon, Vita Gregorii 10, John the Deacon Vita Gregorii 1.39, 40.

12
THE LETTERS OF GREGORY THE GREAT
As pope-elect, Gregory, who had somehow escaped the plague, at once
took measures to counter its impact, preaching that it was a punishment from
God and required repentance. After three days of prayers and psalms, a seven-
fold procession of penance and prayers for mercy set out from seven churches,
and wound slowly through Rome on 25 April, and during it, 80 people fell
dead. The Limbourgs' well.known illumination of this macabre procession can
be seen on folios 71v-72r in Les Tres Riches Heures du Due de Berry. Pope
Gregory is depicted wearing his papal tiara, and praying with his arms uplifted
to Heaven. Four cardinals follow him, and they pass by a dead child and a
dying monk, while a priest in a blue and gold cassock slumps to the ground
before them, spilling his holy casket on to the road. The three priests around
the victim are looking down on him. Senior priests behind the victim look
away to Heaven, like the pope, who walks slowly behind them. The contrast
between the magnificent vestments and the grey and white monks, and be-
tween the living priests and dying victims, shows the indiscriminate nature of
the plague, not to be diverted by the holiest of offices, nor by prayers and
hymns to God, like the repeated cry miserere nobis in the text,39 written
above the illumination. 40 Even so, the procession was a powerful expression
of faith and hope, and the destructive plague ended not long afterwards.
Confirmation of Gregory's election as the new pope soon arrived from the
emperor, and preparations were quickly under way for his consecration. Some
stories described his attempts to escape and hide, but they are based on his
stated reluctance to leave his monastery to serve as pope, and they are clearly
apocryphal. 41 He was more likely to have retreated for prayers and bible
reading, in preparation for the climax of his life of service. But on 3 September
590, Gregory was duly consecrated as pope, in the basilica of Saint Peter. His
earliest letters express his anguish, and his fear over his unworthiness, and his
reluctance to take on such a great burden. As in his September letter to Paul
the scholastic, in which he says that, however much he is congratulated, he puts
little value on the honor of his episcopal office, his real desire being peace and
quiet. And in a letter to the scholarly Narses, he laments his 'ruin.' But by the
New Year, he was in a more cheerful frame of mind. 42 His nearly fourteen years
39. The Latin for "tJPL€ {A{€U]OJl ('Lord have mercy upon us').
40. The scene on folios 71v-72r is well reproduced in the Le) Tres Riches Heures du Due
de Berry: Musee Conde, Chantilly, ed. Jean Longnon et al. (London, 1969), plates 73-74. The
rounded faces on p. 74 suggest the work of Colombe, who completed some of the Limbourg
paintings. The architecture is not at all close to Gregory's time.
41. For a similar attempt to hide from summons to high office, see Leontios, abbot of
Saint Sabas, S. Gregorii Agrigentini vita (pG 98: 550-715). Gregory of Agrigento was found
hiding in a Roman monastery garden by Pope Gregory's agents, in 590, and was made
bishop of Agrigento, although barely 31 years old. See further n67 below.
42. See Richards, Consul of God. 42-43. He quotes Gregory's soul-searching letter to
Theoctista (Ep 1.5), and a happier letter to Archbishop Natalis (Ep 1.20).

INTRODUCTION
13
of gruelling work and passionate service to God had begun.43 He continued to
write cogent letters and to control the Church's Empire right up to moment of
his death, when all that pain from his gout and stomach finally left his tortured
body, and he found peace, on 12 March 604. He was buried that day in Saint
Peter's basilica, and his epitaph acclaimed him as Dei consul ('Consul of God').44
Them epi.sudatwm
The work of Gregory that is of most interest to modern readers is his collec-
tion of letters, the Registrum epistularum. Historians of Late Antiquity and of
early Church history explore this collection of letters not only for the message
they contain, but also for the light that they shed on the times in which
Gregory lived. It should be noted at the outset, however, that the collection
is by no means a complete one of every letter sent during Gregory's pontifi-
cate. It is known that such a collection did exist in the ninth century, but
what has survived until modern times is a collection of some 854 letters,
selected from the complete collection in three independent gatherings. A
quarter of these come from the year 598/9, while only twenty come from the
next year, albeit lengthy ones. Reginald Poole concluded that the average total
of 66 letters per book surviving from each year of the pontificate were -a small
portion of those sent by the pope, but this is most unlikely.45 A few refer-
ences in the letters that survive point to others that have been lost at some
stage, but probably only a dozen or so. Book 9 is certainly atypical and no
guide to the length of the other books.
Next, one must consider how far the surviving letters were actually the
result of Gregory's literary activity and how far they were products of his
administrative system. To illustrate the point, one has only to recall that three
of the letters issued by Pope Pelagius II against the Three Chapters schismatics,
were actually written by Gregory. This practice may well have been true of
Gregory's pontificate as well.
Dag Norberg, the editor of Gregory's letters for the Corpus Christian-
orum, has distinguished three types of Gregorian letters: those written by
Gregory himself, administrative letters using stock phrases and expressions that
predated the time of Gregory; and other administrative letters that did not use
43. Namely 13 years, 6 months and 10 days (3 September 590 to 12 March 604) as pope,
and about 6 months as pope-elect.
44. In addition to the biographies of Gregory by Dudden, Richards and Markus already
mentioned above, readers may wish to consult Pierre Batiffol, Saint Gregory the Great
(London, 1929), G.R. Evans, The Thought of Gregory the Great (Cambridge, 1986), and Carol
Straw, Gregory the Great: Perfection in Imperfection (Berkeley, 1988).
45. Reginald L. Poole, Lectures on the History of the Papal Chancery down to the Time
of Innocent III (Cambridge, 1915), p. 427. But see pp. 5-6 above for Gregory's confinement
to bed for much of 598/589, with time to dictate far more letters, albeit short ones, than
when he was fully active.

14
THE LETTERS OF GREGORY THE GREAT
such stock phrases and expressions. 46 But whatever the outcome of investigations
of direct or indirect authorship of particular letters, it may safely be maintained
that, because each letter was issued officially in his name, it was an authentic
production of his pontificate. Subsequent times have preserved the letters because
they established legal precedents for actions taken in a wide range of activities. As
such, they bear witness to the growing concern for canonical and disciplinary
issues within the Church. In facing these issues, Gregory demonstrated both a
practicality of approach and an ardent zeal for justice and discipline that command
both admiration and respect.
Gregory's use of the Scriptures
Gregory's inspiration lay in his scriptural exegesis. His use of the sacred texts
was driven by one concern, the desire to discover what they had to say about
the Christian life. The sacred texts were not written to grace libraries or to
sound fair in speech. They were written so as to be read and honored by those
who were committed to living out their sacred precepts in the practicalities of
the experience of life. 47 When Gregory quotes scriptural texts, they are care-
fully integrated with his message, as he encourages their practical implementa-
tion. Those who knew God's Word, as revealed in the Scriptures, had the obli-
gation of making that message known to others. This scriptural exposition by
the preacher was something undertaken for the benefit of the community, not
for the preacher's private illumination. Conversion of life, leading to the
contemplation of divine truth, was the ultimate goal of all scriptural study.48
Gregory believed tha, if life and salvation may be said to come to the
human race through the activity of Jesus Christ, then the Scriptures are the
door, or the path, that gives access to that life: they are a light for our way,
in which God discloses his will to mankind (Homiliae in Hiezechihelem 2.5.3;
1.7.17). The Scriptures nourish the spiritual life in the same way that the life
of the physical body is nourished by food and drink (Moralia in lob 1.21.29).
The body takes in food by chewing and digesting it. In the same way, the
Scriptures must be 'chewed,' studied and reflected upon, if the benefit of
studying them is to be gained (Homiliae in Hiezechihelem 1.10.3-6). In the
letters, the Scriptures are used judiciously and most effectively to support the
pope's arguments, and he clearly knows almost all off by heart.
About 213 of Gregory's biblical quotations come from the Old Testament
and 327 from the New Testament, 540 in all. By far the mot come from the
gospel of Saint Matthew (92), followed by the Psalms (58) and Luke (52). The
46. Dag Norberg, 'Qui a compose les lettres de saint Gregoire Ie Grand?' Studi Medieval
3rd sere 21 (1980): 1-17, at 6.
47. See Dagens, Saint Gregoire Ie Grand, p. 26.
48. See Joan 1. Petersen, The Vialogues' of Gregory the Great in their Late Antique
Cultura: Bttdegruund (f oronto, 1984), p. 26.

INTRODUCTION
15
four gospels provide 185 quotations, well over half of those from the New Tes-
tament, as might be expected. There are far more biblical quotations in Gre-
gory's early letters than in .volume three, when more and more formal letters
were required, as the pope consolidated his ever-widening Church domain.
The most quoted individual passages come from Mt 23:12 (4), Lk 14:11 (5)
and Lk 18:14 (5), where pride is attacked, the deadliest of all sins in the pope's
view, dge from his other letters. He also quotes Lk 2:14 five times, and
Heb 12:14 five times, with their prayers for peace on earth, another permanent
quest in his letters. In an episode quoted no fewer than nine times, in Lk 2: 14
(5) and Mt 21:12 (4), Jesus attacks the money-changers who are defiling the
Lord's temple, a symbol of his pet aversion, simony. For Gregory too, a
church was meant for worship only. With Heb 12:6, used four times, he
stressed the need for strict discipline ('whom the Lord loves he disciplines')
and with Mt 10:8, used three times, he argued for charitable works. The other
thrice repeated quotations are Mt 6:19, granting the keys of the Kingdom of
Heaven to Peter, and Mt 15:11, where a man is defiled by what comes out of
his mouth. Let it be added that all of his quotations are used by Gregory to
support his persuasive arguments, often very carefully adapted and integrated
into the text. In the final book of letters there are no biblical quotatIons,
which is quite surprising, and no more attacks on his favorite target, pride. It
seems that by then Phocas' coup and the murders of his friends in Constanti-
nople had begun to dominate his thoughts, as his own body fast approached
the escape from pain for which it was longing.
In the Old Testament, Gregory quotes from all the books in the Penta-
teuch except for Numbers, and he quotes from all seven Wisdom Books,
which provided his favorite source material from the Old Testament. Only
four of the thirteen Historical Books provided him with quotations, as one
might expect, and only half of the Prophetic Books. Those omitted are of
relatively minor importance (the books of Baruch, Joel, Obadiah, Jonah,
Micah, Nahum, Habakkak, Zephaniah and Haggai). Most quotations are from
the Psalms (58), followed by Proverbs (24), Job (21), Genesis (21) and Exodus
(20). No other books reached double figures, although Leviticus has nine (eight
from the Responsa), Sirach eight and Isaiah and Ezekiel six each. The large
number from Job can be explained by his own extensive work on the Book
of Job, much of it done while he was papal emissary in Constantinople. He
also seems to have equated his own sufferings with those of his hero.
In the New Testament, Matthew (92) is followed by Luke (52) and John
(29), then come 1 Corinthians (23) and 2 Corinthians (19), the Romans (17),
the Acts (16), Mark (12), Hebrews (11), and then Galatians, 1 John, 1 Timothy
and James (8). The rest are quoted five or fewer times. Besides the very clear
leader, Matthew, the few quotations from Mark are surprising, overshadowed
by each of Paul's letters to the Corinthians. The pope's only omissions are
short, minor works, 2 and 3 John, Jude, Philemon and 2 Thessalonians,
totalling only some 13 pages of text.

16
THE LETTERS OF GREGORY THE GREAT
There are plenty of quotations in the letters that show that the pope was
quoting from memory. Sometimes this led to slips; more often the text of the
Vulgate was deliberately changed, in places quite radically, to suit his context.
His lapses of memory usually have no effect on the sense of the word or
passage: Gregory uses for example nam for enim in quoting from 2 Cor 1:23,
Iesum for Christum in 2 Cor 4:5, sicut for quasi in Is 58:1, fomicationes for
fomicationem in 1 Cor 7:2-3 and an enim is omitted in 2 Cor 5:13. In quoting
1 Cor 9:9 Gregory uses obturabis os ('will muzzle an ox'), more specific than
alligabis os ('will bind an ox'). In Acts 10:26 he adds ne feceris (' don't do it')
but leaves ipse out of et ego homo sum. In Acts 20:26-27, the Vulgate's hodierna
die quia mundus sum a sanguine omnium becomes mundae sunt hodie manus
meae a sanguine vestrum, his hands and the last word narrowing its application.
Personal, too, is his change in 2 Cor 6:1-2, where the Vulgate's adiuvantes
autem exhortamur appears as exhortamur vos fratres, and likewise bona vestra
/ partem vestram becomes nostra / nostrum in Mt 5:16. Many more examples
could be given, but they would be similar to these, where Gregory quite often
uses a synonym, and often changes the word order, but more often adapts the
text he knows so well to suit a different purpose, and most often quotes from
both testaments without altering the Holy writ at all. 49
The process by which the Scriptures were used to nourish Christian minds
was known as lectio divina. This was not unique to Gregory. Rather, it may
be seen to have been a feature of the monastic way of life at the time (see, for
example the Regula Benedicti 48, which regulates the times to be spent on lectio
divina). Gregory, being a well-trained monk, was fully engaged in this process.
Strictly speaking, lectio divina went beyond simply reading biblical literature.
Homilies of the Church Fathers, commentaries on biblical books, lives of the
Saints, devotional works, and other theological literature might also be in-
cluded. For this reason, 'spiritual reading' might be a more appropriate transla-
tion of lectio divina.
Where a text of Scripture was the object of this reading, the reader was
engaged in a moral exercise, undertaken as that reader progressed through its
historical, moral and allegorical senses. While not neglecting the other senses
of Scripture, Gregory's preference was to concentrate on both the spiritual and
allegorical exegesis of a given text. He was more interested in the spiritual
truth which the text could support rather than in expounding its literal
meaning. 50 His method was to hold up a given text to the mind's eye, like
a mirror. In that 'mirror' both the ugliness and the beauty of the soul would
stand revealed (Moralia 2.1.1). The text feeds the spiritual life at every level of
meaning, and Christians could in this way take the message of the Scriptures
to heart (Moralia 16.35.43). Indeed, Gregory demonstrates how the text of
49. For a full survey of the pope's quotations from the Bible, see pp. 114-116 below.
50. See Markus, Gregory the Great and His World, pp. 44-45, and Evans, Thought of
Gregory, pp. 87-88.

INTRODUCTION
17
Scripture accommodates itself to the intellectual capacity of the reader who seeks
to understand it. It contains riches to exercise the learned and to encourage the
weak. The Scriptures may be compared to a river from whose banks the lamb
may drink in safety, while the elephant can swim in its waters (Ep 5.53a).
Where texts of Scripture are found in Gregory's letters, these various
methodological factors, developed at length elsewhere, are effortlessly con-
texted within the framework of the letter, and original or adapted quo-
tations are used to throw practical weight behind the particular point the pope
wishes to t:nake. Almost all of his quotations seem to have been from memory,
and most came from the Psalms that in the monastic system then and there-
after every monk was expected to know by heart.
Eschatology
Christian thought has always understood this to be the 'last age,' the time
between Christ's first and second comings, although the precise nature in
which this 'last age' is understood remains rather vae. Gregory shared this
traditional understanding, but he also professed not to. And yet his reflections
on matters such as these did not remain a general theological principle. It was
often used as an homiletic device engineered to produce a return of fearful
hearers to the practice of their faith. But for Gregory, his daily experience told
him that the end of the world was imminent. In the devastation of plagues and
floods, in the threat of Lombard swords, in the tensions between the people
of the West and agents of imperial authority, and in the frequent betrayal of
their ministerial calling by both bishops and clergy alike, the pope clearly saw
that battle lines had been drawn in an eschatological conflict between the
forces of light and the powers of darkness.
Moments of acute crisis could produce some of the most powerful apo-
calyptic images in the way Gregory expressed himself. 51 The Lombard threat
to Rome in late 593, and again in summer 595, gave rise to passages in the
homilies (such as Homiliae in Hiezechihelem 2.6.22), as well as several letters
(Epp 2.38; 4.2; 5.36, 37, 42). But other causes were equally capable of giving
rise to similar reflections on the end of the world. 52 In 590-591 the onset of
plague and pestilence gave rise to the colorful language of Homiliae in Evange-
lia 1.1. And in June 595, he reflected with the Emperor Maurice on the cur-
rent state of the world, painting a very gloomy picture of a land overrun by
barbarians, with cities destroyed, defenses overthrown, provinces depopulated,
fields lying fallow for want of cultivators, the faithful falling away to worship
51. See Markus, Gregory the Great and His World, p. 52 and Evans, Thought of Gregory,
p. 19.
52. See Margaret Deanesly, A History of the Medieval Church, 590-1500, 5th rev. ed.
(London, 1947), pp. 19-20, Giuseppe Cremascoli, 'La Bibbia nella Regola Pastorale di San
Gregorio Magno,' Vetera Christi4norum 6 (1969): 47-70, at 48 and Hartmann Grisar, San
Gregorio Magno (590-604) (Rome, 1928), p. 35.

18
THE LETTERS OF GREGORY THE GREAT
idols and clergy betraying their ministerial trust as shepherds of the flock (Ep
5.37). But other letters could equally have been chosen Qike Epp 3.29 and 11.37).
When taken together, these statements declare unambiguously that Gre-
gory believed that the world of the 'last age' was doomed. It was hopeless to
cling on to the things that we have loved, he concluded. Instead, it was neces-
sary to look beyond the crumbling fabric of the present age to the spiritual
things of the world to come (Ep 3.29). In his thoughts, the old Stoic ideal of
detachment from material things received a new dynamism, under the influ-
ence of his reading of biblical apocalyptic literature.
The expectation that 'the end of the world' was near added urgency to all
of Gregory's pastoral activity. It was through the agency of the Church that
the transition was to be made from the passing material world to the eternal
verities of the spiritual world. In the face of changing realities, Gregory was
able to lay the foundations of a new Christian order that was to flourish in the
.
centurIes to come.
THE HISTORICAL AND POLITICAL CONTEXT
The imperial court
For Gregory, as for many of his sixth-century contemporaries, a legacy of the
past continued to make its presence felt in the political thought of the present.
It was the ideal of the Christian Roman Empire (societas reipublicae Christianae)
in which the Church and the state complemented each other, as they worked
for a mutual regeneration. He expressed this understanding in his allegory
addressed to Leontius, on the relationship that existed between the Church
and the world (Ep 8.33). According to that ideal, the Church was made up of
citizens of Babylon (in angaria) and of citizens of Jerusalem (caelestis patria).
Deeds done in the exile of Babylon would reap their rewards in the holy city
of Jerusalem.
The imperial court in Constantinople was the visible manifestation of a
theological reality, the divine court of Heaven. Because of this, it followed that
the emperor was the political manifestation of a harmonious unity, upon
which the world depended for its very existence. It was the duty of the clergy
to pray for the emperor, that almighty God might let him trample barbarian
nations beneath his feet, and grant him a long and felicitous reign, so that faith
in Christ might rule throughout the Christian Empire (Ep 7.5). It is the age-old
justification of Roman imperialism, albeit in a new Christian guise. Barbarians
were naturally subordinate to Romans, as slaves were to free men (Epp 7.5,
11.4, 13.32).
If the barbarian invasions can be seen to have lessened the expansion of
the old Roman Empire, the same cannot be said of the imperial concept that
it represented. In Gregory's eyes, the Empire remained the ideal political
organization, even when viewed alongside national monarchies that were be-
coming the norm in the West. His contacts with these monarchies resulted
from pastoral necessity, rather than from any desire to embrace an alternative

INTRODUCTION
19
system of government. Indeed, it was pastoral necessity, rather than some
vague broadness of political idealism, which led him to treat the barbarian
monarchies as autonomous entities, possessing their own national churches and
their own Christian destinies. Left to himself, Gregory was most comfortable
using the vocabulary of imperial chauvinism, and his moves towards the var-
ious national groupings were often tinged with regret, as is shown by his very
diffirelationship with the Lombards. So close was the alliance into which
the Roman Church entered with the Empire, that even the appointment of its
bishop, the pope, was dependent upon the emperor's consent. This state of
affairs continued until 684, when the emperor waived his rights in this regard.
In line with the Byzantine convention, the Roman Church was obliged to pay
a large sum of money to the court, in exchange for the act of ratification.
When seen in this light, Gregory's letters to individuals at the imperial court,
right at the beginning of his pontificate, are most significant (Epp 1.4-7).
Gregory's entire pontificate was balanced between a desire to be faithful
to the old order of things, and recognition of the reality that a new world
order was emerging. The tension may be seen in the events that made up his
personal life. It is the struggle of a man of the West, living in an Empire that
was becoming increasingly eastern. A man who dreamed of becoming a mis-
sionary to the northern barbarians finds himself being sent as papal representa-
tive to the court in Constantinople. A man who returned from the East, as a
friend and confidant of the Emperor Maurice, sends Augustine on his mission
to convert the Anglo-Saxons.
In his dealings with the emperor, Gregory adopted the position of a
subject addressing his temporal lord. When speaking to the emperor, he
employed the customary adulatory phrases of court ritual, phrases such as
serenissimi domini (Epp 1.7; 3.61; 5.36),.pietas and sanctitas vestra (Epp 3.61;
5.36; 6.16, 64; 7.6, 30) or clementia (Ep 5.30). He understood the emperor to
occupy a special position of power, which was ordained by God himself (Ep
5.37). He recognized the emperor as the person charged with guarding the
peace of the Church and hence as having the right to intervene in ecclesiastical
affairs (Ep 7.6; Moralia 23.13.24). He did all this even when such interventions
could prove very awkward for the papacy, as will be shown in the Three
Chapters controversy.
When Gregory believed that the emperor had made a mistake, or had in
some way abused his authority, he did not hold back from voicing his
objections; but he did so in private, and in a manner that preserved the public
position of the emperor. An example of his approach may be seen in his
response to an imperial order that forbade those in imperial service from
becoming monks. Gregory protested, adding by way of justification that it was
not possible for him to remain silent when the decrees of God were being
contravened (Ep 3.61). And yet the manner in which he made his objection is
significant. He sent it, not through the channel of his official representative at
court, but via Theodore, the imperial physician, and he did this so that it

20
THE LETTERS OF GREGORY THE GREAT
might be presented in secret to the emperor, and at the most appropriate time (Ep
3.64). This tactful approach resulted in a modification of the original decree,
replacing a total prohibition with a probationary period of three years, prior to
such persons being able to receive the monastic habit. Gregory, as the emperor's
friend and most loyal subject, saw to the decree's promulgation in the West.
This was not the only instance when the pope took the emperor to task.
In the ecumenical patriarch affair, Gregory urged Maurice to put pressure on
John 'the Faster,' patriarch of Constantinople, to abandon his title (Ep 5.37).
Maurice expressed reluctance to act in such a dramatic manner, over what he
saw as an essentially frivolous title (appellatione frivoli nominis). But Gregory
restated his position, stressing the need for the emperor to be more discerning
in his judgment. He declared that what might seem harmless and frivolous
under some conditions could be like deadly poison under others (Ep 7.30).
Gregory was prepared to press against all comers his demand that the offend-
ing title be removed. 53
Such disagreements with the way in which imperial policy was being
implemented at any given time were unable to sway the pope's confidence in
the system itself. Not even the criticism in Ep 5.36, where he is described by
the emperor as naIve (fatuus), nor the brutal overthrow of Maurice by Phocas,
could do that. His experiences, first as a powerful chief magistrate of Rome,
and later as papal representative in Constantinople, had taught him the value
of Roman law, which lay at the basis of the imperial system. Indeed, he had
a real interest and competence in law that few of his western contemporaries
could match. Giuseppe Damazia has identified some twelve extracts from the
Corpus [uris Civilis in Gregory's letters, together with some 74 explicit and 54
implicit references to Roman law. 54 And so, the besieged pontiff continued
to uphold the dignity of the imperial office, praying for Maurice and his
family, and urging others to do likewise. 55
The exarchs
In the West, the pope's more immediate contact with the imperial system
came from his dealings with imperial officials. Often these seem to have acted
with one aim in view, namely to squeeze as much profit as possible from those
they were appointed to govern. Gregory realized that, as Bishop of Rome, he
must exercise some supervision over such corrupt individuals. Moreover, cir-
cumstances of the time meant that he was being called upon to answer needs
that the imperial administrators were unable to fulfill, with increasing fre-
53. For two recent studies of this issue, see Andre Tuilier, 'Gregoire Ie Grand et Ie titre
de patriarche oecumenique,' and Ion Coman, 'Gregoire et les Eglises illyro-thraco-daco-
romaines," both in Gregoire Ie Grand, ed. Jacques Fontaine (paris, 1986), pp. 69-82 and
95-105, esp. 100-103.
54. Giuseppe Damizia, '11 Registrum epistolarum di S. Gregorio Magno ed il Corpus Juris
Civilis,' Benedictina 2 (1949): 195-226, esp. 220-222.
55. See Epp 7.5, 24; 9.136; 11.27.

INTRODUCTION
21
quency. Property needed to be administered, soldiers needed to be paid and
towns defended, and there wer always the poor to be fed. Sometimes, the
emperor himself made use of the pope, rather than of his own officials, as a
conduit for satisfying these needs (Ep 5.30). But, for the most part, the pope
had to work in cooperation with local functionaries.
The imperial administrators, with whom Gregory had greatest contact,
were..the exarch of Italy (resident at Ravenna), the exarch of Africa and the
praetor of Sicily. His dealings with these three officials demonstrate many of
the strengths and weaknesses of the imperial system.
The posts of exarch of Italy and exarch of Africa were essentially new
creations of the Empire, under either Tiberius II or Maurice, during the second
half of the sixth century. 56 Essentially, the office of exarch brought together
the administration of civil, judicial and religious affairs under the control of a
top ranking military official. This was a detrimental step for the provincials,
for the possibility always existed that the exarch would act in a despotic
manner. And yet, in the aftermath of the Vandal invasion of North Africa and
the Lombard invasions of Italy, it is hard to see what else the Empire might
have done. The permanent state of war existing at that time, in these_ very
troubled provinces, meant that some form of centralization was needed if the
Empire was to retain any of its territory at al1. 57
Rome lay within the jurisdiction of the exarch of Italy. While Gregory
was pope, there were three occupants of this office: Romanus (590-596),
Callinicus (596-603) and Smaragdus (after 603), three personalities, each of
them totally different. In the exarchate of Africa, knowledge is scanty, but two
exarchs can be identified, Gennadius (c. 591-598) and Heraclius, who was
appointed some time before 602. 58
The beginning of Gregory's pontificate coincided with the appointment
of Romanus as the exarch of Italy. The pope's independent stance in adminis-
trative affairs, which often differed markedly from that of the exarch, pro-
voked hostility between the two leaders. Romanus sought to consolidate his
power by working with the supporters of the Three Chapters schism, but
Gregory favored sterner measures, in accordance with the policy he had helped
establish under his predecessor, Pelagius II. He summoned them to Rome for
judgment, but it was in vain (Ep 1.16).59 It seems that the exarch Romanus
was giving a most undesirable complexion to his oversight of religious affairs,
to the pope's annoyance.
56. See Charles Diehl, Etudes sur I 'administration byzantine dans I 'Exarchat de Ravenne
(568-751) (paris, 1888), p. 18, and A.A. Vasiliev, History of the Byzantine Empire, 324-1453
(Madison, 1952), pp. 174-176.
57. See Hartmann Grisar, History of Rome and the Popes in the Middle Ages, trans. Luigi
Cappadelta, 3 vols. (London, 1911-1912), 3: 65.
58. Epp 1.59; 9.9, 11 (Gennadius); see also Charles Diehl, L 'Afrique byzantine: Histoire
de la domination byzantine en Afrique (533-709) (paris, 1896), p. 480.
59. Paul Gaubert, Byzance avant l'lslam, 2 vols. (paris, 1951-1965), 2: 100-101.

22
THE LETTERS OF GREGORY THE GREAT
In the affair of the presumptuous bishop, Maximus of Salona, the two
were again in conflict. 60 Gregory's approved candidate, Honoratus, was for-
cibly swept aside by the proconsul of Dalmatia, Marcellinus, and Maximus was
consecrated in his place. One presumes that the exarch, Romanus, did approve
of this action, for he failed to remove Marcellinus from office. Maximus, for
his part, remained in unrepentant possession of the see, supported by military
force, until the death of Romanus.
In the archdiocese of Milan, there were rumblings of discontent over the
election of Gregory's nominee, Constantius. The pope had informed Romanus
of the election in April 593 (Ep 3.31), but by September that year it appeared
that dissension was being sown amongst Constantius' suffragan bishops (Ep
4.3), and that this had even reached the ears of the Lombard queen, Theode-
linda (Epp 4.4, 33, 37).
A similar chain of events was taking place at Rayenna. In December 594,
Gregory rebuked the exarch for the support he was giving to 'a certain priest,'
Speciosus, who was acting against his bishop, John (Ep 5.19). When that
bishop died, Romanus proposed instead a certain archdeacon, Donatus. But in
September 595, the new bishop, Marinianus, who, by a coincidence, happened
to be a protege of Gregory, found himself the victim of a scurrilous attack (Ep
6.2). Since events of this nature could hardly take place in Ravenna without
the exarch's knowledge and tacit approval, the influence of Romanus in fos-
tering the discord may be suspected.
The situation was further exacerbated by Gregory's intervention in the
secular affairs of the Italian peninsular. For Romanus saw himself as something
of a military commander, destined to recover for the Empire land previously
lost to the Lombards. Indeed, when he was able to take to the field, his efforts
were not without success. But the resources upon which he had to draw were
too limited, and his efforts to defend Perugia against the Lombards, in 592-
593, meant that Rome was left uniarrisoned and very vulnerable (see Ep 2.38;
Homiliae in Hiezechihelem 2.6.23). 1
As well as this parlous circumstance, pastoral necessity dictated that
Gregory, as the Lombards' bishop (see Ep 1.30), should come to a peaceful
accommodation with the invaders, while still maintaining loyalty to the
emperor (Ep 2.38). And by May 595, he was openly urging the exarch's secre-
tary to press the case for peace with his master (Ep 5.34). Romanus seems to
have responded by writing to the emperor, accusing the_pope of treason. The
emperor knew Gregory better, but nevertheless, their long-standing friendship
began to feel the strain (see Ep 5.36). These tensions remained until Romanus
died suddenly, early in 596.
60. See for example, Epp 4.20; 5.6; 6.3, 25.
61. See Ottorino Bertolini, Roma di fronte a Bizanzio e ai Longobardi (Bologna, 1941),
p. 246, and Goubert, Byzance avant l'[slam 2: 100.

INTRODUCTION
23
The new exarch of Italy, Callinicus, was far more accommodating in his
exercise of power. But in his attempts to restore a measure of cooperation
between the exarchate and the papacy, tensions persisted, notably over the
Lombards, and the case of Maximus of Salona (see below). Callinicus' period
of office became one of uneasy alliance between exarch and pope.
Follo:wing Phocas' coup against Maurice in 602, Smaragdus was made
exarch-o£ltaly. The choice was a wise one, for here was a man who shared a
common outlook on current events with the pope. Together, they moved
against the adherents of the Three Chapters schism, depriving them of much
of their power. Together, they began to come to terms with living side by side
with the 'unspeakable' Lombards. Their relationship was only broken when
Pope Gregory died in 604.
There was another exarchate in the West as well as that of Italy, the exar-
chate of Africa. At the end of the sixth century it included the imperial terri-
tories of proconsular Africa, Byzacena, Numidia, Mauretania I (the area around
Sitifis and Caesarea), Mauretania II (Septem, Balearic Islands and the Greek
towns of Spain), Sardinia and Corsica. The exarch lived in the palace of the
Vandal kings at Carthage. Two exarchs filled the office during the pontificate
of Gregory, Gennadius (c. 591-598) and Heraclius (appointed some time before
602). Of these, only Gennadius is mentioned in Gregory's correspondence.
The failure of historians to reach any common opinion concerning Byzan-
tine Africa highlights the fact that a definitive monograph on the subject has
yet to be written. The letters of Gregory form an invaluable documentary
source for affairs in that jurisdiction. Often, they are the only surviving record,
but they cause difficulties in providing a coherent account of events. What
does emerge, however, is that the exarchate of Africa was no sideshow, but
occupied a significant position in the West. Gregory was just as active in his
relationship with this exarch as he was with the exarch of Italy. Here he recog-
nized the exarch's right to intervene in religious affairs, and indeed urged him
to do so (see Ep 4.7).
Among the issues that were the focus of the pope's attention in the
African exarchate, were the Donatist activity in Numidia (Epp 1.72, 75; 2.39;
4.32, 35; 6.36, 62, 64), the conversion of pagans (Epp 2.2; 4.26, 294) and the
rapacious tax-gathering activity of imperial officials in Corsica and in Sardinia
(Ep 4.24). Where wrongdoing could be proved, Gregory did not hesitate to
move against those whom he deemed guilty. He asked Gennadius to repri-
mand Theodore, military commander in Sardinia, who stood accused of beat-
ing and imprisoning clerics (Ep 1.59). Then, in 596 (Ep 6.62), it was the exarch
Gennadius' turn to incur papal displeasure, because of his failure to act
satisfactorily in the council of Numidia, and in the matter of bishop Paul of
Numidia. The decision on this last case was ultimately referred to Constanti-
nople (see Ep 7.2). For a more general discussion of this interesting province,
see 'Byzantine North Africa,' pp. 32-42 below.

Sicily
First settlement
The province of Sicily was ruled in a different fashion from that of the
exarchates. Here, the administrative system followed the one established in the
days of the old Empire. Its chief was a praetor, who was answerable directly
to Constantinople. There were further differences between Sicily and the other
imperial territories in the West. Considerable estates on the island belonged to
the Church. These were cultivated by tenant farmers, and formed almost a
state within a state. For these reasons, events on the island always seem to
have had the pope's very watchful attention. Moreover, during Gregory's pon-
tificate, the island was largely spared the threat of barbarian invasion, allowing
life to proceed at a more or less normal pace. This was important for Rome's
corn supply.
And yet Sicily was no Utopia. Neither were its imperial administrators
altruistic rulers. In 590, Justin was appointed praetor, but, by 593, he had been
accused of corruption and had been replaced by Libertinus (Ep 3.37). Liber-
tinus fared little better than his predecessor, being removed in turn by ex-
consul Leontius, in 598, and being publicly flogged for his 'crimes' (Ep 11.4),
which greatly upset Gregory. The pope's communications with the Sicilian
imperial administration reflect his special interest in this state of affairs. His
first letters were addressed to Sicily (Epp 1.1-2), as was his very last letter (Ep
14.17). He told praetor Justin that he would be watching his administration
carefully (Ep 1.2), and he urged Libertinus not to follow his predecessor's
example, but to allow the free exercise of the law without ambiguity (Ep 3.37).
And he strongly rebuked Leontius for flogging the man, advising him to tem-
per justice with mercy (Ep 11.4).
Some of Gregory's longest letters were to his agents in Sicily. As we have
seen, he had a special interest in this province, as is very evident in his exten-
sive knowledge of the topography and economy of the island. The monasteries
and convents, many new ones resulting from his family estate and his friends
and contacts there, were a major interest throughout his final years.
Final settlement
It will be argued below that North Africa showed several isolationist tenden-
cies as a Latin-speaking province within the increasingly Greek-speaking Later
Roman Empire, and a similar case can be made for Si<;ily, but for different
reasons. Here is a territory in the midst of the Latin West of which the lan-
guage and culture were essentially Greek.
After a brief period of Vandal rule in the fifth century, the province was
bought back by Odoacer in return for an annual subsidy. As part of the
Ostrogothic kingdom of Italy, its port of Catania provided a useful vantage
point for Belisarius' assault on North Africa. Having succeeded in this cam-
paign, the imperial general turned his attention to retaking the island that now
became part of Justinian's personal patrimony, its revenues passing directly to

INTRODUCTION
25
him, rather than through the imperial exchequer. 62 When the Justinian
reorganization of the Roman legal code appeared, the government of the island
was vested in a praetor, appointed directly by Constantinople and answerable
only to the emperor. All of the island's judges and officials were subject to the
praetor's authority. 63
In th years that followed the end of the Gothic War, Sicily slumbered on
in the--nianner to which it had become accustomed since Hellenistic times.
Greek, not Latin, remained the principal spoken and written language of the
island, if inscriptions from the catacombs of Syracuse are to be believed. Of
those recorded, 461 inscriptions are in Greek, and only 44 are in Latin. 64
Three praetors of Sicily are known from the letters of Gregory the Great:
Justin, in charge from September 590 until after 5 July 592 (Epp 1.2; 2.29),
Libertinus, newly appointed in May 593 and dismissed sometime between
April 597 and October 598 (Epp 3.37; 5.32; 9.28) and Alexander, who held the
office in October 600. Libertinus, having been accused of corruption and mis-
management, fell foul of his imperial master, Maurice, who dispatched the ex-
consul Leontius to conduct a commission of inquiry into the administration
of the island. 65 Thereafter, the reigns of government appear to have t:ested
in his hands. By October 600, Leontius had handed over the praetorship to
Alexander (Ep 11.8), but it is unknown if he survived the subsequent fall of
Maurice, or shared the fate of Callinicus, exarch of Ita! y.
A further point of distinction is that Sicily, unlike its neighbor Italy,
remained free of Lombard control. This enabled it to become a refuge for
those fleeing Lombard rule. It also meant that the island, as a self-contained
unit, could become a source of grain supply for the beleaguered city of Rome.
But the manner in which that grain supply was dispensed was under constant
scrutiny from Byzantine administrators (see, for example, the activities of
Cyridanus in 598-599: Epp 9.31 d 116).
Perhaps the greatest contribution to be gained from any study of Sicily
during the Byzantine period is to be found in the information the province
provides on the system of agriculture that was followed during the Later
Roman Empire. Lands held by the Church present fine illustrations of this.
While Gregory's letters reveal the existence of a huge landholding, or patri-
mony, belonging to the Roman Church on the island, it should be noted at
the outset that there were also holdings there that belonged to other churches.
62. John Julius Norwich, Byzantium: The Early Centuries (London, 1988), pp. 208 and
250. See also Justinian, Novellae, Appendix 8.
63. Justinian, Novellae 75 and 104.
64. See Gerhard Rohlfs, Scavi linguistici nella Magna Graecia (Rome, 1933), cited by
Richards, Consul of God, p. 160 at n64.
65. Ex-consul Leontius was linked, in some way, with Bishop Domitian of Melitene,
who recommended Leontius to the pope (Ep 9.4). The fact that both the pope and the
bishop were godparents to the imperial children indicates that Leontius himself belonged to
the 'inner circle' of the Byzantine administration.

26
THE LETTERS OF GREGORY THE GREAT
It is known that both the churches of Milan (Ep 1.80), Ravenna (Ep 11.8) and
Canusium (Ep 1.42) possessed such estates, and perhaps the North African
church did also (Ep 6.36).
The Roman patrimony in Sicily was itself divided into administrative areas
centered on Syracuse and Palermo. Its administrators were constantly in re-
ceipt of letters from the pope, whose interest in Sicily had existed from the
time his family had looked after its own landholdings there. Indeed, his first
recorded letter as pope, of September 590, relates to Sicilian affairs, as does his
very last in March 604 (Ep 14.17). Robert Markus has estimated that just over
22% of the surviving letters concern Sicily.66 These letters are of great signifi-
cance, for, apart from them, only one other contemporary source about
seventh-century Sicily and Rome survives: 4L'YTJUL €L TOV {3lov p,CXKCXp[OV
rpTJ'Yoplov E1rLUK01rOV TfJ 'AKPCX'YCXVT{vwv EKKATJulcx (An account of the life of
Saint Gregory, bishop of the church of Agrigento), written in about 640 by
a Greek monk, Leontios, abbot of the monastery of Saint Sabas near the gate
to Ostia in Rome. 67
The papal patrimony was in turn subdivided into large landholdings (mas-
sae), which were further subdivided into the basic unit of ownership, the estate
(fundus). Scholars estimate that there were about 400 of them, and their stabil-
ity is illustrated by the fact they were often named after some long-past owner
(see Epp 1.9, 42; 7.38; 9.23, 37, 120, 165, 171, 181, 236). The estate was subdi-
vided in turn into a home farm (conduma), where a contractor (conductor)
lived, who looked after a number of tenancies (colonicae). The difference in the
standards of living between these tenant farmers and the slaves who worked
on the holdings is not known, but Gregory's instruction, in September/Octo-
ber 598, to defender F antinus (Ep 9.10), that he was to ensure that the slaves
had enough on which to survive, indicates that it was not high.
Contractors (conductores) on the other hand were charged with the duty
of collecting the rents from the working tenants and passing them on to the
papal agents, the defenders. Unlike the tenant farmers, who were tied to the
66. Markus, Gregory the Great and His World, p. 209.
67. The standard Greek text has a parallel Latin version by Stephano Antonio Morcelli
(pG 98: 550-715). This is preceded by an investigatio by Morcelli of the monk Leontios
(532-550) and followed by an account of the Sicilian saint's life, heavenly honors and writ-
ings (722-739), as well as Gregory's Explanatio super Ecclesiasten libri I-X (742-1182), also in
Greek with Morcelli's Latin version alongside. This biography is useful in showing how the
pope selected bishops. Born in 559, this Gregory was consecrated (when he was a little over
30 years old) in place of one of two eminent clerics sent over with their supporters from
Agrigento, for the pope to decide. It shows how a 'framed' bishop was imprisoned and tried,
how well trained he was in the Classics, rhetoric and theology, and how he was miraculously
able to fast continually and cure illnesses. This Greek biography is an important, contempo-
rary document on the cities, clergy and people of Agrigento, Jerusalem, Antioch, Constanti-
nople and Rome during Gregory's papacy. See Das Leben des Heiligen Gregorios von Agrigent,
ed. and trans. Albrecht Berger (Berlin, 1995) and Abbot Leontios' Life of Saint Gregory, Bishop
of Agrigento, trans. with conunentary by John R.C. Manyn (Lampeter,2004).

INTRODUCTION
27
land, the contractors usually leased their land on short-term contracts. The
papacy regulated the terms of these leases by means of licences (libellz). 68
Recchia is of the opinion that the contractors who received these licences from
the Church were laymen; they are unlikely to have been persons in Holy Or-
ders, since this had been forbidden both by the Council of Carthage (419) and
the Council of Chalcedon (451). A large proportion of the produce and rental
paymentS'were liable to taxation by the imperial administration. As has already
been seen in the cases of Italy and of North Africa, such taxation was a heavy
burden for both landlords and peasantry to bear. Gregory knew all too well what
this entailed, and several of his letters seek to find ways in which that burden
might be eased, while allowing the payment of taxes to be maintained. 69
A recurrent feature of Gregory's Sicilian correspondence is the specific
instructions, issued both to patrimonial administrators and to his Vicar on the
episcopal bench, as to how they were to behave towards the imperial adminis-
trators. Jeffrey Richards is correct in concluding that, from these instructions,
the general relationship that the pope understood to exist between Church and
State may be determined. Gregory intended the two to work in harmony to
resolve issues as they presented themselves. Nevertheless, he stressed the_need
to differentiate between ecclesiastical and secular spheres of competence,
together with the obligation for Church administrators to intervene wherever
they saw evidence of oppression. 70
Gregory himself intervened directly to protect imperial officials, ex-prefect
Gregory and one Crescentius, during the investigation into the island's admin-
istration conducted by ex-consul Leontius in 58 (Epp 9.4, 55, 56, 57, 183); and
when the ex-consul had ex-praetor Libertinus flogged for dereliction of duty,
his action earned a papal rebuke (Ep 11.4). For the most part, however, the
island's imperial administrators showed no such degree of vigilance and matters
of civil government often fell to the bishops.
Gregory's first recorded letter, from September 590, was addressed to the
Sicilian bishops, and subsequently many of his letters represent papal interven-
tions in the election of bishops to vacant sees and in their performance of their
episcopal duties. In Books 1-3 (September 590-August 593), 21 letters involved
Sicily, but in Books 9-11 (September 598-August 601), the number doubled
to 44 letters, most of them sent to the final replacement for his close friend
and sub-deacon, Peter, the very capable archbishop of Syracuse, John, the vicar
68. See Cassiodorus, Variae 5.7.
69. See A.H.M. Jones, The Decline of the Ancient World (London and New York, 1966),
pp. 302-303; also Vincenzo Recchia, Gregorio Magno e la sociera agricola (Rome, 1978), pp.
13, 16, 51, 144.
.70. Richards, Consul of God, pp. 59 and 90. See also David Hipshon, 'Gregory the
Great's "Political Thought,'" Journal of Ecclesiastical History 53 (2002): 439-453, where he
rightly sees Gregory 'br:eaking down ... the barriers between the secular and the ecclesiastical
spheres' (453). He suggests that Markus has ignored this achievement.

28
THE LETTERS OF GREGORY THE GREAT
of Sicily.71 A comprehensive pattern of ecclesiastical patronage emerges,
which involved the nomination of candidates well known to the pope, who
were often hand-picked by him for the task that presented itself. In the
process, the Sicilian bench was heavily latinized; but this may have been an
unintentional side effect of appointing candidates upon whom the pope could
rely, rather than any conscious proceeding against local Greek-speaking clergy.
During the early years of his pontificate, Gregory intervened more in the
affairs of the Sicilian bishops than elsewhere. He had good reason for this.
Sicily had been spared much of the devastation that had occurred elsewhere
during the sixth century, and as a result, it had become the breadbasket for the
imperial lands which remained in Italy and, more importantly, for Rome it-
self. 72 Its bishops had become comfortable and fat on the proceeds of this
prosperity, and needed to be reminded of where their duty lay. Furthermore,
when Gregory became pope, several of the island's thirteen sees were vacant,
and things, in general, appear to have been in a state of stagnation. Given his
own familiarity with Sicilian conditions, Gregory was the ideal person to
remedy this situation, and he was not slow in applying himself to the task.
Indeed, in his first recorded letter as pope he announced the appointment of
his friend and confidant, the Roman sub-deacon, Peter, as his vicar and
administrator of the papal patrimony of the island. This paved the way for an
ongoing reform of the Church there. In 591, he began this reform with a
purification of the episcopacy. Suspect bishops, such as Victor of Palermo, Leo
of Catana, Gregory of Agrigento and Agatho of Lipari, were summoned to
Rome to 'render an account of their stewardship' (Ep 1.70). Vacancies in epis-
copal ranks were filled from a group of clergy who enjoyed the pope's patron-
age, and sometimes this occurred due to direct papal influence.
The linchpin of the Gregorian reform of the Sicilian hierarchy was the
archbishopric of Syracuse. To f1l1 this important position, in October 591 Gregory
selected one of his closest friends, from his monastery in Rome, Maximian (Ep
2.5). Gregory transferred to his new archbishop of Syracuse the powers of vicar,
previously granted to sub-deacon Peter, and charged him with supervising the
progress of the reform. But, just as success seemed within his grasp, Maximian died
(Ep 5.20), and the reforms were jeopardized once more. Gregory needed a
replacement to whom he could entrust the responsibility of Sicily. He found one
in John, the archdeacon of Catana, and in October 595, raised him to the epis-
copate, and granted him the use of the pallium (Ep 6.18). Under his guidance, the
reforms begun by Peter and Maximian were able to achieve the necessary quality
of permanence. This is demonstrated by the fact that after 595, the episcopal elec-
tions in Sicily proceeded in a fashion that was much more regular and closer to
the theoretical model, as outlined by Gregory for the conduct of such events. 73
71. See pp. 74-81 on the bishops and pp. 98-99 below for Peter.
72. See Dudden, Gregory the Great 1: 362.
73. John Albert Eidenschink, The Election of Bishops in the Letters of Gregory the Great
(Washington, DC, 1945), p. 43 and Richards, Consul of God, 151.

INTRODUCTION
29
Thus the diocese of Syracuse had become the head of the Sicilian bench
of bishops, and the two bishops appointed to that see during Gregory's ponti-
ficate were his trusted friends and very capable administrators. When Gregory
became pope, several of Sicily's thirteen sees, including Syracuse, appear to
have been vacant, while the incumbents of other sees had come to Rome's
attention as a result of allegations of corruption. It seems that the Sicilian
churwas in desperate need of a final overhaul. In January 603 (Ep 13.20),
near the end of his reign, Gregory was able to list the bishops occupying the
principal Sicilian sees: Gregory of Agrigento, Leo of Catana, Secundinus of
Taormina, John of Syracuse, Donus of Messina, Lucidus of Leontini and Tra-
jan of Malta. All seven had been his nominees. To this list may be added the
dioceses of Lipari, Triocala and Palermo. Where before the Sicilian bishops had
appeared a disorganized lot with some corrupt individuals and some empty sees,
now, due to Gregory's vigilant oversight, the Sicilian church was able to operate
as a recognizable unit within the Church. It was a major achievement, and one
that had been managed with subtlety, skill and a great measure of success. 74
How it fared after Gregory's death, however, does not remain clear, since
evidence for the rest of the seventh century is extremely fragment This
only serves to highlight even further the significance of the contribution made
by Gregory himself.
Dalmatia
In the system of imperial administration, the Dalmatian region around Salona
belonged to the exarchate of Ravenna. However, affairs in Salona during
Gregory's pontificate call for special attention. First, affairs were disturbed by
a dispute between the bishop of Salona, Natalis, and his archdeacon, Honora-
tus. Gregory determined that Honoratus was to be restored to his office, and
informed the other bishops of the province that, if the recalcitrant bishop
refused to do so, he was to be deprived of holy communion, of his see and of
the use of the pallium (Epp 1.19; 2.17,44). When Natalis died, Maximus seized
his bishopric, enlisting the support of Marcellinus, proconsul of Dalmatia, as
we have seen.
As long as Romanus remained as exarch of Italy, there was little that the
pope could do to control the troublesome region, other than show moral
indignation. But with the advent of Callinicus, matters changed. The new
exarch sought on the one hand to separate Marcellinus from his Church
protege, while on the other, he endeavored to get the pope to recognize the
intruder as the legitimate bishop of Salona.
For three years, the proconsul and the bishop held out doggedly. But then
the inevitable summons of Marcellinus to Constantinople arrived, and the pro-
consul turned to Gregory for help. The pope agreed to intercede with the
emperor on Marcellinus' behalf, while Maximus agreed to do penance and to
74. Richards, Consul of God, p. 151.

30
THE LETTERS OF GREGORY THE GREAT
be reconciled with the pope (Epp 9.150, 155, 156, 159, 237). The harmony thus
restored remained in force for the rest of Gregory's pontificate. Gregory, for
his part, further strengthened the link between the two churches by honoring
Maximus with the holy pallium (Ep 9.234).75
The Lombards
The Lombards (or Langobards) were a German race that migrated south from
Sweden and inhabited the eastern part of the lower Elbe area, until they were
driven west by the Roman armies in 9 AD. With Arminius as their leader,
they were a threat to Italy, but after his death they did not worry the Roman
garrisons along the Danube, until the sixth century. But in the 560s they were
on the move again, and in 568, they invaded North Italy under their king,
Alboin, and operating from the center in Padua, they soon conquered the
greater part of Italy, and even attacked Rome (until they were bought off by
Pope Gregory), and threatened Sicily and Sardinia. As they settled in the
Italian cities they had conquered, they soon adopted the local customs and
religious practices, and finally became Catholics. From 569, their kingdom
flourished in the mountainous areas of northern Italy, with Milan as their
capital, until they were defeated in about 775 by Charlemagne.
The Lombards cast a long shadow over the entire pontificate of Gregory the
Great. H his diplomatic ability was revealed in his relations with the court at
Constantinople and with its provincial administrators, his negotiating skill was all
the more apparent in his tactful dealings with these aggressive German invaders.
The Lombards were in fact the last of the Germanic peoples to invade
western lands, and the period of their expansion and settlement coincided with
that of Gregory's adult life. They invaded the Empire through the Predil Pass
in the spring of 568, while John ill was pope. They swept through all that lay
before them. The imperial troops, insufficient in numbers and badly led, with
their pay in arrears, were no match for the newcomers, and the local inhabi-
tants were left with little option but to flee to the larger cities and other
fortified places. But Milan fell in 569 and most of Aquileia and Venice was
soon to follow. By July 579, Lombard presence had spread as far afield as
Rome, and the Lombards were actually beseiging the city when Pelagius II was
elected pope, in November that year. A frightened pope, desperate to secure
relief from the looting and pillaging, sent Gregory to Constantinople as his
emissary. The emperor's response to this crisis was to create the post of exarch
of Italy, but beyond that and the sending of a few troops, there was little more
that he could do. The best he could hope to achieve lay in resorting to the
bribery of Lombard leaders and in the creation of strategic diversions, as means
of relieving some of the pressure on the beleagured province.
75. For a recent study of Maurice and of his military campaigns in Dalmatia and on the
Danube, see Michael Whitby, The Emperor Maurice and His Historian (Oxford, 1988). He
refers to 52 of Gregory's letters, but mostly without analyzing their contexts.

INTRODUCTION
31
Faced with the Lombard threat, Gregory shared the fear and revulsion of
his countrymen and women. But having become pope, pastoral necessity dic-
tated that he should exercise his office of pastoral care even on behalf of this
violent people. Early in 591, he ironically informed the ex-consul, patrician
and quaestor, John, that thanks to his sins, he had deservedly been made the
bishop, not of the Romans, but of the Lombards (Ep 1.30). Later, in 594, he
instd deacon Sabinian at Constantinople, to inform the emperor that, if
he had wanted to bring about the destruction of the Lombards, that nation
would have been given over to irremediable confusion. But, held back by the fear
of God, he was unwilling to participate in the destruction of anyone (Ep 5.6).
Instead of taking a destructive path, he sought tirelessly to achieve a
lasting peace between the Lombard forces and those of the Empire, so that
some measure of tranquillity might return to the battered country. This policy
was ultimately successful, but it won him few friends among the Romans. As
has already been seen, the exarch Romanus even went so far as to accuse him
of treason before the emperor (see Ep 5.36), while Gregory commented to
Bishop Sebastian of Resini in June 594 that the exarch's opposition had done
even more damage to his cause than the Lombards' swords had (Ep -5.40).
Nevertheless, Gregory persisted in his quest for peace. In September 593, he
enlisted as a go-between the support of Constantius, archbishop of Milan (Ep
4.2). And later, in October 598, it was the task of another friend, Probus,
abbot of the monastery of Saints Andrew and Lucia, to join Theodore, curator
of Ravenna, and the Lombard dukes, in concluding an acceptable peace treaty
(Epp 9.11, 44, 68). Gregory refused to sign the pact, so that his diplomatic
stance of bi-partisanship was not compromised.
However, it was clearly Gregory's peace. It lasted for two years. On its
expiration, hostilities resumed again, but they proved to be of short duration,
and a new treaty was drawn up in 603. This treaty remained in force at the
time of Gregory's death, only expiring on 1 April 605. Dogged persistence had
at last succeeded. Beginning from a position of weakness, Gregory had man-
aged to achieve an honorable peace between the belligerents. The rights of the
Lombards to their conquered lands had been recognized, while the imperial
territories in Italy had gained a breathing space. At the same time as Gregory
sought to end the state of war which existed between Romans and Lombards,
he tried to arrive at a religious settlement in the Italian peninsular, and did so
in two ways. First, by reorganizing what remained of the Church in the Lom-
bard territory, and then by entering into a series of diplomatic exchanges with
the Lombard court.
Within the life of the Church in Lombard lands, Gregory sought to pre-
vent any further setbacks, and to salvage what was still viable. The full extent
of the pope's efforts will probably never be revealed, due to paucity of source
material, but some measure of what they must have been can be gleaned from
his correspondence with the bishops of two key sees that remained active,
Spoleto and Milan. In both cases certain common features reveal themselves.

32
THE LETTERS OF GREGORY THE GREAT
Where churches had been devastated and were bereft of pastoral care, he
sought to re-establish places of worship (Ep 9.58 and many like it) and to
provide a basis for reorganization (Epp 4.22, 37; 9.167). Wayward monks and
clergy who had fled to Lombard territory, as well as places where ecclesiastical
discipline had become lax, were returned to a new vigor of observance. 76
Thus the glowing embers of religious belief and practice were kept alight, to
spread more widely once more when the circumstances would permit it.
In his diplomatic exchanges with the Lombard court, Gregory began from
a disadvantageous position. At the beginning of his pontificate, the 'most
impious' Autharit had forbidden the baptism of Lombard children into the
Catholic faith (Ep 1.17). Nevertheless, some of the Lombards were Catholics,
and some of these occupied influential positions (see Dial 3.19.1). The most
powerful of these Catholics was none other than Theodelinda, Autharit's
queen and daughter of Garibaldi, duke of the Bavarians. When Autharit died,
she was influential in choosing Agilulf, duke of Turin, as his successor, and
married him in November 590. 77 But her loyalty to the Roman Church was
not assured, for she proved to be susceptible to the arguments advanced by the
Three Chapters schismatics. In a number of exchanges, Gregory sought to con-
vince her of the orthodoxy of his belief (Epp 4.4, 33, 37) and exhorted her to
support Constantius as archbishop of Milan. Later, during the peace negotia-
tions of November-December 598, he urged her, as proof of her Christian
faith, to prevail upon her husband Agilulf to conclude a peace treaty with the
Empire (Ep 9.68). However, in late 603, the queen finally committed herself
decisively to Gregory's cause, by having her son Adaloald baptized in the
Roman observance (Ep 14.12).
In his relations with the Lombards, Gregory had achieved considerable
success. He had strengthened what had remained of the Church in Lombard
lands. He had obtained a truce between the Lombards and the Empire. And,
finally, he had managed to see the heir to the Lombard throne baptized, not
into the Arian faith or that of the Three Chapters faction, but into the
Catholic faith as professed at Rome. Anyone of these achievements would
have been noteworthy. To have managed all three is quite remarkable.
Byzantine North Africa
When Gregory the Great was born, Byzantine rule in North Africa was just
beginning. Belisarius' reconquest of the region for the Empire, in late 533 and
early 534, came at the end of a hundred years of barbarian rule under the
Arian Vandals. Justinian's legal code sought to regularize the restored govern-
ment of the region, by having recourse to legal precedent. Supreme power was
vested in the Praetorian Prefect of Africa, resident in Carthage, and he was
76. See Epp 5.18; 7.14; 10.11; 13.37.
77. See Thomas Hodgkin, Italy and Her Invaders (Oxford, 1880-1899), 5: 236, 239,283,
and Paul the Deacon, Historia Langobardorum 3.30, 35.

INTRODUCTION
33
given fifty advisers and an establishment of 396 men. All civil judges were to
be under the jurisdiction of this Praetorian Prefect. 78
Military leaders (duces) were deployed alongside the civil judicial admin-
istration. The areas under their various commands were laid down in an imper-
ial instruction of April 534: that of Tripoli, headquarters at Leptis Magna; that
of Byzace.na, headquarters at Capsa Thelepte; that of Numidia, headquarters
at Cotina (alternatively Cirta, Ksantina); that of Mauritania, headquarters
at Caesarien; that of Septem, opposite the Spanish coast, with command of a
fleet of ships (this official was entrusted with the oversight of Spanish affairs
and events among the Franks in Gaul. He was given a tribune to assist him in
this task); and that of Sardinia, including the lands of the Barbaracini. 79
In ecclesiastical affairs also, Justinian sought to regularize matters. In
August 535, he instructed the Praetorian Prefect Solomon to confirm the privi-
leges enjoyed by the church of Carthage, as head of all the churches of Africa
and metropolitan church of the region. Arians, Donatists and Judaisers were
to be excluded from all places of public worship, and were not permitted
either to ordain bishops and clergy or to baptize. Heretics were to be pro-
ceeded against according to law. It was not permitted for Jews to own Christ-
ian slaves. Sanctuary was to be granted to those who sought it in churches. 80
Such at least was the theory. But how and to what extent were the irenic
provisions of the Justinianic legal code implemented in practice? One has to
rely on glimpses into the life of the region provided by 'outside' contemporar-
ies during the sixth and seventh centuries. In this regard, the letters of Gregory
provide an important contribution. Robert Markus has calculated that 40 of
these letters, or 4.1 0 /0 of the pope' s Register, were addressed to North Africa. 81
To this may be added other literary sources. Procopius knew the province at
first hand. He was after all present on Belisarius' staff during the war with the
Vandals and remained there until 536 under the Armenian-born Praetorian
Prefect Solomon. References to North Africa are found scattered throughout
his works. Then there is Flavius Cresconius Corippus, a poet who moved
from North Africa to the court at Constantinople in the mid-sixth century
and, while there, wrote a poem Iohannidos, praising general John Troglitas for
his victory over the Moorish tribes. At the turn of the seventh century,
George of Cyprus compiled a list of the Empire's provinces and an incomplete
78. Codex fustinUtnus 1.27.1 (issued 534).
79. Codexfustinianus 1.27.2. For Gaul and Sardinia see pp. 50-58 below. Tripoli soon became
attached to the administration of Egypt, and hence did not really form part of the western
territories. Septem presents a particular case and is not covered by the correspondence of Gregory.
This justifies restricting the study of Byzantine North Africa to the area around Carthage (the old
Proconsular Province) and to Byzacena, Numidia and Mauritania.
80. Justinian, Novellae 37.
81. Markus, Gregory the Great and His World, p. 209.

34
THE LETTERS OF GREGORY THE GREAT
list of its towns, known as the Descriptio Orbis Romani. 82 Finally, there is
a little information to be gained from the sixth-century chronicle by Victor of
Tonnena. Beyond that, there is what Denis Pringle has described as 'a wall of
silence.,83 The Greek sources for the period, such as Nicephorus and Theo-
phanes, were written much later, during the eighth and early-ninth centuries,
and are to be read with caution. 84
Archaeology has filled in some gaps, but here too there have been difficul-
ties. In the first place, during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries,
many excavators removed Byzantine remains in order to reveal the remains of
sites first occupied in earlier centuries. The emphasis was upon imperial
remains that would strengthen the claims of the contemporary French colonial
administration. After the colonial territories gained their independence, such
endeavors were no longer politically fashionable. Further, as contemporary
North African culture is Muslim, little interest was shown in a dead Christian
civilization from the remote past. Since the late 1970s, however, there has been
a sea-change, identified by writers such as Fethi Bejaoui. New sites have been
uncovered - sadly many of them by bulldozers undertaking new construction
work, and hence damaged - but much remains to be done on a systematic
scale. What have emerged from the rubble have, for the most part, been
examples of military fortifications and church buildings. 85
The present understanding reveals that during the last years of Justinian,
North Africa, in common with other parts of the Empire, had insufficient
troops to ensure its defense. Dilapidated or abandoned citadels no longer pro-
tected the countryside, and peace was only maintained by diplomatic means,
playing off one local force against the other and assassinating individuals seen
as threats to Byzantine rule. Nevertheless, revolts by the Berber and Moorish
tribes meant that by the end of Justinian's reign, conditions in the province
were in a parlous state. The new emperor, Justin II (565-578), sought to
redress the situation by appointing a new Praetorian Prefect, reorganizing his
administration and its method of tax gathering, building new fortifications and
stabilizing the frontiers. Such measures did not go smoothly, however, and,
between 569 and 571, three Byzantine commanders - Theodore, Theoctistos
and Amabilis - were killed in action (details are unknown). Sizeable numbers
of the Roman population fled overseas and the region's agriculture was in
82. See Georgii Cyprii Descriptio arms romani, ed. Heinrich Gelzer (1890; Amsterdam, 1970).
83. Denys Pringle, The Defence of Byzantine Ajri£afrom Justinian to the Arab Conquest (Ox-
ford, 1981), p. 2. For the Chronicle of Victor, Bishop of Tonnena, see PL 68: 937-962; see also
VlCtOri Tunnunensis Chroni£on, ed. Carmen Cardelle de Hartmann (T umhout, 2001).
84. For the important background to this period of history in North Africa, see Jean-
Paul Brisson, Autonomisme et christianisme dans l'Afrique romaine de Septime severe a
l'invasion vandale (paris, 1958).
85. See Fethi Bejaoui, 'Decouvertes d'archeologie chretienne en Tunisie,' in Actes du KIe
Congres international d'archeologie chretienne, 3 vols. (Vatican City, 1989), 2: 1927-1960, and
also Azedin Beschaouch et al., Les ruines de Bulla Regia (Rome, 1977).

INTRODUCTION
35
ruins. Justin II's reforms ran out of steam, sapped even further by demands
from closer to home, the Persian War and the Avar invasions.
Emperor Tiberius II (578-582) made a fresh attempt to improve matters,
appointing Gennadius, commander in chief of Africa (magister militum Africae)
c. 578. This general's campaigns against the Moors achieved some success, it
seems, for by 582 it was possible to restore some of the lost agricultural lands
to cultWation, although former yields were not regained. When Maurice
became sole emperor (582-602), fresh administrative reforms took place and
Gennadius was named exarch of Africa some time after 6 May 585. 86 Gre-
gory's letter to him of July 591 (Ep 1.59) is the earliest evidence of the use of
the title. Subsequently, the pope wrote to him on six occasions (Epp 1.72, 73;
4.7; 6.62; 7.3; 9.9). The last reference to him is in a letter from Gregory to
Bishop J anuarius of Cagliari, in October 598 (Ep 9.11), and it indicates that he
either died or left office some time after this date.
Originally, the Praetorian Prefect of Africa stood at the head of the
Byzantine administration in the region, living in the former palace of the
Vandal kings at Carthage. But after the creation of the exarchate, this official
(as in Italy) lost much of his power to the exarch and worked alongside _him,
taking charge of the civil administration and the administration of justice.
However, unlike Italy, there appears to have been a period, from the end of
Gennadius' office c. 598 to the arrival of Heraclius senior c. 604, when the
Praetorian Prefect resumed his former power. 87 One of these Praetorian Pre-
fects, John, is mentioned alongside Gennadius in an inscription from Limisa,
while two others are found in Gregory's Register: Pantaleo Guly 594, Ep 4.32)
and Innocent Guly 600, Epp 10.16; 11.7), without any mention being made of
a resident exarch. Perhaps for a brief period in 603, the region came under the
governance of the exarch of Italy, for the base of a statue to Emperor Phocas
similar to that placed by Exarch Smaragdus in the forum at Rome has been
unearthed at Carthage. This final question has not yet been resolved, for the
Byzantine historian Necephorus states that Heraclius senior was appointed
exarch before the fall of Emperor Maurice in 602.
At the time of Maurice's death, the African territories covered roughly the
same area as in Justinian's time. Within 70 years, however, Tripolitana and
Byzacena had been irrevocably lost to the Empire. Carthage would fall for the
last time within another 30 years (698) and 12 years after that, in 710/711, the
last Byzantine outpost in Africa would be extinguished.
Much remains unclear about the organization of the North African
Church during the Byzantine period. Carthage was the principal see of
Proconsular Africa. Its bishop had long enjoyed a vaguely defined but very real
primacy in all the North African provinces. But he was no metropolitan in the
sense found elsewhere in the Christian world. Each of the African provinces
86. Goubert, Byzance avant l'Islam 2: 187-189; Pringle, Defence of Byzantine Africa, p. 42.
87. Gaubert, Byzance avant l'Islam 2: 214; Pringle, Defence of Byzantine Africa, p. 43.

36
THE LETTERS OF GREGORY THE GREAT
had their own primate, chosen upon seniority rather than by the occupancy
of any particular see.
In the preceding centuries, the North African church had developed a
tradition of independent thinking and action. Donatism, a local schismatic
movement within that Church, had been condemned in the fifth century and
doubts have been expressed as to whether it survived the persecutions and
trials of the next century. And yet, with Justinian's new legislation, a fresh
condemnation of Donatism occurred,88 and Gregory also appeared worried
that it was enjoying a resurgence (see Epp 1.72, 75, 82; 2.39; 4.32, 35; 6.36, 62,
64). The fact that all such references occur before the end of 596 indicates that
either the pope became convinced that Donatism was not a significant issue
in the North African church,89 or he simply gave up what he saw was a lost
cause and preferred to concentrate on other matters.
As in other areas of the West, the dispute over the Three Chapters led to
considerable unrest in the North African church. Many saw the position of
Justinian's council of 553 as watering down the decrees of the Council of
Chalcedon (451). Reparatus, bishop of Carthage, led the opposition and was
deposed for his trouble, dying in exile in 563. He was replaced as bishop by
the more docile Primosus, who was simply intruded into the see by the
emperor, against the wishes of its clergy and contrary to the provisions of
canon law. Other bishops - such as Firmus of Tipasa, Facundus of Hermiane
in Byzacena, Rimasius of Hadrumentum, and Verecundus of Iunca - backed
down. In 564, Victor, Bishop of Tonnena and five other African prelates were
carted off to Constantinople and imprisoned in various monasteries of the
capital. In this way, the North African church was forced into acquiescence
to the imperial demands and few supporters of the Three Chapters remained.
When Primosus died c. 565 he was succeeded first by Publianus (died c.
581) and then by Dominic Qast mentioned in 601). Under these two bishops,
affairs at Carthage remained peaceful. Bishop Dominic was a man who shared
many of the ideas that Gregory advocated so strongly. This is revealed from
88. Justinian, Novellae 37 (535).
89. PIKe Diehl, L'Afrique byzantine, pp. 300-314 and W.H.C. Frend, The Donatist Church
(Oxford, 1952). R.A. Markus comes closer to what seems likely to have been the case when he
notes that 'donatism' of the late sixth century is not a survival of the fifth-century movement, but
a revival of independent local Christian traditions: see 'Donatism in the Last Phase,' in Studies in
Church History: Papers Read at the First Winter and Summer Meetings of the Ecclesiastical History
Society, ed. C.W. Dugmore and Charles Duggan (London, 1964), pp.- 118-126; 'The Imperial
Administration and the Church in Byzantine Mrica,' Church History 36 (1967): 3-8; and 'The
Problem of "Donatism" in the Sixth Century,' in Gregorio Magno e iJ suo tempo 1: 159-166.
Markus also argued that in the 5905 'Donatist' described Numidian opposition to Canhage,
denoting 'country bishops' or 'dissidents,' in 'Country Bishops in Byzantine Mrica,' in The Church
in Town and Countryside, ed Derek Baker (Oxford, 1979), pp. 1-15. Frend has countered this
argument in an important article: 'Donatist and Catholic: The Organization of Christian Commu-
nities in the North Mrican Countryside,' Cristianizzazione ed urganizzazione ecclesiastica delle cam-
pagne nell'alto Medioevo (Spoleto, 1982),2: 601-634, esp. 630-634, repr. in his Orthodoxy, Paganism,
and Dissent in the Early Christian Centuries (Aldershot, 2002), article VIII.

INTRODUCTION
37
the tone of Gregory's surviving letters to him: eight letters in all (Epp 2.40; 5.3;
6.19, 63; 7.32; 8.31; 10.20; 12.1). Only two of these refer to specific matters:
Ep 5.3, to Dominic's 'anti-donatist synod' held at Carthage in 594, and Ep 7.32,
to a case where monastic discipline needs to be enforced. The rest have been
described as examples of letters to a friend, written in a style found elsewhere
during Late Antiquity.90
GJ:eg'ory's letter to Dominic is interesting for what it reveals both about
the situation in North Africa and about the thought processes of the pope. It
has been seen above that Gregory had been pressing for a church synod to
condemn Donatism; but when Dominic called such a gathering at Carthage -
where there had been no evidence of the existence of Donatism - Gregory ex-
pressed grave misgivings, believing that such an action would cause disaffection
elsewhere in the Church, and in particular risked causing offence to other
primates. Gregory's attention in this matter was directed elsewhere, to
Numidia, rather than to the 'Romanized' church of Carthage with which he was
in substantial agreement. Striving as he was to correct matters in Numidia from
within, he clearly felt that dictation from Carthage would be counterproductive.
Numidia was the largest province of Byzantine Africa, but it was also the
least 'Romanized.' The assassination by the Byzantines of their local 'ally,'
Cusina, in December 562, provoked a serious revolt, and Justinian's nephew
Marcian was sent there from Constantinople to restore order. The province
was clearly a sphere of considerable Byzantine activity. Denis Pringle has
identified twenty-three sites that were fortified under Justinian, three sites
which post-date his reign, and a further twelve which remain undated. 91 Dur-
ing the sixth century, the province covered a larger area than that established
by Constantine in 314; and it is likely that the provincial border stretched as
far as the edge of the desert. The border that it shared with Mauretania
Sitiforensis, in the West, seems to have been as unstable then as it had been
in the fifth century. Justinian's legislation, referred to above, provisionally
placed the capital of the province and the military headquarters at Constantina
(Cirta), where it had been since the time of Constantine.
Ecclesiasticall y , however, no such centralized administration existed. The
Numidian primacy was not attached to a particular see but rotated according
to seniority. Gregory's predecessor, Pelagius II, had unsuccessfully attempted
to alter this system, and one of the early matters Gregory had to deal with was
the petition by Numidian bishops seeking confirmation that the traditional
method of selecting a primate be maintained. Gregory, unable to convince
them otherwise, acquiesced, stipulating only that a Donatist should not be
given the position (Epp 1.72, 75).
The names of some individual bishops in the late sixth and early seventh
centuries are known only from the letters of Gregory the Great: Primate
90. Markus, Gregory the Great and His World, p. 201.
91. Pringle, Defence of Byzantine Africa, p. 102; see also pp. 61-62.

38
THE LETTERS OF GREGORY THE GREAT
Adeodatus (Epp 3.48; 8.13), Argentius of Lamigenum (Ep 1.82), Crisconius (Ep
8.14), Columbus of Nicivibus (Epp 2.39; 3.47, 48; 4.7, 35; 6.36; 7.2; 8.14, 15;
12.3, 8, 9), Maurentius (Ep 8.13), Maximian of Pudentia (Ep 2.39), Paul (Epp
4.32, 35; 6.62; 7.2, 3, 14; 8.13, 15, 24), Paulinus of Tegesis (Epp 12.8, 9),
Valentio (l:'p 8.14), and Primate Victor (Epp 4.35; 8.14; 12.3, 8, 9). But these
can only be a minority of the total number that made up the episcopal bench.
For the majority, their sees are unnamed, which makes the task of determining
the number and location of bishops within the province almost impossible.
The list of bishops attending local synods in 591, 592, and 593 would assist
greatly; but these have been lost, as have the lists of Numidian bishops
attending councils in Carthage in 535 and 594. George of Cyprus, in his
Descriptio orbis romani, mentions a group of Numidian cities, mostly iden-
tified: Calama, Thagaste, Hippo Regius, Bagai, Bades, Mileu, Lares, Ammedera,
Scillium Izirianesium, Tegesis, Baga and Cirta. It seems probable that all of
these would have had their own bishops. To these Diehl has added Thibili-
tanae, Casa Nigrae and Fossala,92 while Pringle has added the sees of Amme-
clara (Haidra), Limisa (Ksar Lems, Mileu (Mila), Thugga (Dougga), Lamfu-
ensis, Milidi, Obba and Scillium. 9
In his dealings with the Numidian bench of bishops, Gregory attempted
to follow the policy he adopted elsewhere. He maintained communications
with the Primates Adeodatus and Victor, but at the same time sought to
implement his wishes through the administrator of the local patrimony, the
notary Hilary (Epp 1.73, 74, 75, 82; 9.133; 10.16; 12.2, 8, 9), who was to work
in concert with his own agent among the bishops, Columbus of Nicivibus. He
first addressed Columbus in July 592 and sought to get him to use his good
offices to convene a local council to root out abuses in the Numidian church.
This state of affairs was further stressed the following year when Gregory sent
the bishop one of those keys containing filings from Saint Peter's chains (Ep
3.47) and when he advised Exarch Gennadius of his choice (Ep 4.7).
Exarch Gennadius, however, appears to have been less than co-operative.
He regarded himself as the guardian of orthodoxy in matters of religion as well
as in matters of civil and military governance. It was his right and duty to see
that the canons of Church councils were observed, to repress heretics and
other dissidents, and even to preside at local church synods. Often bishops
could not leave their dioceses, even to travel to Rome, without his con-
sent. 94 Even if he did not intervene directly in the election of bishops, he at
least supervised the process; and this was something tht the pope himself
recognized (Ep 4.7). By October 596, it was becoming obvious that Bishop
Columbus was coming under pressure as a result of the association he was per-
ceived to have with Rome (Ep 7.2). Gregory, to his increasing frustration,
92. Diehl, Etudes sur l'administration byzantine, p. 417.
93. See Pringle, Defence of Byzantine Africa, pp. 179-311.
94. See Ep 1.72.

INTRODUCTION
39
found that it was impossible to get accurate information out of Africa, even
about cases referred to him on appeal. In the end, it seems he had no option
other than to acknowledge African independence. Jeffrey Richards illustrates
the change that had occurred in the pope's approach by comparing two cases:
the first concerning Bishop Argentius of Lamigenum in 591 (Ep 1.82) and the
second tht of Bishop Paulinus of Tegesis in March 602 (Epp 12.8, 9). In the
formetance, Gregory simply instructed notary Hilary to convene a church
council to judge the bishop, while in the latter, Bishops Victor and Columbus
were invited to call on the assistance of the said Hilary 'if the case should
require it.,95 The passage of time had made Gregory wiser in his understand-
ing of how the Numidian church handled things.
Much of the information that Gregory obtained about the state of affairs
in North Africa would appear to have come from disaffected clerics taking
cases to Rome when decisions had gone against them in Africa, and in view
of the reluctance of the local imperial officials to admit the pope to the circle
of decision-making, it may be asked how reliable that information was. Never-
theless, some cases did succeed in reaching Rome, and it is instructive to
examine them here.
There were nine such cases. The most notorious was that of Bishop Paul,
of an unknown Numidian see (Epp 4.32, 35; 6.62; 7.2, 3, 14; 8.13, 15, 24). He
had been excommunicated by the Numidian bishops for an unspecified of-
fence, and in 594 he appealed to Rome. Gregory's letters to Bishops Victor and
Columbus, to the Praetorian Prefect Pantaleo and to the Exarch Gennadius all
achieved no result. Then, somehow, in 596, Bishop Paul managed to turn up
in Rome. Columbus sent a deacon to explain the Numidian bishops' ,decision
and the exarch sent his chancellor. But the exarch refused to allow the case to
come to a formal hearing and under these circumstances the pope was power-
less to do anything other than to refer the case to the emperor in Constanti-
nople. The emperor, in turn, referred the case back to Africa, and the final
outcome remains unknown.
A second case concerning Bishop Crementius, Primate of Byzacena (Epp
4.13; 9.24, 27; 12.12), shows Gregory's only communication with the province
of Byzacena. This bishop had been accused in Constantinople by some of his
bishops, and the emperor, recognizing that the see lay within Gregory's
patriarchal jurisdiction, referred the matter back to the pope. But the local
army commander, Theodore, had been bribed and refused to allow the parties
either to visit or to communicate with Rome. A powerless pope was forced to
leave the matter in the hands of Bishop John of Syracuse. He made no pro-
gress either and in March 602 the case was still unresolved. Gregory wrote,
urging the local synod to act (Ep 12.12), but the final outcome, as with the
case of Bishop Paul, remains unknown.
95. Richards, Consul of God, p. 201.

40
THE LETTERS OF GREGORY THE GREAT
The other seven appeal cases concerned disgruntled clerics at. odds with
their bishop for one reason or another (Epp 1.82; 2.39; 4.13, 34; 8.14; 12.3, 8,
9). In every case Gregory referred the matter back for investigation and for
trial by the local church.
The appeal cases reveal that while both the North Mrican church and
imperial administrators might pay the pope a nominal courtesy, he was in prac-
tice powerless to act on any matter without their support. And the evidence
is that they regarded such matters as their own internal affair.
So much for the provisions for civil and ecclesiastical administration in
North Africa during Gregory's pontificate. A further area for investigation
remains: the economic and physical state of the region. One way of looking
into the question is to consider the number of bishops attending three Church
councils in Carthage between 411 and 646. 96 In 411, there were 650 bishops,
in 535 there were 220 bishops and in 646 there were 111 (though the lists of
bishops from Numidia and Mauritania attending this last council have been
lost). The sharp decline in the number of bishops may be partly explained by
the fact that many bishops fled abroad during the period of Vandal rule,
leaving many dioceses unoccupied. But, given that the number of dioceses in
proconsular Africa actually increased from 48 to 68 or 70 in the same period,
the decline in the rest of the country still needs to be addressed. It is true that
the existence of an episcopal see in North Africa is not dependent upon its
bishop being resident in a town. Large estates (villae) and even individual farms
ifundt) are known to have had their bishops. A decline in their numbers may
be seen as an indicator of both rural and urban decline.
Was this decline accelerated or arrested as a result of Byzantine rule? The
answer is far from clear. In Roman Africa it has been estimated that there
were somewhat over 500 towns. If, during the period of Byzantine rule, the
number of towns fell by the same factor as the number of bishops, there
would have been only about 150-170 towns in existence. Put another way, it
may be suggested that the number of towns in Byzantine Africa had fallen by
as much as a third since the early fifth century. This had a flow-on effect with
regard to taxation. If the number of towns declined, so obviously did the
taxation revenue from those towns.
In rural disricts, taxation also contributed to the general decline. Marginal
land was taxed as heavily as good land and this led to some abandonment of
landholdings. Further, heavy taxation eroded the narrow profit of agrarian
economics and led to an increased burden of debt. In Roman times, Africa
Proconsularis and Byzacena had been among the major providers of the
Roman corn supply. Now, from the mid- to late fifth century there appears
to have been a decline in agriculture, especially cereal farming. But the effects
of this are unclear. Despite this, North African agriculture continued to remain a
96. ' See Diehl, Etudes sur l'administration Byzantine, pp. 414-415 and Pringle, Defence
of Byzantine Africa, pp. 111-113.

INTRODUCTION
41
considerable factor in the Empire's economy. Theophanes (AM 6100) relates
that, in 602, Exarch Heraclius senior prevented ships bearing corn from leaving
for Constantinople, with the intention of provoking civil disturbance in the
capital against Phocas. In the absence of contrary evidence, it may be argued
that Emperor Maurice's reforms and the accession of Heraclius senior as exarch
ushered in a period of comparative peace and prosperity that lasted until the
appeat=arrte of the first Arabs at Byzacena in 646. What may be noted, how-
ever, is that after 581/582 the Carthage mint took to dating its issues according
to the indiction. While this allows for a more accurate dating process, it may
also be that such a move was designed to record the issue of coin, should the
currency become debased later by economic stringency in uncertain times.
Moorish raids also contributed to the climate of uncertainty. There is no
quantifiable data available to indicate the extent or the gravity of the dis-
ruption caused by Moorish raids. The incidence of discovered coin hoards is
too low to reach reliable conclusions. But, in terms of land usage, the Moorish
approach was one of pastoralism and nomadism, while Byzantine activity
favored a more settled agrarian lifestyle. The coming of the Arabs in the
seventh century favored the former approach; but during the sixth centl!.ry it
is possible that agricultural and pastoral approaches existed side by side. In 599,
the plague hit the province, but it is significant that the Berbers did not take
advantage of the situation to attack the Byzantines. This indicates that they
too may have been affected. Were the results as devastating as those of the
Black Death during the fourteenth century? It is impossible to say; but they
were certainly serious enough for Gregory the Great to refer to them in a
letter addressed to Bishop Dominic of Carthage in August 600 (Ep 10.20).
Beyond this little is known.
In conclusion, some points may be drawn from the study of Byzantine
North Africa at the time of Gregory the Great. They all reveal a tendency that
had as its effect the isolation of the region from the rest of the Roman world.
Justinian himself noted this tendency as early as October 558, when he in-
structed the provincials to observe Roman Law instead of doing things their
own way.97 The imperial administrators of the sixth century on occasions
usurped imperial authority and refused to execute edicts from Constantinople
or placed their own peculiar interpretations on them. 98 In ecclesiastical
circles the bishops of North Africa doggedly protected their ancient customs
and privileges to the point where prelates such as the pope were powerless to
act unless it was with their own co-operation. In an Empire that was becoming
ever more Greek, the North Africans clung to Latin, both linguistically and
culturally. Relatively few members of the population of Byzantine North
Africa seem to have come from the East and most of these were probably
government officials and their families. Only 13% of the names on epitaphs
97. Justinian, Novellae, Appendix 9, addressed to John, praetorian prefect of Africa.
98. See Epp 6.64; 9.27.

42
THE LETTERS OF GREGORY THE GREAT
from Byzantine Carthage are of Greek derivation. Outside Carthage the percentage
is even less. 99 But the movement towards isolation went beyond this to extend
to the Latin countries of the Barbarian West as well. During the sixth and seventh
centuries, Carthage and other North African ports served as points of trans-
shipment for travellers going from southern Gaul and Italy to Constantinople, but
the contacts all seem to have been one-sided. 1OO The same may be true of Spain
as well, despite the Byzantine fleet across the straits at Septem. 101
This isolation of North Africa had damaging effects for both the Empire
and the Church. The creative tensions that existed between Greek and Latin
cultures in both secular and religious spheres were now no more and a line of
division came into being. Increasingly, the Greek portion of the Empire would
look toward Constantinople for its cultural and religious basis, while in the
West the Roman Church, more and more isolated in its Latin traditions,
would look north across the Alps to the Germanic world. 102
The death of Emperor Maurice
The sudden overthrow of Emperor Maurice by Phocas, on 22 November 602,
and Gregory's reaction to the event, have occasioned much controversy among
historians. The outburst of violence that resulted in Maurice's death did not
come out of the blue. It was the result of pressures that had been building up
since the beginning of Maurice's reign. The old emperor, Tiberius II, had
named both Maurice and the patrician, Germanos, as his joint Caesars in about
574, and once Maurice became emperor, he was only able to ensure stability
by accommodating his rival. So it was that in about 600, Maurice married his
eldest son, Theodosius (Gregory's godson), to Germanos' daughter. But things
did not end here. Germanos used food shortages in Constantinople to launch
his own bid for power. When this proved unsuccessful, Germanos fled for
sanctuary, first to the Church of the Mother of God, and then to Hagia
Sophia. Theodosius assisted his father-in-law in making good his escape, and
for this Maurice had him beaten. 103
Meanwhile the army on the Danube, commanded by Maurice's brother
Peter, mutinied when it was ordered to take up winter quarters in enemy terri-
tory. It then proclaimed Phocas, one of its centurions, as emperor, and
marched on the imperial capital. As Phocas approached the city, Germanos
again resumed his plotting, but as his strength was still insufficient for him to
attain the purple for himself, he threw in his support behind Phocas. However,
the city's mob, represented by its circus factions, remained unruly while Maurice
99. Pringle, Defence of Byzantine Africa, p. 116.
100. Gregory of Tours, Historia Francorum 10.2.
101. For Spain, see especially Vilella Masana's article 'Gregorio Magno e Hispana' (cited
at n25 above).
102. See Markus, Gregory the Great and His World, p. 204.
103. Theophylact Simocatta, Historia 8.8.15.

INTRODUCTION
43
and his sons remained alive. 104 Phocas then took charge and had the emperor
and his sons executed across the Bosphorus, at Chalcedon's harbor of Eutropius.
The bodies of the slain were thrown into the sea, while their heads were exhibited
at the Square of the Tribunal in the capital until they created a stench. 10S
At the time of this military coup, Maurice's son and Gregory's godson,
Theodosius, was absent from the capital, having been sent on a diplomatic
missiontMhe Persians. Maurice's ring was taken to Theodosius with the order
that he should return to Constantinople, and when he did so he was quickly
and quietly executed. A rumor persisted, however, that the young man had
survived, and his true fate was discovered only later.
The plotting of Germanos continued after Maurice's death, but he had no
more success this time than he had had on earlier occasions. He was forcibly
tonsured and confined to a monastery. Maurice's empress, Constantina, and her
three daughters were placed under the protection of Cyriacus, the patriarch of
Constantinople, and one of Gregory's regular correspondents. After his death in
606, Constantina and Germanos became involved in yet another round of plots
and, without anyone to protect them from Phocas' rage, the result was a blood-
bath. What was left of Maurice's household was annihilated. 106 By the time tJUs
happened, h9wever, Gregory had been dead for three years.
The sequence of events would suggest that Phocas' coup should have
affected Gregory personally. Gregory and Maurice had first met during the
time Gregory spent as papal representative at the imperial Court in Constanti-
nople from 578/579. At the time Maurice, as Caesar elect, was in command
of the imperial bodyguard (excubitores) of Emperor Tiberius II. He had married
Tiberius' daughter Constantina and was clearly destined for greater glory.
When the couple's first son, Theodosius, was born, Maurice chose Gregory to
be the child's godfather at baptism, an action that bound the two in very close
friendship. Subsequently, Maurice and Constantina were to have seven more
children: four boys (Tiberius, Peter, Paul and Justinian) and three girls
(Anastasia, Theoctiste and Cleopatra). It is not difficult to imagine the future
pope being a regular member of the future and actual imperial family. Other
powerful individuals were also to be found in this intimate family circle:
Bishop Domitian of Melitene, for example, was another godfather to the child-
ren of Maurice and Constantina.
It is with some surprise, therefore, that one notes how Gregory responded
to the news of the brutal overthrow and execution of his friend by the usurper
Phocas, in November 602. Official communication of these events reached
Rome on 25 April 603. The icon of the new emperor was received by the Sen-
ate with routine acclamation and placed in the Chapel of Saint Cesarius,
104. Ibid., 8.10.13.
105. See Theophylact Simocatta, Historia 8.9.7-12.2 and Theophanes, Chronographia AM
6094, 609S.
106. Theophanes, Chronographia AM 6095-6099.

44
THE LETTERS OF GREGORY THE GREAT
within the imperial palace on the Palatine. Gregory had to make some
acknowledgement of these events, for if he had not done so it would have
been treasonable. But the response which he made in May 603 (Ep 13.32) was
unexpected. It began: 'Gloria in excelsis Deo.'
Most historians have failed to understand the significance of this letter
from Gregory to Phocas. Erich Caspar criticized Gregory's action, claiming
that he had been driven by a short-sighted provincial attitude, which con-
sidered only what appeared beneficial to Rome and Italy, while ignoring other
considerations: the empire as a whole, or his past friendship with Maurice.
Thomas Hodgkin was so shocked and scandalized by what he saw as approval
of the deposition and brutal murder of Maurice and his family that he de-
prived Gregory of sanctity. The Comte de Montalembert described the episode
as 'the only stain on Saint Gregory's life.' Abbot Snow preserved Gregory's
sanctity, but at a cost. He argued that the pope simply did not know what was
happening. Pierre Batiffol maintained that the lapse of some six months
between Phocas' accession and Gregory's 'incriminating' letter was attributable
to papal displeasure with Phocas. This is hardly a satisfactory explanation, for
the fact remains that the letter in question was still written. Karl Morrison
described it as 'disedifyingly servile.' Hartman Grisar opted out of the
discussion altogether, informing his readers that he intended to remain silent
on the issue. And who knows if the great Mgr. Duchesne would have fared
any better, had he written a life of Gregory? But death intervened. 107
More recent works on Gregory have also failed to understand key evi-
dence for the pope's reaction to the murder of his old friend, Maurice. For
example, Homes Dudden thought that the letter to Phocas was always 'a blot
on the record of his pontificate'; Robert Markus criticized Gregory for letting
his respect for the institution 'obliterate any trace of revulsion from its new
incumbent'; and Jeffrey Richards saw Gregory's letter as 'unworthy and mis-
placed, a very definite blot on his record.' Michael Whitby argued that Greg-
ory was 'thoroughly disenchanted and welcomed the news of Phocas' accession
with embarrassing warmth.' The letter has been ignored by the contributors
to the three recent collections of articles. 108
107. See Erich Ludwig Caspar, Geschichre des Papsttums von den Anfingen his zur HOhe der
Weltherrschaft, 2 vols. (Tiibingen, 1930-1933),2: 489; Hodgkin, Italy and Her Invaders 5: 442--444;
Charles Forbes, comte de Montalembert, Les moines d'occident depuis saint Benoit jusqua saint
Bernard, 7th ed, 7 vols. (paris, 1892), 2: 134-137; T.B. Snow, St Gregory the Great, His Work and
His Spirit, 2nd eel. revised by Dom Roger Hudleston (London and New York, 1924), pp. 160-161;
Pierr Batiffol, Saint Gregury the Great, trans. John L Stoddard (London, 1929), p. 258; Karl F.
Morrison, Tradition and Authority in the Western Church, 300-1140 (princeton, 1969), p. 139; and
Hartmann Grisar, San Gregorio Magno, trans. A. de Santi (Rome, 1928), p. 181 nl.
108. See Homes Dudden, Gregory the Great 2: 267; Markus, Gregory the Great and His
World, p. 95; Richards, Consul of God, pp. 226-7; again the 'blot'; and Whitby, The Emperor
Maurice, p. 24. None of the 108 contributions to Gregoire le Grand, ed. J. Fontaine, Gregorio
Magno e il suo tempo, and Rome and the North, ed. R. Bremmer et ale deal with Gregory's
reaction to the brutal murder of Maurice.

INTRODUCTION
45
A fresh look at this very interesting epistle is needed, and can help bring
to light several features about the episode that have hitherto been
overlooked. 109
At the outset, one must stress Gregory's ideological framework of Roman
chauvinism, which underpinned the high respect he had for the imperial office.
Years befre, when writing his Moralia in lob, he had formulated his thinking
on mattirs of this kind, declaring that the stature of the office of rulers must
always transcend questions of personalities. He asserted that subjects must not
allow the displeasing conduct of a particular ruler to alter their respect for the
office that that ruler occupied. Rather, their attitude should be like that of the
sons of Noah, in Gen 9:23, who covered the nakedness of their drunken
father, not wishing to behold the sin which they concealed. 110
As a subject, Gregory might have a duty of loyalty to the imperial office,
but as a pastor did he not have a duty to reprove Phocas for the violence with
which he had achieved that office? How could he remain silent about the
deaths of Maurice and his sons? But he did not do so.
Among other things, Gregory in Ep 13.32 expressed the pious hope that,
under Phocas' rule, things would improve in the future: 'Let each man's
freedom be restored to him now by a pious empire's rule. For there is this
difference between peoples' kings and a republic's emperors, for peoples' kings
are masters of slaves, but a republic's emperors are the masters of free men.
But we say this better through prayer than advice.'
This statement of Gregory to Phocas has an interesting parallel. It is to be
found in an earlier letter of September 600 (Ep 11.4) addressed to ex-consul
Leontius, who was rebuke l d by the pope for the brutal treatment handed out
to a corrupt predecessor, Libertinus. Its terms are almost identical to those of
Gregory's letter to the new emperor: 'For the times of our most pious em-
peror are being totally blackened by the fact that free men are being killed,
not mentioning the offence to almighty God, or the grievous damage to your
109. For a full analysis of the Latin evidence supporting the argument outlined in this
section, see John R.C. Martyn, 'Four Notes on the Registrum of Gregory the Great,' Parer-
gon 19.2 (2002): 5-38. Modern biographers of Gregory, have without exception failed to
understand key evidence for the pope's reaction to the murder of his friend, Maurice, and
godson and heir to the throne, Theodosius, by the military usurper Phocas, to be found in
the pope's Latin letters. Several key letters are very long and written in complex Ciceronian
Latin, full of antitheses and colored vocabulary, which may explain their inadequate use to
date. A close examination of the Latin from four points of view provides plenty of additional
evidence to answer the condemnation of the pope over his apparent praise of new emperor.
The extremely early arrival in Italy of Phocas' agent, Beator, to plunder the estates of
Maurice's old friends, is fully described for the first time, as is the pope's description of the
second plague, which when compared with the first, seems to contain covert criticism of the
new 'pest,' Phocas, but most revealing is the careful study in the article of how and when
Gregory wrote his letters to Phocas and to his wife, and to his old friends in Constantinople,
where he condemns the murderer of his friends with ironic praise.
110. Gregory, Moralia 25.16.37

46
THE LETTERS OF GREGORY THE GREA T
reputation. For there is this difference between peoples' kings and a Roman
emperor, in that peoples' kings are masters of slaves, but a Roman emperor is
a master of free men. You too, therefore, whatever you do, ought to do it first
of all preserving justice, and then guarding freedom in every way.'
The letter to ex-consul Leontius was a letter of censure, not of praise.
There is no Gloria in excelsis Deo. Gregory reminded Leontius, as he later
reminded Phocas, of what was commonly assumed as a political ideal of the
time, that the empire was a political organization with the responsibility of
safeguarding the concept of freedom. Yet, in many cases, the ideal was far
from being realized. The implication contained in these letters is that often
there is little difference between 'peoples' kings' and 'emperors.'
This rebuke of Phocas is not the only example to be found in Gregory's
letters where the pope takes him to task. Another is found in Ep 14.8, of July
603. Here, Gregory made use of the popular contemporary intellectual device
of the use of allegory or types (significatio typica) to reflect on current events
and social structures.
A favorite allegory for their reigns, used by Byzantine emperors of the
time, was the story of the biblical King David. But the reign of David also
provided an example of how a prophet might rebuke royal behavior with im-
punity. For 2 Sam 15:1-10 tells of the prophet Nathan's rebuke of David
following the unjust murder of Uriah the Hittite. When the prophet presented
the case anonymously before the king, it was David himself who pronounced
the sentence of condemnation against the guilty man (himself), while the office
that David held (kingship) remained untarnished by its occupant's fault.
The case that presented itself in Ep 14.8 involved a dispute between the
bishop of Euria and the bishop of Corcyra, over ecclesiastical jurisdiction in
the town of Castrum Cassiopi. The one had seized what had rightfully
belonged to the other. Gregory explained to his representative at court,
Deacon Boniface, how this case was to be conducted before emperor Phocas:
Therefore let your Beloved explain it all to his Piety with diligence, and add
constantly that this it totally wicked, totally unjust, totally illegal and
extremely hostile to the sacred canons. And for that reason he should not
allow a wrongdoing of this sort to be introduced into a preliminary judgment
of the Church, during his reign, and he should be keen to ensure that our
verdict is sent over there with his order, so that we might seem both to have
preserved the serenity of the emperor himself, as is proper, and to have
corrected in a rational manner what was undertaken wrongly. In this matter
you must ensure that, if it can be done, he should also give the order himself,
in which he prescribes those things that we have defined. For once this is
done, every chance of theft is prevented for the rest. Therefore hurry to
exercise your vigilance, with the assistance of almighty God, to suppress these
preliminary decisions, so that neither the wish of those who are acting

INTRODUCTION
47
perversely may obtain anything now against the ancient state of ecclesiastical
custom, nor may a wicked deed prevail as an example hereafter.
By acting towards the emperor in this way, Gregory's principles were pre-
served. Respect was maintained for the imperial office, while he strove to
obtain the emperor's own condemnation of anyone who unjustly sought to
seize wightfully belonged to another. The wish of those who were acting
perversely was denied, and the ancient state of ecclesiastical custom was pre-
served as an example to be followed on future occasions.
It may be objected that this argument is an ingenuous one. But before dis-
missing it out of hand, it would be well to compare the tactics Gregory used
in dealing with Phocas with those adopted by him ten years earlier, in August
593, when he dissented from a decree of Maurice, forbidding those in imperial
service from becoming monks (Ep 3.61). There is the same reluctance to engage
in open criticism of the emperor, the same use of officials to make his points
behind the scenes and the same attempt to get the emperor to revisit the issue
on terms that accorded with his intentions.
It is more than likely that the sophistication of Gregory's argument would
have been lost on the brutal soldier, Phocas. But they should not be lost -on
those engaged in critical study. Whatever of this, it can no longer be said that
Gregory the Great docilely acquiesced in the coup which brought about the
death of Maurice and his sons and which installed Phocas on the imperial
throne. Far from engaging in servile flattery and platitudes, he sought to bring
Phocas to an understanding of the responsibilities incumbent on the office that
he had just assumed. Gregory sought to do this in the way he knew best,
teaching the emperor by his own example.
GREGORY'S MISSIONS
An overview
The second volume of Gregory's letters introduces us to one of the central
themes in the legacy of this extraordinary pope: his diplomatic and missionary
activities directed towards the West. The groundwork for his reorganization
of Sicily was virtually complete by the end of Book 4. During the whole of
Gregory's pontificate, initiatives begun early in his pontificate would continue
to develop further, but it should be noted that the main ones stem from
actions taken during the four-year period between 595 and 598.
Walter Ullmann has suggested that this was an attempt to counterbalance the
claims being made at the time by the patriarch of Constantinople, John 'the
Faster.' John was calling himself the 'ecumenical patriarch,' a title that had horri-
fied Gregory, who protested to the emperor. But Maurice did not appear to have
understood the basis for Gregory's concern, regarding it essentially as a 'storm in
a tea-cup' over the significance of a 'frivolous title.' To reaffirm his ecclesiastical
prestige, and to emphasise his position as patriarch of the West, Gregory initiated

48
THE LETTERS OF GREGORY THE GREAT
close contact with the barbarian kingdoms of that region. Or so proceeds
Ullmann's argument. 111 But most scholars do not accept his hypothesis. 112
There is not the slightest evidence to support the idea that the Pope's in-
itiatives towards Gaul and England were a response to a perceived threat from
Byzantium. A motive for his actions must be sought elsewhere. Gregory's
writings demonstrate a constant awareness of the coming end of the world and
the need to bring all peoples to the knowledge of the Gospel of Jesus Christ.
At the beginning of his pontificate, Gregory observed that, at the Last
Judgment, each bishop would come before the Lord .with the souls he had
gained for Heaven. Peter would come with his converts in Judaea, Paul with
the Gentile world, Andrew with those in Achaea, John with those in Asia and
Thomas with those in India. 'But what will we poor wretches say?,113
Gregory's fear was that the Church of his day, beset with crises from all
directions, would have only a 'Nil return' to offer. Action needed to be taken
to remedy this situation. The Venerable Bede understood Gregory's dilemma
all too well. In his Ecclesiastical History of the English People he observed that:
'Well indeed may we, the English nation converted by his efforts from the
power of Satan to the faith of Christ ... call him our apostle, for though he
held the most important see in the whole world and was head of Churches
which had long been converted to the true faith, yet he made our nation, till
then enslaved to idols, into a Church of Christ, so that we may use the
apostle's words about him: "H he is not an apostle to others yet at least he is
to us, for we are the seal of his apostleship in the Lord.,,114
But we are getting ahead of ourselves. The Venerable Bede was only able to
write this eulogy of Saint Gregory over a hundred years after the pope's death.
And the mission to convert the people of England was something that stood
at the end of a long and continuous process that was wholly dependent upon
Gregory's understanding of the widespread duties of his pastoral care.
Key correspondents
When one looks at Gregory's letters that relate to the barbarian West, it
immediately becomes apparent that the pope made his approaches to, and
through, a small and select group of individuals. One way of detailing how
this was done is to consider the number of letters addressed directly to them.
But this would only tell part of the story, as many letters were requests to
111. See Walter Ullmann, The Growth of Papal Government in the Middle Ages: A Study
in the Ideological Relation of Clerical to Lay Power, 3rd ed. (London, 1970), p. 37. For an
examination of the 'ecumenical patriarch affair,' see pp. 75-76.
112. Henry Chadwick's comments on 'Gregory the Great and the Mission to the Anglo-
Saxons,' in Gregario Magno e il suo tempo 1: 199-212, at p. 206, may be taken as representative.
113. Gregory, Homiliae in Evangelia 17.7-8.
114. Bede, Histaria ecc/esiastica 2.1 (trans. Colgrave and Mynors, p. 123), citing 1 Cor 9:2.

INTRODUCTION
49
others on behalf of his chosen emissaries. For listing his major correspondents,
it seems best to make two divisions in the material, indicating letters addressed
to individuals first, followed by those others mentioned in the footnotes.
One individual appears right across the whole range of Gregorian mission-
ary activity almost like a common thread. He is the monk and abbot Cyriacus,
in Ep 5.2. 115 He appears first in Sicily, and then in Sardinia, Gaul and
finally in.Y1sigothic Spain. 116 Gregory must have had great confidence in this
abbot to have made use of his many talents so widely.
In Sardinia, significant people are the leader of the mission, Bishop Felix
in Ep 5.2,117 his assistant the same abbot Cyriacus and the dukes Zabardas
in Ep 4.25 and Hospiton in Ep 4.27, who represent the main secular authori-
ties. Gaul also has a similar division of material. In the first place there is the
priest Candidus in Epp 6.10; 7.21; 9.222, 118 the newly appointed administra-
tor of the papal patrimony there. But, in reality, he was far more important
than that, for he was Gregory's eyes and ears on the spot, as well as being his
personal representative. Next come a group of local bishops with whom the
pope was in communication as the occasion demanded. These were Virgil, the
papal vicar of ArIes in Epp 1.45; 5.58; 6.54; 9.217, 225; 11.45,119 Bishop
Aetherius of Lyon in Epp 6.52; 9.219; 11.40; 13.6,120 Bishop Syagrius - of
Autun 121 in Epp 6.55; 9.215, 219, 223, 224, 225, Bishop Desiderius of Vienne
in Epp 6.55; 9.158, 219, 221; 11.34 and the bishop of Gap, Aregius, in Epp
9.220; 11.42, 44. 122 Gregory had met the last of these bishops when Aregius
came to Rome on an ad limina visit in 599.
Then there were the monarchs of the Frankish kingdoms, Queen Brun-
hilde, who appears in Epp 6.5, 58, 60; 8.4; 9.213, 214; 11.46, 48, 49; 13.5 123
and her son, Childebert, addressed in Epp 5.60; 6 6,124 and her two gr"and-
sons, Theoderic in Epp 6.51; 9.216, 227; 11.47; 13.7 125 and Theodebert in
Epp 6.51, 9.216, 227; 11.50, and her rival Clothar II of Neustria in Ep 11.51.
Clothar would ultimately murder Brunhilde most cruelly in 613. Finally, there
were the patricians Dynamius in Epp 3.33; 7.33 126 and Arigius in Epp 6.59;
9.212 127 who administered Frankish territory in Provence.
115. See also Epp 2.50; 4.23, 25, 26, 27; 5.2; 9.1, 11,209, 214, 219, 220, 230; 11.10.
116. Spain represents an important theme in some letters in Books 9 and 13.
117. See also Epp 4.23, 25, 26, 27; 5.38.
118. See also Epp 6.5,6, 10, 51,52,54, 55, 56, 59, 60; 7.21; 8.4; 9.222; 11.34,43, 44.
119. See also Epp 5.59, 60; 9.219; 11.38.
120. See also Ep 13.5.
121. See also Epp 8.4; 9.209, 214, 220; 13.9, 10, 11.
122. See also Ep 9.219.
123. See also Epp 13.9, 10, 11.
124. See also Epp 5.31, 58, 59.
125. See also Epp 13.9, 10, 11.
126. See also Epp 4.37; 6.6; 7.12.
127. See also Ep 5.31.

50
THE LETTERS OF GREGORY THE GREAT
In the most distant outpost of Gregorian activity, England, the pattern
established in Sardinia and Gaul was maintained. Gregory's representative was
the leader of the first party of monks, Bishop Augustine, former prior of
Gregory's monastery, Saint Andrew's, on the Clivus Scauri, and therefore
someone who presumably knew the pope very well, as in Epp 11.36, 39. 128
He was joined in 601 by the priest Laurence and abbot Mellitus, as in Ep
11.56,129 together with a fresh party of monks and the equipment needed
for an extension of Church services. Finally, there was the Kentish royal
couple to whose palace the missionaries were sent, King Ethelbert in Ep 11.37
and his wife Bertha in Ep 11.35. Their content will be analyzed shortly.
Sardinia
Things began on a modest scale in Sardinia, with the Church's mission to the
Barbaracini. In May 594, this indigenous clan of non-Christian people, called
'gentiles' by Gregory, concluded a pact with the Empire. Their clan, driven from
Africa by the Vandals, had settled in the mountains near Cagliari. Conscious of
his duty of pastoral care, Gregory took the opportunity of bringing them from the
worship of 'idols of wood and stone' to the knowledge of the living God, sending
over Bishop Felix, assisted by the capable monk, Cyriacus,130 to accomplish this
difficult task (Ep 4.23). All the elements found in the later missions appear in this
first example, indicating that although the circumstances might change, Gregory
fully understood what he wanted to achieve from the outset. 131 Here, as later,
the clergy were assisted by monks in the task of spreading the gospel. Indeed, the
use of monks, the militia Christi, may be seen as characteristic of 'the Gregorian
mission.' The missionaries were charged with the destruction of idols and with the
leading of the local people to the worship of Christ. 132
In the spiritual sphere Gregory understood that those with temporal
authority needed to concern themselves also with the spiritual welfare and
pastoral care of their subjects. In a series of letters (Epp 4.23, 25-27) the pope
strongly urged the two dukes, Zabardas and Hospiton, and other nobles and
landowners of Sardinia, to act with this in mind. He reminded Archbishop
Januarius of Cagliari, who was a reluctant evangelizer, of the correct way to
administer the sacraments of Christian initiation. 133 Finally, after twelve
128. Epp 6.51, 52, 53, 54, 55, 59, 60; 8.4, 29; 9.223; 11.34, 35, 37, 38, 40, 42, 45, 47, 48,
50, 51, 56.
129. See also Epp 11.34, 41, 48, 51.
130. Cyriacus proved such a successful emissary that he was used on later occasions,
going to Gaul and even over to Visigothic Spain in 599.
131. Pace Abbot Mellitus' instructions of 601, Ep 11.56.
132. For Gregory's important letter to Constantina about the law's support for
paganism on the island, see McCready, Signs of Sanctity, pp. 41-42.
133. The pope asks the empress to help in alleviating the many very heavy taxes, that
were forcing parents to sell their children, and in curbing a clerk, Stephen, who was using
the law and violence to steal people's properties. A judge also needed attention, as he exacted

INTRODUCTION
51
months had passed, he reported on the very successful progress of the mission
to the Empress Constantina 134 in Constantinople (Ep 5.38).
Gaul
With Gaul, things assume a grander scale. In the first place, the Frankish
kingdoms were considerably larger in expanse than the territory of the Barbari-
cini. In second place, once this mission was undertaken, the pope's rela-
tions with the Merovingian lands would be ongoing throughout the remainder
of his pontificate. These relations had as their object his longstanding endeavor
to reform the Frankish Church. Of the 68 letters in Grego' s Registrum that
relate to Gaul, two-thirds are concerned with this project. 35
Some might suggest that Gaul after Clovis was a Christian land, rather
than an unconverted territory awaiing conversion. So argued H.F. Muller in
1945, H.G.]. Beck in 1950 and most recently, Edward James in 1982. 136
Beck's statistics show that there were 148 known bishops in south-eastern
Gaul during the sixth century. Of these, 34, or about a quarter, are recognized
by the Church as saints. Thirteen of these 'saintly bishops,' or 8.78%, lived
during the final quarter of the century. Put this another way, and just over
38% of all the sixth-century bishops of south-eastern France who are recog-'
nized as saints were living at a time roughly corresponding to the years when
Gregory was pope. Beck concluded: 'With 34 pontiffs certified for us as men
of moral character, we can have some probability that the other 114 bishos
of that sixth-century hierarchy tended to be persons of Christian habits.' 1 7
To this, James added the very perceptive remark that stories about the scanda-
lous behavior of bishops were as newsworthy in the sixth century as they are
now; and that they tended to provide a lot more entertainment than did des-
criptions of the everyday duties of the normal conscientious holders of epis-
copal offices. 138
But if one looks at contemporary accounts, like Gregory of Tours' History
of the Pranks or the Chronicle of Fredegar, a very different view from that
presented by these modern scholars emerges. Here, the picture is one of a state
preoccupied with feuding within the ruling dynasty and of a church in decay,
fees from locals wanting to sacrifice to idols, telling the bishop he was simply recouping the
fee he had paid the State for his appointment.
134. The empress seems to have exercised some duty of oversight in the island: see the
preceding note.
135. Luce Pietri, 'Gregoire Ie Grand et la Gaule: Le projet pour la reforme de l'Eglise
gauloise,' in Gregorio Magno e suo il tempo 1: 129-158, at p. 109.
136. Henri Franois Muller, L 'epoque merovingienne: Essai de synthese de philologre et
d'histoire. (New York, 1945), p. 83; Henry G.J. Beck, The Pastoral Care of Souls in South-East
France During the Sixth Century (Rome, 1950), pp. 40-41; and Edward James, The Origins of
France: From Clovis to the Capetians, 500-1000 (London, 1982), p. 55.
137. Beck, Pastoral Care of Souls, p. 42.
138. James, Origins of France, p. 53.

52
THE LETTERS OF GREGORY THE GREAT
badly in need of reform. Jeffrey Richards is a modern advocate of this inter-
pretation. He argues: "Gregory of Tours paints a lurid picture of the Gallic
bishops, many of whom seem to have been habitually drunk or wantonly
cruel, appallingly lecherous or deeply embroiled in politics and intrigue. The
lesser clergy seem to have been little better, and dereliction of duty was
rife. ,,139 This is also the impression that is gained from a cursory reading
of the letters of Gregory the Great. Whole areas persisted in their pre-
Christian beliefs, while others had only a veneer of Christianity (see Ep 8.4).
Among the clergy, simony was presented as rampant (see Epp 5.58, 9.219;
11.38; 13.9-11), and one of the tasks of Laurence and Mellitus, during the
passage through Gaul of the monks sent to reinforce Augustine's party in
England, was to arrange a synod to stamp out simony (see Ep 11.51). The
modern distinction that might be made between 'the darkness of unbelief' and
'the behavior of bad Christians' was not one that Gregory would have made.
Both groups, equally, needed to hear the call of the Gospel and to be con-
verted by it. For the pope, the Frankish Church was badly in need of reform,
and that was that.
At the beginning of his pontificate Gregory probably had only a vague
awareness of conditions in Gaul. While papal emissary in Constantinople, he
would have come in contact with the Frankish delegation sent to the imperial
court in 585-586. One of the members of this delegation was the patrician
Dynamius, who for a time administered the small patrimony of Gaul for the
Roman church, and was one of Gregory's correspondents (Epp 3.33; 7.33).
When he returned to Rome, he would have been aware of Byzantine attempts
to forge an alliance with the Austrasian Franks against the Lombards; but it
is unlikely that Gregory knew much more. There was certainly no direct con-
tact with Frankish rulers at this time. 140 Such a state of affairs is confirmed
by the contents of the papal Register. In the first four years (September 590
to August 595) there are only six letters that refer to Gaul. Three are addressed
to recipients in Provence (Epp 1.45; 3.33; 5.31) but none are addressed to indi-
viduals who were living in other parts of Gaul. One (Ep 5,36) is addressed to
the Emperor Maurice, and it refers to the peace negotiations. And the other
two letters (Epp 4.2, 37) can best be described as attempts to gain a greater
insight into what was taking place there, by sounding out Archbishop Con-
stantius of Milan.
What first attracted the pope's notice, in June 591, was a series of com-
plaints from the Jewish community that the bishops of ArIes and Marseilles
were forcibly baptizing their co-religionists. Gregory argued for the cessation
of this practice, which he believed could only have detrimental results for the
faith (Ep 1.45). It soon became apparent that this was only the first of many
corrupt practices within the Gallic church to which Gregory felt called to
139. Richards, Consul of God, p. 212.
140. See Pietri, 'Gregoire Ie Grand et la Gaule,' pp. 110-112.

INTRODUCTION
53
respond. Then, in 592, Austrasia and Burgundy became engaged in a struggle
for the control of Provence. Frankish politics were having their effect on
conditions in Italy.
From the days of Caesarius, in the early sixth century, the archbishop of
ArIes had been understood to act as papal vicar in Provence, in much the same
way as Maximian, archbishop of Syracuse, acted as his vicar in Sicily.141
Caesariuccessor Sapaudus (d. 586) had exercised this office, but neither
Licerius (bishop 586-8), nor Virgil (588 onwards), had received official letters
of appointment from Rome. Gregory rectified this oversight with Ep 1.45. 142
In the meantime the patrician Dynamius was faithfully administering the small
Provenal patrimony of the Roman Church, and presented the pope with a
very large sum of 400 gold coins in April 593. 143 Although what was to be
done with this Frankish money, since it was worth far less in the
Empire?144 Again, the papacy was being drawn into Frankish affairs.
By August 595, Gregory felt he had received sufficient information to
enter actively into the Frankish sphere. He sent the priest John and the deacon
Sabinian 145 with the pallium to Virgil of ArIes, in response to a request from
King Childebert for him to do so (Ep 5.58). Through this he confirmed the
position of the archbishop of ArIes as the papal vicar, while appearing to De
acceding to a royal request. To strengthen his hand further, he removed the
administration of the papal patrimony in Gaul from the hands of the Frankish
royal official, the patrician Arigius, his addressee of Epp 5.31; 6.59; 9.212, who
had succeeded Dynamius, and appointed a friend and reliable Roman priest,
Candidus, to oversee matters there (Ep 5.31). Both Queen Brunhilde and King
Childebert were informed of these developments and were asked to give them
their support (Epp 6.5-6). The appointment was a very unusual one, for sub-
deacons usually administered the Roman patrimonies. Thus the appointment
of a priest to the patrimony of Gaul was an indication of the special impor-
tance Gregory placed on the position. Both Virgil and Candidus were to be
employed in the task of reforming the uncooperative church of Gaul.
In pursuing his reform agenda, Gregory acted, as ever, with diplomacy and
tact. He did not seek to behave in a dictatorial manner by imposing a set of
preconceived principles on the church of Gaul. This would not have worked
anyway, for the Frankish bishops of the sixth century tended to be laws unto
themselves. They were passionate proclaimers of the rights of local churches.
141. See pp. 4 and 28 above.
142. The vicariate conferred of Virgil did not comprise the whole of Gaul, but only the
provinces of Austrasia, Burgundy and Aquitaine.
143. See Ep 3.33, sent to Dynamius by a grateful pope in April 593. A small cross with
relics from the chains of Saint Peter and a gridiron of Saint Laurence were also sent.
144. The money was ultimately to be spent in purchasing English slave boys, who
would later be sent on the English mission under Augustine (see pp. 67-69 below).
145. Not to be confused with the deacon Sabinian who served as papal emissary in
Constantinople from August 593 to June 597.

54
THE LETTERS OF GREGORY THE GREAT
While they acknowledged the authority of the see of Peter with loving respect,
they were also touchy about their own episcopal rights, and showed no reluc-
tance to let the popes know it. 146 Gregory hoped, for his part, to get the
bishops to adopt some juridical mechanism based on the canons, by means of
which the local episcopacy might control their more unruly confreres. The
convening of a council of the Frankish church appeared an excellent way of
bringing this about, just as a meeting of the Sicilian bishops under Maximian
had proved successful earlier for the church in Sicily.
In sending Virgil the pallium, Gregory acknowledged the importance of
the local custom in the convening of such a reforming synod. In the letter that
accompanied the vestment (Ep 5.58), Gregory urged his archbishop to move
against those bishops who were engaged in simoniacal practices, such as charg-
ing fees for ordinations, as well as preventing laymen from being consecrated
directly with the rank of bishop, without passing through the intermediate
clerical grades. That would be a start, anyway. By appointing Candidus to
administer his local patrimony (Ep 5.31), Gregory was ensuring that he had a
personal representative on the spot, and as the pope's agent, Candidus had suf-
ficient rank to sit alongside Bishop Virgil in any meeting of the Frankish
church that might subsequently be convoked. Moreover, Gregory added a very
special recommendation of his agent Candidus to every letter he wrote to the
prelates of Gaul, while he was paving the way for the group of monks who
had to cross France to reach his final field of missionary work, in England.
Virgil appears to have been either less than enthusiastic or else unable to
fulfill the pope's designs. In fact, the locus of ecclesiastical power in Gaul was
different to that which had existed in the time of Caesarius of ArIes. While the
archbishop of ArIes was still held in high esteem, practical expression of power
had moved farther north to the see of Lyon, and to the bishops who enjoyed
royal patronage, such as Syagrius of Autun. 147 Any future attempts of Gre-
gory to reform the Frankish church would have to acknowledge both develop-
ments, if they were to have any chance of success. He would have to build on
the changing circumstances as they presented themselves to him.
Gregory engineered a series of events to suit his purposes. In September
595, he instructed the priest Candidus to use the income from the Gallic
patrimony to purchase English slaves (Ep 6.10). These were to be trained as
monks in Gregory's monastery in Rome, it seems, for service to the Church,
and no doubt some of them formed a part of Augustine'sparty of missionaries
which set out for England in July 596 (see Ep 6.53). This would avoid denud-
146. JM. Wallace-Hadrill, The Frankish Church (Oxford, 1983), pp. 122 and 112; John
Moorhead, 'Papa as "Bishop of Rome,'" Journal of Ecclesi4stica/. History 36 (1985): 337-350 (esp.
346-347), provides ample evidence of the attitudes adopted by the Frankish church towards Rome.
As a further example of the respect in which the Roman Church was held, Bishop Palladius of
Saintes sent the priest l..euparic there in 596 to procure relics for his church: see Ep 6.50.
147. Pietri, 'Gregoire Ie Grand et la Gaule,' pp. 111-114.

INTRODUCTION
55
ing Gregory's monastery, and after a year there, they would have been an in-
distinguishable part of the group of monks. The pope justified the English
venture by claiming that he had acted because of the failure of the priests from
the neighborhood to undertake the task (Ep 6.51). Presumably he meant the
Irish and British clergy, for he sent a whole batch of letters with Augustine
appealing for help from persons of influence in both Church and State (Epp
6.52-5560). It may well be argued that in seeking to mobilize the Franks
in a missionary enterprise towards the English, Gregory hoped they would
also be prepared to adopt a similar stance at home; for in every one of the
letters mentioned above, besides appealing for help for Augustine, the pope
urges the same addressees also to help Candidus in his efforts, as we have seen,
but especially in raising a proper revenue for the Church from the Christians
in Gaul. And this was to be used locally, for the poor and for an ongoing sup-
ply of young monks.
In seeking support for Augustine, Gregory at least enjoyed some measure
of success, as his protege was consecrated as bishop at Lyon, it seems, by
leading representatives of the Frankish church. A proper understanding of sub-
sequent generations as to the circumstances under which this occurred is un-
certain. Bede in his History says that Augustine, after landing in England,
returned to Gaul after his initial success, and there he was consecrated bishop
in ArIes by Aetherius, bishop of that city. On this journey he was accompan-
ied by the priest Laurence and the monk Peter. 148 But the bishop of ArIes
was Virgil, not Aetherius, who was the bishop of Lyon. Bede, wishing to hold
on to the idea that Augustine had been consecrated in ArIes by the papal vicar,
has falsified the record, whether deliberately or by accident, we do not know.
Gregory told Eulogius, the patriarch of Alexandria (Ep 8.29), that 'some monk'
(he omitted the name of Augustine) had been consecrated by Germanium epis-
copis ('bishop of the Germans'), a vague term but one that indicates Neustria
rather than the ArIes-Provence region. And so the likely place of consecration
was Lyon, not ArIes, and Aetherius was involved.
A further fact emerges in hindsight from Gregory's letters. It is clear that
Queen Brunhilde used the actions of her court favorite, Bishop Syagrius of
Autun, as a bargaining point in subsequent negotiations aimed at obtaining the
pallium for that prelate. 149 Gregory readily acknowledged this contribution
148. Bede, Historia ecclesiastiut 1.27. Augustine's 'companions' become important when the
circumstances of the production of Gregory's Responsa are discussed. See pp. 61-65 below.
149. Brunhilde was the daughter of the Visigothic king, Athanagild. After his death, in c. 567,
she married Sigebert I, Frankish king of Austrasia. At her marriage she converted from the Arian-
ism of the Visigoths to the Chalcedonian Christianity of the Franks. When Sigebert died, she
became de facto ruler of Austrasia, continuing to rule through the reigns of her son, Childebert
IT, and then of her grandsons. In 592, Guntrum, the king of Burgundy, died and his lands were
added to her territory. But despite Gregory's praise, her personal life did not match her religious
profession. She long pursued a cruel vendetta with Fredegonde, the mistress of the Frankish king
of Neustria. She fell out with the Irish missionary, Columban, who condenmed her life at court,

56
THE LETTERS OF GREGORY THE GREAT
in Ep 8.4. This has led Luce Pietri to conclude that the Bishop of Autun cer-
tainly did playa principal part in Augustine's consecration. 150 If it is pos-
sible to name two of Augustine's consecrators at Lyon, might it be possible to
suggest a name of the third consecrating bishop? In Ep 6.55, Gregory requests
that Syagrius provide assistance for Augustine, but it was addressed equally to
Bishop Desiderius of Vienne. Could he be the third man? At that stage
Desiderius had not yet lost the patronage of the Gallic court, which was to
lead him into exile in 603, so anything is possible. If this scenario is correct,
then an important realignment had taken place within the Frankish church.
The papal vicar, Virgil of ArIes, had been sidelined, it appears, and Syagrius,
who to all appearances was merely a suffragan bishop, had assumed a central
position in the Gallic hierarchy. England might have its bishop, but Gregory's
desire to set up a reforming council to stamp out simony was proving as
elusive as ever.
A fresh opportunity presented itself in September 597 (see Ep 8.4), when
Queen Brunhilde approached the pope, seeking the pallium for her Bishop
Syagrius. Gregory, who was always conscious of correct hierarchical protocol
and who in diplomatic negotiations gave nothing away without expecting a
return, acknowledged the assistance that Syagrius had given to Augustine's
mission. And he reminded the queen that such benefits should be a reward for
good deeds performed. But several other abuses remained unattended to in the
Frankish church, especially the consecration of laymen to episcopal office, the
common practice of simony and the adherence by some to the Three Chapters
schism. Syagrius had not demonstrated his stance on any of these matters.
Pagan practices, such as the worship of idols, trees and animal heads, were still
in evidence. The queen should address these concerns while fostering the cause
of justice among all her subjects. To act thus would be to perform a work
truly pleasing to God. In this way, Gregory sought to link the grant of the pal-
lium to Syagrius with the convocation of a reforming council to end simony.
In July 599, the pope finally sent the required pallium 151 to Gaul with
Abbot Cyriacus, who had served him so well earlier in Sicily and Sardinia. He
expected that Syagrius would fulfill his part of the bargain and call the council
(Epp 9.209, 223). In a flurry of diplomatic activity, he approached Bishops
Aetherius of Lyon, Desiderius of Vienne, Virgil of ArIes and lesser bishops,
like Aregius of Gap, asking for their support (Epp 9.219-20).152 But the
Frankish bishops, each as jealous of his own status as ever"successfully pursued
and refused to bless her grandsons. She became less and less popular, until, in 613, falling into the
hands of Fredegonde's son, Clothar II, king of Neustria, she suffered a ghastly death.
150. Pietri, 'Gregoire Ie Grand et la Gaule,' p. 116.
151. When Bishop Desiderius of Vienne sought a similar privilege for himself at the
same time he was politely turned down (see Ep 9.221).
152. Richards, Consul of God, p. 215; Pietri, 'Gregoire Ie Grand et la Gaule,' p. 118;
Wallace-Hadrill, The Prankish Church, p. 116.

INTRODUCTION
57
delaying tactics, so that nothing came out of Gregory's proposal. His long and
patiently implemented strategy finally unravelled with the deaths of Syagrius
in late 599-early 600 and of Cyriacus during 600.
The unexpected success of Augustine's English mission furnished the pope
with another opportunity to bring about the long-desired council. In June 601,
the abbot Mel.litus and the priest Laurence were sent with another group of
monks as reiIlforcements for that mission. As in 596, the Gallic bishops were
asked to give their support. The list of his correspondents was expanded on
this occasion to include correspondents from both northern and western Gaul,
revealing greater familiarity with the bench of bishops: they were Menas of
Toulon, Serenus of Marseilles, Lupus of ChaIons-sur-Saone, Agiulf of Metz,
Simplicius of Paris, Melantius of Rouen, Aregius of Gap, Virgil of ArIes and
Licinius of an unknown see (Epp 11.41-45). When Aetherius of Lyon asked for
the pallium in the same way that Syagrius had requested it before, Gregory,
with the wisdom of hindsight, replied that he would like to see some results
first (Ep 11.40). Various royal figures were also approached, as in 596 (Epp
11.46-50), but for this mission, Clothar King of Neustria, joined the list (Ep
11.51), revealing Gregory's awareness of the ever changing political realities in
the Merovingian kingdoms. -
But events saw to it that even now the council failed to materialize. The
truce between the Empire and the Lombards broke down the very year that
Abbot Mellitus was dispatched. Bishop Aetherius of Lyon himself died in
November 602. And, most importantly of all, the level of hostility between
the rulers of the various Frankish kingdoms made any such convocation in
Gaul almost impossible. Gregory died without seeing the result of his efforts.
When a Frankish council finally did take place, at Paris in 614, it was under
different conditions from those that the pope had envisaged. 153
However, not long before the pope's death, it appears that a Gallic synod
was finally held, in Auxerre, and it decided on two problems dealt with by
Pope Gregory, that an abbot was not allowed to have sons baptized, and that
monks were not to have commatres ('female partners': see Ep 4.40). But the all-
important topic of simony was not included. 154 By way of evaluation, it is
not too harsh to say that the relationship that Gregory the Great established
with the Frankish church may not be counted as one of his great successes. He
only came to understand the Frankish situation by means of hard experience;
and it seems that his long-desired council to put an end to simony in Gaul
failed to eventuate. Despite his best endeavors, he could not obtain a real
commitment of support from any of the rulers of the Franks, and his plans
were unable to arouse the real interest of a single bishop. While it maintained
a deferential attitude towards Rome, and cooperated with the pope's two par-
153. Pietri, 'Gregoire Ie Grand et la Gaule,' pp. 121-122; Richards, Consul of God, p. 216.
154. The Concilia Galliae 511-695 include a synod held at Auxerre between 561 and
605, in which two of the key decisions derived from Gregory.

58
THE LETTERS OF GREGORY THE GREAT
ties of missionary monks, the Frankish church continued to prize its indepen-
dence of action and it was very reluctant to surrender it.
England
The origins of the Gregorian mission to England are to be found, as has been
seen above, in Gregory's attempts to reform and evangelize the Frankish
church. For all that, the conversion of England remains the enduring jewel in
the crown of Gregory's relations with the barbarian West. And no study of
this kind would be complete without reference to it. To the English of subse-
quent generations he has always been 'our apostle,' as the quotation from Bede
that appeared at the beginning of this section well illustrates. And yet the
Kentish mission was both unlooked for and unexpected, thereby making it a
doubly prized success.
It had its beginnings, it seems, in the purchase of some English slaves by
Candidus in September 595 (Ep 6.10).155 On the surface, this purchase looks
like a hastily conceived scheme on Gregory's part to use an otherwise debased
currency for some good local purpose. At the very least the episode demon-
strates how skillful Gregory was at capitalizing on circumstances as they pre-
sented themselves. Also, the axiom that the most carefully prepared plans often
appear to be most impromptu, should not be forgotten where the expert
organizer Gregory is concerned.
It was over a century after the mission began that the first written
accounts of its origins were composed. It should come as no surprise, there-
fore, to find both the remembrance of a kernel of truth and a certain adapt-
ability of historical detail in accounts of chroniclers, such as that of the
anonymous scribe from Whitby (704-714) or of the Venerable Bede (731). As
an instance of how this happened, one may simply refer to the story of the
purchase of the English slaves. For the chroniclers, the story had been trans-
formed into a quasi-mythical episode where, before his elevation to the papacy,
Gregory himself saw the fair-haired slaves in the Roman slave market and con-
ceived the plan of going himself as a missionary to England. 156 The use of
the young captives from England may lie behind this myth. However, fortu-
nately posterity does not depend on these myths for an account of the origins
155. Henry Mayr-Harting, in his excellent book The Coming of Christianity to Anglo-
Saxon England, 3rd ed. (London, 1991), pp. 58-59, suggests that fair-haired Deiran captives
may have been sold as slaves in Rome in about 590, at a time when slave traffic was active
between England, Gaul and Italy. He refers also to Candidus' brief, briefly, suggesting that
the captives were trained in Rome. He rejects any fears on Gregory's part over a take-over
by the British Church, or by Columban, and rejects papal influence as a motive, or a way
of reforming the Frankish Church. He rightly sees a pastoral purpose, to convert the only
heathens left, with a politically stable kingdom in Kent as a start.
156. Anonymous Monk of Whitby, Vita Gregorii 9-10; Bede, Historia ecclesiastic a 2.1;
John the Deacon, Vita Gregorii 2.39. See pp. 67-69 below for a detailed examination of the
important first letter to Candidus.

INTRODUCTION
59
and progress of the English mission, for the thirty-six letters in Gregory's
Register that refer to England provide a reliable and a contemporary, albeit
incomplete, account of these events. These letters should be given credence
even above the accounts of the chroniclers, who can be shown to have written
with their own agendas in mind. 157 Gregory, as successor of Peter, was pro-
posed as the point of unity for all Christians, and as the foundation of the
Christian.1arih of the English.
Augustine and his companions set out for England in July 596, passing
through Gaul on the way. It has already been noted that Gregory used the
mission to the English as a means for rallying support both from the Frankish
bishops and from the various Merovingian monarchs. It has also been demon-
strated that Augustine's consecration took place at Lyon, rather than ArIes,
and that the consecrating prelates were Bishops Aetherius of Lyon, Syagrius
of Autun and (quite possibly) Desiderius of Vienne. 158 The only question
that remains is the likeliest date of his consecration. Bede, in his History 1.27,
set up a most complicated procedure, whereby Augustine, having been favor-
ably received in Kent, returned to Gaul, accompanied by the priest Laurence
and the monk Peter, to be consecrated in ArIes by its bishop Aetherius. Sine
all of this is clearly not true, as Virgil was bishop of ArIes and Aetherius was
bishop of Lyon, it suggests that other details of Bede's account are incorrect.
Given the difficulties of travel at the time, it is far more likely that Augustine was
consecrated at Lyon, on his way to England, sometime between July 596 and
September 597, rather than in the south of France, in the manner that Bede sug-
gests. 159 He would then have been fully equipped, as a missionary bishop, to
wield the full range of ecclesiastical powers in the service of the cause for which
he had been dispatched, before he had crossed over to the south of England.
When Augustine finally arrived in Kent, he was fortunate that its king,
Ethelbert, had a Frankish queen, Bertha, who was already a Christian, and that
her influence at the court was increased by her chaplain, Liuthard, who was
also a Christian and a bishop from Gaul. In this far from hostile climate, the
labors of the missionaries soon bore fruit, with the baptism of the king and
some 10,000 of his subjects, it was claimed, the event taking place at Christmas
597. No one was more surprised at the result than Pope Gregory, as his letter
to Eulogius of Alexandria shows, informing him of these most dramatic events
(Ep 8.29). 'Gloria in excelsis Deo,' he wrote to Augustine, and then warned
him not to succumb to the deadly danger of pride (Ep 11.36). He even thought
the event worthy of a late inclusion in his Moralia in lob, otherwise written
157. See above, and Bede, Historia ecclesiastica 1.27, relating to the episcopal consecra-
tion of Augustine.
158. In Gregory's answer to Augustine's sixth question, he demands that no consecra-
tion of a bishop be performed without assembling three or four bishops, which supports the
suggestion that Bishop Desiderius of Vienne (and possibly even Bishop Virgil of ArIes) was
present, to make up the three or four with Aetherius and Syagrius.
159. See also Pietri, 'Gregoire Ie Grand et la Gaule,' pp. 116 and 125.

60
THE LETTERS OF GREGORY THE GREAT
before 595. 160 It was now necessary to provide the new church with a
structure, and Gregory did so with his flair for organization and his usual
Roman thoroughness. However, one may ask with some justification just how
clear Gregory's understanding of England really was. The territory had not
been part of the Roman Empire since the first decade of the fifth century.
Quite possibly, during his early years as pope, if he thought about it at all, he
conceived it just as the land that lay far beyond the territories of the Franks
at the very 'ends of the earth' (Ep 8.29). But his academic studies may well
have whetted his appetite, as they did for Julius Caesar, Claudius and Hadrian,
although Gregory planned a very different sort of conquest.
His plan was that of an English Church structured around the two main
metropolitan sees of London and York, each of which bishop was to be in-
vested with the pallium. These metropolitans were in turn to have twelve
suffragan bishops each, and were also to exercise jurisdiction over the local
Celtic churches, which were not even consulted. The metropolitan who had
been consecrated earliest was to be regarded as the senior of the two (Ep
11.39). In theory, the plan may have worked in Roman Britain, but, given the
divisions among the Anglo-Saxons as well as the Celtic resentment of their
rule, Gregory's vision was not in touch with reality at that time. 161 When
Archbishop Theodore of Tarsus organized Canterbury as the southern metro-
politan see, during the second half of the seventh century, it proceeded along
lines different from those of the Gregorian model. As for the see of York, it
did not become a metropolitan archbishopric until the second quarter of the
eighth century.
The pope followed the method of approach that he had used earlier in
both Sardinia and Gaul, and wrote to the Christian queen of Kent, Bertha,
urging her to follow the example provided by Helena, the mother of Constan-
tine, himself the model for all Christian rulers, thus strengthening the resolve
of her husband (Ep 11.35). To King Ethelbert, her husband, he entrusted the
duties of spreading the Christian faith, of inducing his newly-converted sub-
jects to embrace a Christian way of life commensurate with that faith, and of
rooting out, by coercion if necessary, all heathen and idolatrous practices (Ep
11.37). It is significant that the language in which he addressed the King,
except for his pointed references to Constantine, differs little from that used
when he had addressed the dukes who ruled Sardinia some seven or eight years
before (Epp 4.25, 27).
160. Gregory, Moralia 27.21: 'Behold! The tongue of Britain, which knew only how to
grate barbarian sounds has begun long since to resound in the Divine praises the Hebrew
Alleluia.' This looks remarkably like one of the puns made in Bede's Historia ecclesiastica 2.1:
is it its source, perhaps?
161. See also Bede, Historia ecc/esiastica 1.29, and Chadwick, 'Gregory the Great and the
Mission to he Anglo-Saxons,' p. 200.

INTRODUCTION
61
On 22 June 601, to implement his vision for England, Gregory sent a fur-
ther group of missionary monks to join Augustine, almost certainly including
more of the converted British captives. Their leaders were the very capable
priest, Laurence, and abbot, Mellitus. The monks set out with full papal sup-
port, expressed in his letters 11.35-37, 39-40, only to find a papal messenger
hurrying after them with a revised set of instructions (Ep 11.56). They also
brought with them all the necessary equipment for a successful mission, it
seems, in the way of bibles, litanies, music books, vestments, altar cloths, holy
vessels, relics and so on. And as on earlier occasions, Gregory had been quick
to seize upon opportunities that presented themselves. He had thought long
and hard this time. The idols were still to be destroyed, but the shrines should
be kept and Christianized by blessing them with holy water, erecting altars
and depositing relics of the saints there. Other pagan practices, hitherto
performed in honor of idols, might now be. performed in honor of the saints.
In this way, Gregory hoped to lead people who had been accustomed to pagan
and polytheistic practices to the truth of the monotheistic, worldwide Chris-
tian faith. Instead of coercion, the missionaries were now urged to take a far
milder course. This was a real turning point in the development of papal mi5-
sionary strategy, and it was to shape missionary understanding for years to
come. For England, especially Kent and Northumbria, as Henry Mayr-Harting
points out, 'the achievements of Gregory's mission were of decisive importance
in the history of English Christianity.' 162
GREGORY AND AUGUSTINE
The Responsa
Before these introductory remarks are concluded, something needs to be said
about the Responsa, in English 'Augustine's questions to Gregory the Great
and his replies,' that has been included as an appendix to the second volume
of letters. First, the document does not appear in the Registrum of Gregory the
Great. For this reason, Dag Norberg did not include it in his critical edition
of the letters for the Corpus Christianorum. Yet the document, in the form
of a lengthy letter, purports to be of Gregorian origin and is dated about the
beginning of the seventh century. For this reason, the editors of the MGH edi-
tion included it in their edition, as Ep 11.56a, with a caution to the reader.
This translation of the Registrum has included it as an appendix, to enable a
discussion to be undertaken in the light of the whole of Gregorian material on
Augustine's English mission. At the same time, it was thought desirable to
distinguish it from material belonging to the Register of letters, and hence it
has been included as an appendix to Book 8 (Ep 8.37).
The document raises a number of important questions. The first of these
concerns its authorship. Is it an authentic work by Gregory the Great? Or is
162. Mayr-Harting, Coming of ChristUtnity to Anglo-Saxon England, p. 68.

62
THE LETTERS OF GREGORY THE GREAT
it, like many medieval charters and juridical documents, a forgery? Or is there
some other alternative?
The Venerable Bede, who died in 735, regarded the document as a genuine
production of Gregory the Great, and it is as such that he included it in his
History (Historia ecc/esiastica 1.27). Sometime before 721, he received his copy
of the text from the abbot, Albinus of Canterbury, a disciple of Archbishop
Theodore of Tarsus, who was himself a great promoter of the cult of Saint
Gregory.163 But his contemporary, Boniface, on the other hand, sought to
prove that the document was a forgery. In 736, he wrote to Archbishop
Nothelm of Canterbury, asking if he had a copy of it, adding that the Church
archivists in Rome denied all knowledge of its existence. 164 In 741, a
Roman Church council, held under Pope Zacharias, at which some 37 bishops
were present, agreed with Boniface's stand that marriages within the fourth
degree of affinity were unlawful. The fifth response of Gregory, on the other
hand, permitted the practice. The council observed that, even though it had
been said that Gregory the Great had permitted the practice, there was no evi-
dence that such an approval was ever written down. 165 This was the origin
of the dispute over the authenticity of Gregory's answers to Augustine's letter.
Modern scholarship appears to have arranged itself according to this ancient
tradition, for English-language scholars have tended to support Bede, while most
German-language scholars have supported Boniface's view, claiming that the
document is not authentic. 166 The one exception to this would appear to be Eric
Caspar, who is tersely affirmative of Gregorian authorship.167 Some who would
seek to call the work a forgery are clearly wrong in their calculations. For
example, M. MUller has proposed that the document was forged at Canterbury
shortly before 731. 168 This date is incompatible with what has already been
seen above, namely, that Bede knew of the document by 721. But more recently,
the works of Robert Markus and Paul Meyvaert have much influenced scholars
towards a more positive view of the document's authorship. 169
163. Richard Gameson, 'Augustine of Canterbury: Context and Achievement,' in St
Augustine and the Conversion of England, ed. Richard Gameson (Stroud, 1999), pp. 1-40, at p. 3.
164. Boniface, Ep 33: see Die Briefe des heiligen Bonift,tius und Lul/us, ed. Michael Tangl,
MGH: Epistolae selectae 1 (Berlin, 1916).
165. Concilia aevi Karo/ini 1.1: 19-21. Chadwick, 'Gregory the Great and the Mission
to the Anglo-Saxons,' p. 209, sees this as an indecisive conclusion. 
166. Among the works that assert the inauthentic nature of the documents, Friedrich Prinz,
'Von der Bekehrung der Angelsachsen bis zu ihrer Missionstatigkeit im Frankenreich,' in Angli
e Sassoni al di qua e al di La del mare, 2 vols. (Spoleto, 1986), 2: 701-734, should be noted.
167. See Caspar, Geschichte des Papsttums 2: 105.
168. See M. Muller, 'Zur Fragenach der Echtheit und Abfassungszeit des Responsum b.
Gregorii ad Augustinum episcopum,' Theologisiche Quartalschrift 113 (1932): 94-118.
169. See, for example, Paul Meyvaert, 'Bede's Text of the Libel/us Responsionum of
Gregory the Great to Augustine of Canterbury,' in England Before the Conquest, ed. Peter
Clemoes and Kathleen Hughes (Cambridge, 1971), pp. 15-33; and R.A. Markus, From

INTRODUCTION
63
But some atmosphere of hesitation and uncertainty remains and the most
recent studies, while accepting that the material is indeed Gregorian, have
focused upon some of the sources of that unease. The difficulty may be high-
lighted by the following example. Boniface desperately hoped that the fifth
response was not authentic, for, if it were, his ecclesiology would have been
undermined. In addition, if the response were genuine, a whole disparity
would arise1Jetween existing Germanic customs and biblical proscriptions laid
down in the Book of Leviticus. I.M. Wallace-Hadrill, in his commentary on
Bede's Historia ecclesiastic a 1.27, regards it as a generally accepted truth that the
offending response is an interpolation. Yet Paul Meyvaert has shown that there
are certain parallels between this response and the undisputed Gregorian text
of Moralia 29.16. 170 As the appendix to this introduction shows, the style
of two later passages from the Responsa is clearly Ciceronian, and identical to
the style and structure of Gregory's longer letters.
Ian Wood, who should never be overlooked in these matters, has observed
that Aurstine could not have written the second question as it now
stands. 17 For, having travelled through Gaul, he would have had a better
knowledge of the variety of liturgical practices there than the pope ever would
have had. He asks whether an editor might not have added the particular ques-
tions to the text at some later date. Yet, for all that, he still concludes that the
response 'may well be authentic advice from Gregory.' It is not impossible that
problems that concerned either the Frankish or the English church were also
a matter of discussion between Augustine and Gregory at some time. Gregory's
thought on this subject could then well be the basis for the seventh response.
Equally, some of the responses just might have their origin elsewhere. For
example, question three and its response deal with the punishment to be meted
out to those found guilty of thefts from churches. This was the first problem
dealt with in the law list of Ethelbert of Kent. 172 And yet the tone of
Gregory's response is certainly milder than that of the secular lawmaker. 173
Augustine to Gregory the Great, Variorum Reprints (London, 1983) and 'Augustine and
Gregory the Great,' in St Augustine and the Conversion of England, ed. Gameson, pp. 41-49.
170. See Chadwick, 'Gregory the Great and the Mission to the Anglo-Saxons,' pp. 200,
210, where the issue is fully discussed and references given.
171. Ian N. Wood, 'Some Historical Re-identifications and the Christianization of Kent'
(subsequently published in Christianizing Peoples and Converting Individuals, ed. Guyda Arm-
strong and Ian N. Wood [Turnhout, 2000], pp. 27-35), cited by Rob Meens, 'Questioning
Ritual Purity: The Influence of Gregory the Great's Answers to Augustine's Queries about
Childbirth, Menstruation and Sexuality,' in St Augustine and the Conversion of England, ed.
Gameson, pp. 174-186, at p. 177; see also Wood, 'Augustine and Gaul,' ibid., pp. 68-82, at
p. 79.
172. Die Gesetze der Angelsachsen I. Text und Obersetzung, ed. Felix Liebermann, 3 vols.
(Halle a.S. 1903-1916), 1: 3.
173. See also Chadwick, 'Gregory the Great and the Mission to the Anglo-Saxons,' p. 206.

64
THE LETTERS OF GREGORY THE GREAT
Finally, there are questions eight and nine that deal with matters of ritual
purity, at extraordinary length. In the English translation, questions 1-7 cover
five pages, while just questions 8-9 cover five and a half pages. Augustine's
question for 8 is by far his longest, and is answered in excessive detail by
Gregory, although he tells Augustine that he has already answered him on
these topics. The subjects were the baptism of pregnant women and newborn
children, a husband's rights of intercourse, and access to Holy Communion for
a woman having her period, or her husband after intercourse with her, fol-
lowed in 9 by an extensive treatment of wet dreams. 174 While such con-
cerns were also to be found on the Continent, and were hence perhaps in the
mind of Gregory the Great, the terms in which the discussion is framed would
appear to refer to the concerns of Augustine and his new church in England,
when it came into direct contact with some differences in the practices of the
Church of Rome. 175
In addition to these textual difficulties, there is one other that is related
to the context in which the document is said to have been written. It has been
seen above 176 that Bede, in his account of Augustine's episcopal consecra-
tion (Historia ecc/esiastica 1.27), was clearly in error. At the very least he was
confused about whether Augustine was consecrated in ArIes or Lyon and by
whom he was consecrated. If he was wrong on these details, might he not be
wrong in other respects that relate to this incident as well? This is important,
because he says that Augustine was accompanied from England to Gaul for his
consecration by the priest Laurence and monk Peter, who then went on to
Rome to inform the pope of progress made and to put Augustine's questions
as to how to proceed in future.
If the argument is accepted, supported by Gregory's Ep 8.29, that
Augustine was in fact consecrated at Lyon, then the circumstances that Bede
suggests as the context for the production of the text cease to exist. Why
would anyone be sent to report on a mission that had not yet begun? The text
of the Responsa suggests something that is different from, but not incompatible
with, the idea that Augustine's two representatives conferred face to face with
the pope. Gregory was very ill when they were in Rome, it says, so he sent
the answers on after them. Bede's account must, therefore, be treated with
174. In his study of these questions, Homes Dudden, Gregory the Great 2: 130-136 ex-
pends five pages on questions 1-7, but just 14 lines on 8-9. He avoidS the issue: 'The remain-
ing questions were concerned with certain regulations of ceremonial purity, and need not
be particularly noticed.' He adds briefly: 'Gregory denounced an evil custom of mothers
entrusting their babies to other women to nurse, and rejects the notion that wedlock itself
is sinful, although pleasure from intercourse is not free from sin, disturbing as it does the
tranquillity of the sou1.' For the dreams, see Malcolm R. Godden, 'Were It not That I Have
Bad Dreams: Gregory the Great and the Anglo-Saxons on the Dangers of Dreaming,' in
Rome and the North, ed. R. Bremmer et al., pp. 93-113.
175. Meens, 'Questioning Ritual Purity,' p. 177.
176. Se p. 59 above.

INTRODUCTION
65
suspicion until proved otherwise. But to take this afproach does not deny that
the Responsa is a genuine Gregorian document. 17 If Bede was wrong in his
details, it seems certain that the pope would have arranged for someone to
report back to him in Rome details of the mission's progress. He was fully
informed by July 598, when he wrote to Eulogius in Alexandria. Otherwise
Ep 8.29 woul4 not have been written and the mission of 601 might never have
been sentrthermore, there are many detailed parallels that can be made
between the Responsa and Latin texts drawn from other undisputed writings.
Read in the light of the whole Gregorian corpus, the Responsa are both predic-
table and coherent. 178
Yet in this very predictability a further problem arises. Anyone who has
read through Gregory's surviving letters might well be able to guess his
answers, and hence the work may also be described as a summary of Gre-
gorian material, made at a later date to assist in circumstances that had arisen.
Although it is hard to see who could have reproduced the subtleties and com-
plex rhetorical style of its Latin. Anyway, to adopt this view is not to deny
the Gregorian nature of the material under examination. As Chadwick ob-
served: ' To claim that Gregory left his fingerprints in the Responsa is nQt
necessarily to deny that in a text of such importance to canonists, as to later
popes such as Nicholas I in his answers to the Bulgars, where the Responsa are
gratefully exploited because of their concessions and liberalism, there can have
been some editorial titivation and tinkering." 179 Perhaps the best that can
be said is that, although the precise historical circumstances that lie behind
these replies are irrecoverable, the Gregorian nature of the document is also
abundantly clear, and the attitude shown towards the local English church in
it is reflected in the tensions existing between the two neighbors in the years
that lay ahead.
In conclusion, in his contacts with the barbarian kingdoms of the West,
Gregory revealed himself first and foremost as a skilled director of Christian
missionary enterprise. From small beginnings in Sardinia and Corsica, through
the labyrinthine politics of the kingdoms of the Franks, and in the foundation
of a new church in Anglo-Saxon England, the pope struck out boldly ,along a
line that saw him taking responsibility for almost every aspect of the mission-
177. A careful analysis of the two Latin periods shows clearly that the style of the
Responsa is the same as in Gregory's letters. See the exempla and the sections on his style in
the appendix to Book 8. See also Meyvaert's article, 'Bede's Text of the Libel/us responsio-
num.' To me, Gregory's replies were certainly not cobbled together at a later date. Inci-
dentally, their carefully structured and fluent Latin style is in contrast to the rather poorly
structured questions written by Augustine.
178. Chadwick, 'Gregory the Great and the Mission to the Anglo-Saxons,' p. 211;
Markus, 'Augustine and Gregory the Great,' in St Augustine and the Conversion of England,
ed, Gameson, pp. 41-49, at p. 42.
179. Chadwick, 'Gregory the Great and the Mission to the Anglo-Saxons,' p. 211.

66
THE LETTERS OF GREGORY THE GREAT
ary effort. He himself had chosen the missionary field and had hand picked the
men to carry out the work. He had defined their objectives, had proposed the
methods to be employed, and had provided continuous and considerable sup-
port on their ways and guidance for the approach of each group of mission-
aries as the need arose. He himself had rallied the various elements of Christ-
ian society to their support, presenting such missionary activity as a proper
and very fruitful activity for all dedicated Christians. For England, the pope
sent a second, larger group of monks with their eminent leaders, equipped
with all the books, relics and holy vessels and clothing needed for the
Church's full establishment, and he provided Augustine with very full and
patient responses to his worries over Church practices.
At the beginning of this section on the missions, reference was made to
Gregory's fear that, on Judgment Day, the four apostles would each bring the
churches that they had founded before the Lord. He feared that, by contrast,
he and most bishops of his day would have a 'Nil return,180 and so he
asked 'What shall we poor wretches say?' A reply to that question now might
well be: 'Look around you!'
Gregory and Bede on Augustine
The Venerable Bede has long been the main authority for Gregory's successful
mission to England, and he quoted five of his letters in full and the Res-
ponsa 181 written by the pope, and about a quarter of a lengthy letter to
Augustine. They all appeared in the first book of Bede's Ecclesiastical History.
But in fact, fifteen other similar letters of the pope have survived, and they are
all very relevant to this mission. 182 And they show how Bede deliberately dis-
torted the truth in Augustine's favor to suit his readers in England, and since
then Bede has received little real criticism from his own country. Yet, as we
have seen with Augustine's consecration, Bede's evidence is far from reliable.
In his History, Bede tells us that in 596 'Gregory, a man eminent in
learning and in affairs... prompted by divine inspiration, sent a servant of God
named Augustine and several more God-fearing monks with him to preach the
word of God to the English race.' 183 In fact, as we have seen, the pope planned
180. Ibid., p. 204.
181. The Responsa certainly seems a genuine document, and if so, it reflects very badly
on Augustine, as Dudden, Gregory the Great 2: 136 pointed out. Augustine's question seven
as to how he should look after the bishops of Gaul is at least presumptuous and foolish, as
the pope implies, especially after he had been consecrated with three or four of them in
attendance, and he is upset by the foolish suggestion in question six that a bishop be conse-
crated without others being present, as well as by question eight on baptism, where he has
already answered him. The length of the final answers suggests that Augustine needed a lot
of education in the facts of life, although much of the material came from Leviticus.
182. Bede quotes Epp 6.53 (not in Gregory's text); 6.54; Responsa; 11.36, 37, 39 and 45 (about
25%), omitting Epp 6.10, 51, 52, 55, 56, 57, 59, 60; 8.29; 11.38, 41, 45, 48, 50, 51.
183. Bede, Historia ecclesiastic a 1.23 (trans. Colgrave and Mynors, p. 69).

INTRODUCTION
67
the mission with great care over three or more years, and he fully controlled
and supervised it for the next five years. It could be argued that his only
mistake was his choice of Augustine as the leader of his mission, rather than
his much used Mellitus or his most trustworthy and very capable friend,
Abbot Cyriacus. Incidentally, a 'servant of God' was the norm for a 'monk.'
In May 594, more than two years before the departure of Augustine, the pope
had heelcome news from two of his close friends, both of them brave
and talented administrators, the same Abbot Cyriacus and Bishop Felix (Epp
4.23; 5.38). As shown above, these two had successfully converted the Barbari-
cini, in Sardinia, a lawless and extremely violent mountain tribe of Moors
expelled from Africa by the Vandals. And it was this dangerous mission to
Sardinia, backed up by a dozen letters, that served as the pope's trial run,
before his major missions to Gaul and England.
And then, in September 595, Gregory wrote to the newly appointed
manager of his patrimony in Gaul, the priest Candidus. He stressed how small
the Church revenue was, and in almost every letter to Gaul he encouraged the
local Christians to pay their proper dues to the Church, and especially the
bishop of ArIes, who was hoarding a great deal of its money.184 Bede failed
to include this important letter, Ep 6.10. In it, Gregory asked his friend
Candidus to use all the gold coins he collected from the Christians in
Gaul 185 to buy (a) clothing for the poor, and (b) English captives, about 17
or 18 years old, to be trained as monks. The precise age is of interest. They
were old enough to learn quickly, and were more likely to be healthy, keen
and responsible. As captives, they would already know some Latin, and a year
in a monastery should suffice for them to learn the psalms and have a good
basic grasp of the theolop of that time. Gregory then asks Candidus to invest
any additional funds, 18 and for the interest to be used for the same two
purposes later on, when they provided another group of English speaking
monks. Normally all such income would have been sent to Rome, as had hap-
pened two years earlier, when the 400 gold coins collected from the Christians
184. Gregory uses the very rare diminutive patrimoniolum ('pathetic little patrimony,'
perhaps from Jerome Ep 45) in 8 letters for the Church patrimony (Epp 6.5 [4 times], 6, 51,
52, 54, 55, 56 and 60), to underline the inadequacy of the Church collections, and reinforce
his plea for larger donations. By contrast, for Candidus (Ep 6.10) and the patrician Arigius
(Ep 6.59), he uses the regular word for 'patrimony,' patrimonium.
185. The gold coins were also worth more in Gaul than if converted to the Roman
solidi, but Chadwick ('Gregory the Great and the Mission to the Anglo-Saxons,' p. 205 n26)
was wrong to concede 'that Gregory's priorities might have been different if there were no
difficulty about the currency.' The Latin stresses their greater value if spent locally (apud
locum proprium uti/iter) and uselessness in Rome (in terra nostra expendi non possunt), and
in a very matter-of-fact way. Gregory often used local Church income to solve local financial
problems, and almost all social relief was left by him for the local bishops to finance.
186. The very rare noun ablatae ('monies received') suggests a tax or interest, the latter
more likely for a quick return, to help pay for more clothes and more British slaves. The
Church's opposition to usury makes this 'interest' an interesting exception.

68
THE LETTERS OF GREGORY THE GREAT
in Gaul by the patrician Dynamius had been sent over to the pope, thus giving
him the problem of converting their substandard gold. In this case, however,
the pope makes far better use of it. He then asks for the first group of English
captives to be sent over to him, together with a priest, who was to baptize any
of them who might seem close to death en route, suggesting a long journey,
and he stresses the need for speed. The monastery of Saint Andrew would
have been the ideal place to train them. 187 This mansion had once housed
Gregory's family, and then Gregory as a monk, and Augustine.
In his account, Bede goes on to say that the monks 'had already gone a
little way188 on their journey when they were paralysed with terror. They
began to contemplate returning home rather than going on to a barbarous,
fierce, and unbelieving nation whose language they did not understand. They
all agreed that this was the safest course; so forthwith they sent home
Augustine, whom Gregory had intended to have consecrated as their bishop
if they were received by the English. Augustine was to beg St Gregory humbly
for permission to give up so dangerous, wearisome, and uncertain a journey.
Gregory, however, sent them an encouraging letter in which he persuaded
them to persevere with the task of preaching the Word and trust in the help
of God.' So wrote Bede.
But almost every word of this account is misleading. In fact, Gregory had
requested support for his party of monks from no fewer than seven local
bishops and potentates before it had ever left Rome, and all seven were care-
fully chosen to suit the monks' itinerary.189 They ultimately proved to be
extremely hospitable, from Marseilles, ArIes and up through Vienne, Lyon,
Autun, Aix, Paris and Rouen, and on to the Channel at Boulogne. But when
they had reached ArIes, it seems that the monks halted, and Gregory says that
they were put off through maledicorum hominum linguas ('the tongues of evil
speakers'), some critical locals, it seems, but they suffered from nothing else.
In fact, it was Augustine who got cold feet, and hurried back to Rome, to find
someone else as leader, it seems. The letter was to tell the monks that the pope
had managed to persuade their leader to rejoin them, promoted as their abbot.
Of course, Augustine was always in charge, so the other monks could not
order him to return. The language problem would have been solved by the
first batch of newly trained English monks, sent over by Candidus from Gaul
187. A brief account of this important letter is included on p. 54 above. The Latin verb
transmittatur ('must be sent over') and the need for a priest en route, suggest a long journey
over the sea (not to a local monastery in Gaul), and on to Rome, where Gregory could keep
his eye on them. Most would have left in June 601, with Mellitus, but the brightest would
have been ready to join Augustine. A steady flow is suggested by the investment being used
to buy more British prisoners.
188. The diminutive aliquantulum may be pejorative ('a miserable little distance'). The
perculsi timore inerti 'struck by numbing fear,' is a very strong expression.
189. Bishops Virgil, Desiderius, Syagrius and Protesius, Abbot Stephen, the patrician
Arigius and Queen Brunhilde.

INTRODUCTION
69
to Rome over a year before. The consecration of Augustine was still some way
off, but almost certainly carried out as he reached Lyon, rather than during a
trip to southern Gaul months later. Irish and Gallic priests had been active
recently in England, and Wales had a well-established tribal church, King
Ethelbert's wife, Bertha, was a practising Christian, like her chaplain, Liuthard,
and Kent was far from uncivilized, as any bishop in Gaul could have told
Augustin south-eastern England, there were no 'barbarous, fierce unbe-
lievers', nor any 'dangerous journey, ' unlike in the hills of Sardinia, faced
bravely by Cyriacus and Felix.
Bede does quote one letter sent by Gregory to the bishop of ArIes, Virgil,
asking him to support the monks in their journey to England. But its first part
is quite different from Gregory's original, and Bede placed it after the pope's
letter to the monks, although Virgil had already helped all of their party. Most
of Gregory's other letters were omitted by Bede, but he does include Ep 11.36,
dated June 601, a long letter to Augustine, now the bishop of the English. In
it, Bede omits the first 22 and last 82 lines of Latin, again to conceal evidence,
it seems. Gregory starts by praising the bishop's hard work, but then he shows
how Christ converted the world 'not through men's wisdom, but through bis
own virtue, and Jesus chose illiterate fishermen as his preachers.' He went on:
'And Jesus is doing this now also, as he has considered it right to perform
courageous works for the English race, by means of weak preachers.' The
'weak' (infirmos), is echoed later in the letter, when Gregory warns Augustine
against arrogance in case 'his weak mind (infirmus animus) may be raised up
by self-esteem, and may lead through vainglory to its inward fal1.' This pride
was a problem later on, when Augustine arranged two meetings to bring the
Welsh bishops into the fold of the Roman Church. His tactless lack of cour-
tesy, combined with his pride, proved too much for them, and when he
threatened them, they walked out. As Homes Dudden admitted when com-
menting on the bishop's Responsa to the pope, Augustine showed 'the scrupu-
losity and narrowness of a monk, who was unable to divest himself of the
ideals of the cloister.' Dudden also accused him of pride. 190
In his three letters to his metropolitan bishop and vicar in Gaul, Virgil of
ArIes, the pope appointed him as the 'minder' of Augustine, his new bishop
in England, although he had probably been consecrated in Lyon,191 but the
bishop of ArIes may also have been in attendance. Yet when Augustine asked
the pope in his Responsa, whether he should now have control over all the
bishops in Gaul, it was clearly a case of foolish arrogance. In the letters, the
only two Latin words used to describe Augustine's qualities are zelus and
studium, 'zeal' and 'learning' or 'earnestness'. The two words appear no fewer
190. Dudden, Gregory the Great 1: 136 and 143. He saw the value of Ep 6.10.
191. See p. 55 above for the likeliest place and time of Augustine's consecration, Lyon,
almost certainly on his way over to England. If Virgil had joined in the ceremony, which
is not impossible, it would help to explain some of the confusion in Bede's mind.

70
THE LETTERS OF GREGORY THE GREAT
than five times, without anything else, and they are far from flattering on their
own. In ten letters in Book 11, Augustine is always greeted as his 'most
reverend brother and fellow-bishop,' but this is the impersonal formula of a
conventional greeting. His real friends had a dilectissimus or carissimus added
to their titles. In just one letter (Ep 11.39), Augustine is 'most holy' also, but
it is in a very religious context, where he, or his office, is honored with a
sacred pallium. In his letter to the monks waiting at Arles,192 Gregory asks
them to show lots of fervor and instantia ('enthusiasm' and 'perseverance'),
qualities that were sadly lacking in their leader, as were fortitudo, and espe-
cially humilitas, Gregory's favorite virtue. As the Responsa shows, he was very
curt in rplying to the bishop's arrogant claim of authority over the bishops
in Gaul ('We grant you no authority' and 'you will not be able to judge
them'), and he tells him that he has already addressed the sexual topics. One
should add that Augustine showed intellectual pride in dismissing the English
as rudi ('ignorant').
In a very long letter sent to Eulogius, the archbishop of Alexandria, during
July 598 (Ep 8.29), the pope told him that he had sent over 'a monk' to preach
to the English, who had been elected bishop by the bishops of Germany (sug-
gesting Neustria). He had heard that this monk was safe, and was working
hard. He went on to mention the 'miracles' done by him, or rather by the
monks. Now, this was Augustine's greatest triumph, but in the letter, his
name does not appear at all. By contrast, nobody could be more humble than
Pope Gregory himself, and he regularly attacked pride as the most insidious
sin of all. In an earlier letter to the same Eulogius (Ep 5.41), he had warned his
friend that the 'tempter knows that pride is the beginning of all sin. 193
Then in Ep 9.223, Gregory rewarded Syagrius with the pallium for all that he
had done for Augustine and the first party of monks. He shows that this
mission was certainly not a sudden idea: 'After long thought,' he writes, 'I was
keen to provide the work of preaching for the English race, through Augus-
tine, one-time prior of my monastery, and now our brother and fellow-
bishop.' Again he fails to praise his choice as leader, with a formulaic title and
a pointed reminder of his earlier monastic life, irrelevant in July 599, the year
in which the letter was written.
Finally, in Ep 11.37 to Ethelbert, king of the English, Gregory provides
his one and only character sketch for his arrogant new bishop, and it is a very
short one, but with a neat tricolon: In monasterii regula edoctus, sacrae
scripturae scientia repletus, bonis auctore Deo operibus praeditus. In English, 'edu-
cated in the monastic rule, replete with knowledge of Holy Writ, and en-
192. Found in Bede but not in the Registrum, the letter is printed as Ep 6.53 in Norberg
and 50a in MGH.
193. Among his biblical quotations, far the most conunon is the 'whosoever exalts himself
(attacking pride), appearing 11 times: Mt 23:12 (3 times), Lk 14:11 (4 times), 18.14 (4 times).

INTRODUCTION
71
dowed with good works, by the grace of God.,194 Unlike Gregory, it seems
that Augustine had spent all his life living according to some monastic rule,
learning the bible off by heart and doing good works, as prescribed by God.
This unimaginative, bookish monk does well on one occasion during the mis-
sion, when he called in to check on a monastery in Gaul, at Lerins, in Ep 6.57.
He could hav become an ideal superintendent of monasteries. Gregory tells
the local abtfut, Stephen, that he is delighted by Augustine's report to him,
that stressed the concord between monks, priests and officials, and he prays
that Stephen can remain vigilant, and thanks him for the cutlery he had sent
to Rome to help the poor. Gregory was very much on the side of the poor,
and of women in distress. It should also be stressed again that it was Gregory
who decided the future organization of the English Church, with the arch-
bishoprics of Canterbury, London and York. And when the pope died in 604,
Augustine was very quick to resign, and the priest Maurice took over in Can-
terbury. The very capable Abbot Mellitus, who was probably the ideal person
to have led the first group of monks to England, had been bishop of London
since 601.
But in order to help the first monks in England convert the local non-
believers Gregory did three shrewd things. First, he provided Augustine with
some very useful manuscripts, through Mellitus, including a bible containing
the four gospels, with pictures, and almost certainly an antiphonary. Second,
the pope also sent a letter to Mellitus, who took the precious manuscripts with
him, as he set out with a second group of monks to widen the conversion of the
English. In it, he asked the abbot to tell Augustine not to destroy local shrines and
customs, as was the usual practise. In fact, in Ep 11.37, sent to King Ethelbert, the
pope had urged the king to hunt down idols and pull down their shrines. But now
he had changed his mind, and argued that their temples should be kept intact,
once they had been sprinkled with holy water, but the idols in them destroyed.
This would encourage the people to worship in places familiar to them, but to a
new God. And as they were accustomed to slaughtering cattle, while sacrificing
to their old devils, they should continue to do so, but while celebrating Saints'
days or dedications of new churches. 195
Third, Gregory kept up a supply of keen young monks, including some
who knew the English language, making the task of both groups much easier;
this probably explains the baptism of so many souls. Bede argued that the
priests 'had acquired intetpreters from the race of Franks, according to the
command of the blessed Pope Gregory' (acceperunt autem, praecipiente beato papa
Gregorio, de gente Francorum interpretes: Historia ecclesiastica 1.25) and most modem
scholars have agreed. Yet one of the priests, Agilbert, was expelled later on by the
English king for his 'barbarous speech' and he even needed an intetpreter to
194. In his first reply in the Responsa, Gregory uses monasterii regulis erudita in a far
from flattering context, as he tells Augustine not to live apart from his clergy.
195. See p. 61 above.

72
THE LETTERS OF GREGORY THE GREAT
present his own case. The numbers converted suggest a large percentage of
monks able to speak the local language. And as Dudden pointed out, it seems
certain that most Franks could not speak intelligible English, despite some
trade between the two countries. Some priests may well have come over from
Gaul, as interpreters of the bible, and Bede may have been aware of some
English speaking interpreters; this may have caused his confusion, for he seems
to have had no access to the letter explaining their source. 196
RELIGIOUS ISSUES
Pastoral care
At the heart of Gregory's understanding of life lay the notion of pastoral care
(cura pastoralis). The duty of this care was a gift from God, a grace (Homiliae
in Evangelia 2.29.10; In librum primum Regum expositionum 3.93-94) that was
bestowed by God on those who, in their sinfulness, acknowledged their need
of His salvation. This gift of God was made supremely manifest in the humil-
ity with which Jesus Christ undertook his redemptive activity (phil 2:6-7;
Moralia 2.23.42; Homiliae in Hiezechihelem 1.2.19). He took upon himself the
cares and concerns of sinful humanity197 and he passed this duty of pastoral
care on to his disciples. 198 Above all, this duty of pastoral care was bestowed
by Christ upon Peter, in the manner outlined in three key scriptural texts: Mt
16:18-19, Lk 22:32 and Jn 21:15. The fact that Peter held primacy in the Church
was directly dependent on his having accepted the office of pastoral care (Ep 1.24),
and because Gregory had also accepted that office, as Peter's successor, he too held
the primacy of power and authority (principatus) within the Church community.
The duty of pastoral care is not restricted to the holder of the office in
succession to Saint Peter. On the contrary, in the Church it is especially the
duty of bishops.199 In places where the bishop had died, it was common-
place for Gregory to refer to the local church as being destitute through the
lack of necessary pastoral care. This appears in very many letters. 200 Where
a bishop is present, then it is his duty of care to make provision for the con-
duct of the life of his church. Above all, this refers to the bishop's duty to
provide the sacraments for the people of God in his diocese. In temporal
affairs, Christian rulers also shared the duty of care for their subjects and were
obliged to consider their welfare. This was so, regardless of whether the focus
of attention was the emperor, or a barbarian ruler like Clothar, king of the
196. For the pictures of Christ's life in the Canterbury Bible (Cambridge, Corpus Christi
College, MS 286) see Christopher de Hamel, A History of Illuminated Manuscripts, rev. ed. (lon-
don, 1994) and Francis Wormald, The Miniatures in the Gospels ofSt Augustine (Cambridge, 1954).
197. See Gregory, Moralia 3.14.26-27; 21.16.41; 31.11; and Homiliae in Evangelia 1.18.2.
198. See Homiliae in Evangelia 2.26.5-6; 2.29.8, 10.
199. See Epp 1.75; 7.4; 9.24, 157, 158; 11.41,42.
200. See Epp 1.51, 58, 76; 2.22, 31, 33; 3.15, 20; 5.14, 21, 22, 24; 6.20, 21; 7.16; 9.100,
101, 140; 12.4; 13.14, 15, 18, 19.

INTRODUCTION
73
Franks. 20 1 The gentry (nobiles) of any given region also shared similar obli-
gations, as may be seen from his request that those of Sardinia fulfill their duty
of care in bringing about the conversion to Christianity of certain rustics who
were living in their region (Ep 4.23).
Even irresolute priests returning to the clerical way of life, a group that
tended to receive harsh treatment from the pope, are granted some degree of
care (Ep  However, while all believers shared the duty of care, for the
pope at least, the exercise of that duty was dependent upon the social order,
and thus it would vary according to an individual's office and circumstances.
When an individual took on the duty of pastoral care, the mind was streng-
thened, but he would do well to remember that it was a weighty and burden-
some office that was being accepted. 202 For one thing, it meant that the much-
desired goals of peace and contemplation were no longer achievable,203
since the attention would henceforth be distracted by a diversity of things
related to the present life. 204 The sadness that this 16ss causes is given
consolation through the hope that in the future all of one's labors would bear
fruit (Moralia 6.12.14).
The person who undertakes pastoral care must not do so from a spirit of
pride or vanity (elatio). Rather, taking on this office is to deny oneself and to
embark on a ministry of service to others (Moralia 26.17.28; Regula 1.1; Ep 7.5;
In librum primum Regum 6.84). Those doing so must behave like the captains
of ships, who remain alert for hidden dangers even when all seems quiet and
peaceful (Ep 7.5). Their dynamism springs from two sources, the love of God
and concern for one's neighbor. Both are necessary if pastoral care is to find
a balanced expression (Regula 2.3; Ep 1.24).
Given the vital importance of pastoral care, any individual's failure to
undertake such an office was considered by Gregory to be reprehensible in the
extreme (Regula 2.143; Moralia 6.23.40). It matters not whether his action
resulted from a direct refusal to undertake the office of care, or whether the
lapse resulted from a subsequent negligence in correcting the sinful behavior
of his subjects, the guilt remains the same (Regula 3.4; Ep 4.18). For both, the
fault lay in their having failed to obey the command that Jesus gave to Peter,
infn 21:17, 'Feed my sheep.' On the other hand, Gregory saw the 'feet' of the
person who accepted the office of pastoral care as being shod with the prepara-
tion of the gospel of peace (Regula 1.5, commenting on Eph 6:15). In other
words, the acceptance of this office brought with it a certain consequent
exercise of power. This was necessary because anyone who was entrusted with
the office of pastoral care was charged with the preservation of the community
201. Moralia 9.16.26; Epp 5.37; 6.64; 11.51.
202. See Epp 1.24; 7.5; 9.228; 11.41; Moralia 11.16.25; 31.8.11; Regulapastoralis 1.1.
203. See Moralia 5.11.19-20; 13.45.50; 31.8.11; 33.19.35; Dialogi 1.1; In librum primum
Regum 5.178; Regula 3.4.
204. See Regula 1.1; 2.7; 3.1, 4; 4; Epp 1.24; 7.5; Moralia 5.11.19; 12.44.50.

74
THE LETTERS OF GREGORY THE GREAT
in safety (Ep 5.56), and if abuses arose, with their correction (Epp 5.40; 9.111).
But Gregory warned his followers that any such correction must be carried
out using a combination of a mother's pietas and a father's disciplina. They
were to correct delinquency without being carried away by anger. 205
The wide-ranging scope of Gregory's understanding of pastoral care led to
a variety of expressions of the concept within the Church community. Some
of these are discussed in the pages that follow.
Bishops: pallium and the 'power of the keys'
From his synodical letter (Ep 1.24), written on his consecration as pope, it is
quite apparent that Gregory claimed a primacy in ecclesiastical jurisdiction
analagous to that exercized by Saint Peter, as the prince of the apostles (prin-
ceps apostolorum). This was a primacy of service, which imposed a duty of pas-
toral care, as was seen above. To facilitate the performance of that duty,
Gregory believed that Peter had received certain powers from Jesus Christ, and
that he had handed these on to his successors in the Roman see. 206
The first of these powers was the 'power of the keys.' This meant that as the
visible steward of the kingdom of Heaven, he received the power to open and
close its 'gates' (Mt 16:18-19). Gregory reminded several selected people of this
duty of his office by sending them as a gift little kVS' made at times with great
difficulty from the fllings of Saint Peter's chains. 20 The gift became both a re-
minder of the privilege bestowed on Saint Peter, and a reassurance that the
privilege would continue in force. Secondly, Peter received the traditional Jewish
rabbinical power to 'bind and loose' (Lk 22:32); that is, to forbid or to permit
certain courses of action. Gregory claimed that the duty to censure wrongdoing
and to give an example of rectitude was his by right of office. 208 Next, with
Jesus' words 'Feed my sheep' an 21:15), Peter received a commission to care for
the Church (Homiliae in Evangelia 2.24.4, 2.30.8; Homiliae in Hiezechihelem
2.10.16; Ep 7.37). From this a fourth prerogative followed, taken from the text of
Saint Matthew. This was that Peter is the 'rock' upon which the Church of Christ
is built (Ep 7.37). And to show veneration for the pope was to show veneration
for Peter, since popes such as Gregory occupied Peter's seat by right of succession.
Indeed, Peter could be said to live on in the person of his successors. 2 r:::fi
This understanding of Roman primacy was nothing new. It had been a
firm part of the tradition of the Church since at least the late second century.
The popes themselves had claimed these prerogatives since at least the time of
205. See Regula 2.6; Moralia 22.22.53; Ep 9.229.
206. For his gifts of holy relics, especially to royalty Qike King Reccared in Spain), see
Rapisarda, 'I doni nell' epistolario di Gregorio Magno."
207. See Epp 1.29, 30; 7.23; 9.229; 11.43. In Ep 4.30, he adds a touch of realism: 'a priest
stands by with a file ... for some, something is cut from the chains so quickly there's no
delay, but for others the file is drawn over the chains for a long time, with no result.'
208. See Epp 4.41; 5.39; 6.5; 11.27.
209. See, for example, Epp 2.49; 3.6; 4.16; 6.55; 9.213.

INTRODUCTION
75
Siricius (pope 384-399), while the contributions of Leo the Great (pope 440-
461) and of Gelasius I (pope 492-496) are of further significance. Gregory
accepted these traditional claims, but gave them his own emphasis, styling
himself 'servant of the servants of God' (serous seroorum Dez).210 Nowhere
is Gregory's approach better illustrated than in the dispute he had with the
patriarch of Cpnstantinople over his use of the title' ecumenical patriarch,' the
origins of -which preceded Gregory's pontificate. The use of this title by the
patriarchs of Constantinople seems to date from the time of the Acacian
schism (484-519) and it continued to be used after that schism ended, without
any offence intended to Rome. Justinian's legal code is consistent in its
application of the title to successive patriarchs of Constantinople. 211
It was not until the pontificate of Gregory's predecessor, Pelagius II, that
Rome appears to have taken any exception to what had by now become com-
mon usage. The objection came as somewhat of a surprise, on the occasion of
the title's use at a council in Constantinople in 588. Its basis may lie in the
means by which the title was adopted at that time by the patriarch of Con-
stantinople. The acts of this council have been lost, as has Pelagius' letter of
protest; but one is still able to ascertain what happened from the account of
events left by Evagrius. 212 It seems that Gregory, the patriarch of Antioch,
was accused of crimes by jealous opponents, and was brought for judgment
before a Church council consisting of the three patriarchs of Constantinople,
Alexandria and Jerusalem, and a considerable number of eastern prelates. When
the trial was over, the patriarch of Constantinople, John 'the Faster,' spoke in
the name of the council and declared the accused acquitted. However, in the
course of making this pronouncement, he styled himself as 'ecumenical patri-
arch' and this gave rise to objections by both Pelagius II and Gregory.
Previously when this title had been used, it had been others, whether
bishops, priests or laity, who had so styled the individual concerned. But now
it was the patriarch of Constantinople who had in this way styled himself,
laying claim in the process to Saint Peter's prerogative of' binding and loosing'
(see above) and appropriating it to himself. The papacy saw this as a lack of
humility and a threat to its own powers in this area. But the patriarch, John
IV, and his successor Cyriacus, saw this as an attack on their own patriarchal
prerogatives. Hence Gregory's pains in Epp 3.52, 6.15 and 7.4 to show that this
was not so. Emperor Maurice failed to understand the source of the trouble,
deeming it a 'frivolous dispute over a title' (see Ep 8.30). The efforts of
Gregory's friend Eulogius, the patriarch of Alexandria, fared no better, as he
thought that the pope was seeking the title for himself, and so he gave it to
him, thereby earning a papal rebuke (Ep 8.29).
210. For Gregory's first use of this title in his letters, see Ep 1.38a, to his agent, Peter.
211. See, for example, Codex Justinianus 1.1.7, 1.4.34 and Justinian, Novellae 3.5-7, 16;
42.55-57.
212. See Evagrius, Historia ecclesiastic a 6.7. See also PG 86.2: 28-52.

76
THE LE TTERS OF GREGOR Y THE GREAT
If the Gregorian material is examined, an ecclesiology is revealed which
has a far greater degree of sophistication than the contributions of any of his
eastern contemporaries. Gregory's objection was to the patriarch's appropriat-
ing the title for himself, thereby jeopardizing the 'collegiate' structure of the
patriarchs, upon which the basis of unity within the Church was founded.
Gregory pointed out that such a stance not only destroyed the basis of the
Church's life, but it also contradicted the message of tradition. This tradition
was shown by the example of Saint Peter who, in Acts 10:26, rejected the hon-
orific advances of Cornelius (Mo 21.15.24).
Rather than claim 'a plenitude of power' for himself, Gregory sought to
emphasize the' collegiate' nature of the episcopal office. It was built upon the
institution of the patriarchs, just like a building constructed on four supporting
pillars. He reminded the patriarchs of Alexandria and Antioch that if one
patriarch were to claim universal dignity, he depreciated the patriarchal rights
of the remainder (Ep 5.41). This may have been his motive in styling himself
as the' servant of the servants of God.' And yet, within the' collegiate' struc-
ture of the patriarchates, Gregory insisted on the right of Rome to judge
canonical cases on appeal, something enjoyed by virtue of the primacy of
Peter's see (Ep 7.37). In this capacity, he handed down decisions on the errors
of one Agnoetus, to Eulogius, the patriarch of Alexandria (Epp 10.14, 21), and
on the cases of Athanasius the monk and of the priest, John of Chalcedon, to
John IV and Cyriacus of Constantinople (Epp 3.52; 6.15; 7.4). On the other
hand, Gregory felt it his duty to keep the other patriarchs informed of events
that were occurring within his own patriarchate of the West. He kept them
informed, for example, on the progress that had been made in the conversion
of the English people (Ep 7.29) and of the recent return of certain Mono-
physites in Sicily to the unity of the Church (Ep 12.16).
Gregory's communications with the other patriarchs also contain a most
notable feature. Their tone was that of a man encouraging his brothers as they
faced the hardships that resulted from their having been entrusted with pas-
toral care. He was able to reply with sincere sympathy to their synodical
letters (Epp 7.4, 5; 11.28), to enquire after their health (Ep 13.43, and see pp.
6-7 above), to speak of his own difficulties (Epp 5.42; 7.37; 8.2; 11.16), to urge
them to pray for the emperor and his empress, and for their son and heir
Theodosius (Ep 9.136), and to exhort them to fight against heresy. Within his
own patriarchate of the West, Gregory's relationships with other bishops seem
to have been governed by the same general concerns. It is true that, when the
occasion demanded, he could insist upon unquestioning obedience. But, for the
most part, he was anxious to preserve the bishops' dignity, as well as their
rights in the administration of their sees, as in Ep 9.27 to Bishop John of Syra-
cuse. Even on occasions when reproof was called for, such as that of the Numi-
dian bishops for their failure to seek to eradicate Donatism (Ep 1.75), or that of
the treatmeqt that Jews had received at the hands of Theodore of Marseilles and

INTRODUCTION
77
Virgil of ArIes (Ep 1.45), or that of the incompetence of Januarius of Cagliari (Ep
14.2), his rebukes were normally couched in terms of brotherly advice.
Justinian had laid down the procedure of organizational administration in
the Church, as a part of Roman law. According to this procedure, laws relat-
ing to the Church were directed to the patriarchs, who were to inform their
metropolitans! as the bishops in charge of ecclesiastical provinces. These
bishops, i, were to pass on the instructions to their suffragan bishops.213
Gregory had his own way of ensuring that these metropolitans would be
amenable to his instructions. In the first instance, he saw to it that men who
shared his own vision were appointed to key metropolitan sees. An inscription
currently on display in the church of San Gregorio Magno in Rome, the site
of Gregory's monastery on the Caelian Hill, reveals that Maximian of Syra-
cuse, Marinianus of Ravenna, Constantius of Milan, Augustine of Canterbury
and Mellitus of London (and later of Canterbury), were all members of that
same monastic community. Other sees were filled by members of the Roman
clergy with whom the pope was acquainted, and by friends to whom he had
dedicated various literary works. Leander of Seville, Secundinus of Taormina,
John of Ravenna, John of Syracuse, Boniface of Reggio, Donus of Messina}
Habentius of Perugia, Gloriosus of Ostia, Festus of Capua, Peter of Triocala,
Castor of Rimini, and Sabinus of Gallipoli all belonged to this group. In this
way, a whole network of papal patronage was established, which bound to-
gether the various scattered sees. It mattered little whether the diocese in
question lay within Roman or barbarian territory, for his personal ties with
the pope strengthened the local bishop's communion with the universal
Christian family.
In the sees around Rome,214 those under the direct control of the pope,
one can see Gregory's policy regarding the episcopate most clearly. A series of
letters survive indicating the way in which he wanted vacant sees to be filled.
These fall into two groups, those addressed to the clergy, nobles and people
of a particular place, and letters of appointment for a papal visitor to supervise
the election of a bishop.215 The letters supply valuable information on the
way in which Gregory controlled the selection process. Upon the death of a
bishop, the pope appointed a visitor, whose duty it was to see that a worthy
candidate was elected in as quick and orderly a fashion as possible. It was the
visitor's task to preside at this election, to send to Rome the necessary
attestation to the legality of the election, and to declare the worthiness of the
candidate for the office. The electors of the new bishop were to be the clergy,
nobles and people of the church in question. Generally, only the clergy of the
local church were elegible for election, except in cases where a suitable local
213. See Eidenschink, Election of Bishops, p. 3.
214, The 'suburbicarian' dioceses (now six in number) subject to the pope's jurisdiction.
215, For the clergy, see Epp 2.33; 4.39; 5.22; 9.82, 101, 186; 13.15, 18; for the visitors,
see Epp 2.22, 32; 5.21; 7.16; 9.81, 100, 185; 13.14, 19. Gregory dealt with circa 250 bishops.

78
THE LETTERS OF GREGORY THE GREAT
candidate could not be found, when an outside nominee might be proposed.
No layman was to be elected, and the visitor who permitted such an election
to take place was liable to be deposed from his own office. The elected candi-
date had to be one who was free from all canonical defects or censure. Finally,
the elected person had to travel to Rome to be consecrated there. 216
Gregory considered himself responsible for the conduct of his suffragan
bishops, and he kept a close watch on them. If they were accused and found
guilty of a crime, he would judge and discipline them himself, even going so
far, on occasion, as to depose them from their office and to provide a succes-
sor, as if the see were vacant. 217 Affairs in the see of Naples illustrate the
pope's action in this regard. At the outset of his pontificate, the Neapolitan
bishop, Demetrius, was deposed because of his scandalous life, and Bishop Paul
of Nepi was appointed vicar to oversee a fresh election (Epp 2.8, 9). At that
election, Paul himself was chosen as bishop, but the pope refused to allow it
(Ep 2.14). The unfortunate Paul continued his efforts to bring about a satis-
factory resolution throughout the summer of 592, despite local opposition.
This opposition culminated in him being 'roughed up' by the slaves of Lady
Clementina, and Peter, administrator of the papal patrimony of Campania, was
instructed to bring the culprits to justice (Ep 3.1). The election was finally
held, and Florentinus, the Roman sub-deacon, was chosen, but he was terrified
by the task that awaited him, and fled (Ep 3.15). Finally, in the summer of 593,
a Fortunatus was chosen and consecrated (Ep 3.60). He remained bishop of Naples
until his death in 600. But even he, it seems, was not entirely trustworthy, for
when he died, Gregory was obliged to order his successor, Pascasius, to settle up
the debts incurred as a result of financial dealings by Fortunatus (Ep 11.22). On his
death, a disputed election was once again the order of the day. Two candidates
emerged, the deacons John and Peter (Ep 10.19). Gregory considered neither candi-
date worthy enough, and a third candidate, Pascasius, was appointed in January
601, after a lapse of six months (Ep 11.19). Despite the trouble taken in his
selection, Pascasius also fell foul of the pope, who accused him of spending too
much time in his seagoing ventures, and not enough time in his care of the poor
(Ep 13.27). This was the state of affairs when Gregory died.
At Ravenna, it was the wearing of the pallium that attracted the pope's
attention. The pallium is a very holy liturgical vestment, made of white wool
and adorned with six black crosses. Its origins are disputed, but they seem to
lie in the form of a scarf or mantle, which may date back to Roman imperial
usage. The pallium came to be bestowed on archbishops (and occasionally
bishops) by the patriarchs of the Church as a sign of superior episcopal author-
ity, and of the archbishop's bond of communion with his patriarch. In the
216. See Eidenschink, Election of Bishops, pp. 22, 27 and Evans, Thought of Gregory the
Great, p. 125.
217. Neil Sharkey, Saint Gregory the Great's Concept of Papal Power (Washington, DC,
1950), p. 28 and Batiffol, Saint Gregory, p. 142.

INTRODUCTION
79
West, the custom was to keep the pallium near the tomb of Saint Peter until
it was required, and then the pope sent it as a special honor to the archbishop
or bishop in question.
Gregory conceded the pallium for use at Mass only to the archbishops of
London/Canterbury, York, ArIes, Seville, Milan, Autun and Salona. For the
church of Ravenna, until the records of previous grants and practices could be
more definitely ascertained, the archbishop was permitted to use the pallium
outside of Mass during four specified litanies, and perhaps during the transla-
tion of relics. The pope also granted it for use according to ancient custom to
the bishops of Messina, Syracuse, Palermo, Corinth, Prima Justiniana and
Nicopolis. Since Ravenna was the capital of Byzantine Italy, it is not surprising
to find that its bishops sought an ecclesiastical dignity commensurate with the
city's secular status. However, what that dignity was, in practice, is far from
clear. Homes Dudden maintained that the bishop of Ravenna was one of three
bishops in the West who had the right to wear the pallium. This has been
denied by Eidenschink, who asserts that, as with all other sees in the West, its
conferral was dependent upon the gift of the pope, according to ancient cus-
tom. 218 Furthermore, Markus has noted that the popes did not recognize
the city's metropolitan status until the mid-seventh century.219 Throughout
the pontificate of Gregory, Ravenna's bishops continued to be consecrated at
Rome and to attend Roman synods. Rome, therefore, simply passed over
Ravenna's claims to special dignity in silence, without either conceding them
or disputing them.
Whatever may be said of the city's juridical status, the local practice of
wearing the pallium outside of Mass did attract papal rebuke. Ravenna's
Bishop John was severely reprimanded for this in mid 593 (Epp 3.54, 54a), after
which things settled down for a while once more. But in October 594, the
dispute flared again. This time, it was only the death of Bishop John, on 11
January 595, that restored harmony (Epp 5.11, 15). When the pope's colleague,
Marinianus, was consecrated bishop in 597, Gregory sent him the pallium, but he
also gave him very strict instructions as to its use (Ep 5.61). Nevertheless, pressure
continued to be exerted upon the pope in an endeavor to get him to change his
stance on this issue (see Ep 9.168), although this probably never took the form of
open defiance. Common interests in troubled times, together with the close ties
of personal friendship between the Church leaders of the two cities, prevented
what otherwise might have been most damaging for the Church. 220
Gregory's successful reorganization of Sicily through his capable friends,
first the sub-deacon, Peter, and then the two bishops, Maximian and John, has
already been discussed above. Maximian was active from October 591 to his
death in November 594, and was sent or mentioned in 25 letters. John had
218. Dudden, Gregory the Great 1: 435 and Eidenschink, Election of Bishops, pp. 141-142.
219. R.A. Markus, 'Ravenna and Rome, 554-604,' Byzantion 51 (1981): 566-578, esp. 571-572.
220. Eidenshink, Election of Bishops, p. 122 and Markus, 'Ravenna and Rome,' 572.

80
THE LETTERS OF GREGORY THE GREAT
taken over by October 595 and was very active until after Gregory's death.
His last letter, sent in January 603 (Ep 13.35), asked Bishop John to collaborate
with the pope's personal secretary, Hadrian, and with Lord Julian, in
providing the poorer peasants with cows, sheep and pigs, and possibly money
also, to compensate them for having been cheated by farmers. The pope's
stress on justice, for the poor especially, and this combination of three local
powers, is most interesting, and indicative of his special concern for both
Church and State in the province of Sicily. Gregory sent no fewer that 33
letters to John, on a very wide range of topics.
The episcopate in the lands of the exarchate of Africa presented a similar
picture to that which has already been outlined. There were the bishops who
received papal rebuke for incompetence or some other fault, such as Januarius
of Cagliari in Sardinia (see below). There were the bishops who enjoyed a
close working relationship with the pope, such as Dominic, archbishop of
Carthage 221 and Columbus, a bishop in southern Numidia. 222 There were
also factors that were characteristically African. The local church had always
fiercely guarded the degree of autonomy that it had enjoyed from the earliest
days of the western church. Outside influence in local church affairs was never
popular. The most recent example of this independent spirit had been the
stance adopted against both Rome and Constantinople during the Three Chap-
ters controversy. Often dissident groups could rely on support from local
imperial officials. As a result, the pope had to be tactful in his exercise of his
patriarchal authority over their church. 223 The tension that resulted from
the supposed continuation of Donatist tendencies and Bishop Paul's opposition
to them reveal just how tactful he had to be. When Dominic, archbishop of
Carthage, declared his orthodoxy in a number of anti-Donatist statements,
Gregory cautiously replied that the law of brotherly love should be his first
concern (Ep 5.3). Yet the pope was also capable of insisting on his own right
to judge the matter. He required that the Numidians allow the troublesome
Bishop Paul to come to Rome for judgment, despite the fact that the case had
already been heard locally (Ep 4.35). Once judgment had been given, he
insisted that the luckless bishop be accepted once again among his fellow
bishops (Ep 8.13).
No less attention was paid by Gregory to the supervision of those bishops
resident in the new barbarian kingdoms, than to those whose sees lay within
the boundaries of the lands still under the control of the Empire. In February
591, he had joked, as we have seen, that he had been made bishop not of the
221. See Epp 2.40; 5.3; 6.19, 63; 7.32; 8.31; 9.20; 12.1.
222. See Epp 2.39; 3.47; 4.35; 6.36; 7.2; 8.14, 15; 13.1, 6.
223. See pp. 37-38 above for Africa. For the importance of Gregory's letters, see
Markus, 'The Problem of "Donatism,"' and Yvette Duval, 'Gregoire et I 'Eglise d' Afrique:
les "hommes" du Pape,' in Gregorio Magno e if suo tempo 1: 129-158. See also Frend, Donatist
Church, pp. 309-312.

INTRODUCTION
81
Romans, but of the Lombards (Ep 1.30). Although he might have wished
otherwise, by the sixth century these barbarians had become a permanent fea-
ture in the life of western Europe. Gregory's pastoral sensitivity would not
permit him to leave them bereft of spiritual guidance, and so he built for the
future. In particular, he was most active among the Franks, the Lombards and
the English. His dealings with the bishops of these lands formed a key part of
his relations..-With the new barbarian kingdoms, as can be seen below.
For the present, it seems beneficial to summarize the points already
mentioned. In his relationships with other bishops, Gregory maintained that
episcopal administrative power was 'collegiate' in nature. Despite this, he
reaffirmed the notion of Roman primacy that he had received from his prede-
cessors; and if the life of any bishop required attention, Gregory was not slow
to make the force of that primacy felt, using his rhetoric most persuasively to
castigate, coerce or inveigle those patriarchs and bishops who were reluctant
to accept his authority. Secondly, the pope maintained in theory that bishops
should be elected as a result of careful selection and consensus between the
clergy, nobles and people of a given locality. And yet, where circumstances
required it, he was not beyond installing his own candidate, often a close
acquaintance, when he deemed one suitable to lead the diocese into the future.
Finally, although essentially a Roman in his outlook, his pastoral activity was
not confined to the lands of the Empire, but rather embraced the new
barbarian kingdoms and the lands of the emperor alike. In all three of these
areas he showed himself to be both adaptable and resilient. Through his tactful
control of the bishops, the dream he had of a united Church was transformed
into reality.
Monks and monasteries
Gregory was the first monk to occupy the see of Peter. As a consequence, the
influence of monasticism certainly cannot be neglected if one seeks to under-
stand the organizational structure of the Church, which he erected during his
pontificate. An examination of the letters surviving in his register shows that
about ten percent were either addressed to monks and nuns or else concerned
monastic issues. For Gregory, monasticism became an integral aspect of the
exercise of ecclesiastical authority. He founded seven or more monasteries
himself on his family's properties in Rome and Sicily and oversaw the estab-
lishment of twenty or more other monasteries and convents in Italy, Sardinia,
Gaul and England. 224 He sought to define their relations with the local
bishops; and protect them against those who would do them harm, internally
and externally.
224. See pp. 8-9 with n29 above, for the 28 founders and cities of these monasteries and
Convents. See also n19 above for the equipment of monasteries.

82
THE LETTERS OF GREGORY THE GREAT
In the Gregorian schema, monks occupied a definite place within the
fabric of Christian society. They were members of a clerical militia, who pitted
themselves in an endless power struggle against the forces of evil. As servants
of God, they took up the mantle of the saints, putting on the likeness of
Christ and imitating his way of life. The monks were expected to demonstrate
with their lives that God casts down the powerful of this world and raises the
poor (Moralia 9.10.11). They did so in a twofold way. Withdrawing from secu-
lar society, they were to spend the remainder of their days in prayer and pen-
ance, following the ways of God and thus gaining an eternal motherland
(Moralia 4.30.58). And yet, from time to time, they were also called upon to
undertake activities that would have a profound effect upon the life of the
Church. Monks could provide the pope with a new source of manpower,
which he could mobilize in fulfilling his pastoral missions.
To guarantee the monks' life of prayerful contemplation, Pope Gregory
sought to ensure that the traditional distinction between clerics and monks
was maintained (Epp 4.11; 5.1; 7.40). He acknowledged the general principle,
that bishops had spiritual jurisdiction over the monks of their diocese, with
the right to punish those who failed to live by the Rule, but he was reluctant
to allow any bishop the right to interfere in the internal life of the commun-
ity. Over-zealous bishops could often find themselves faced with no less an
opponent than the pope himself (Epp 6.24, 28; 14.6 at Ravenna; 7.12 at Mar-
seilles; 7.29 at Jerusalem; 7.40 at Ravenna; 13.2, 3 at Naples and Capua; 14.16,
17, at Catana in Sicily). And bishops who wished to use monasteries as places
for the celebration of public masses, or for the establishment of their episcopal
sees, were expressly forbidden from doing so (Epp 1.12; 5.49).225
At the same time, Gregory made it clear that the monk's contemplative
vocation was not one to be followed in a solitary fashion between the indi-
vidual soul and God. Rather, it was to transform itself into beneficial action.
It was to be followed in a spirit of humble obedience within a communal
structure of superiors and subjects. The abbot of a monastery was to be chosen
by its community, and the local bishop could not refuse to ordain him (Epp
5.47, 49; 8.17). Similarly, the bishop might not ordain a monk to the diocesan
priesthood without first obtaining the permission of his abbot (Ep 8.17). To
ensure that the line of demarcation between the jurisdictions of bishops and
abbots was maintained, Gregory quite often bestowed special 'privileges' upon
abbots and abbesses of certain key monasteries and convnts. 226
However, if the occasion required it, Gregory was quite prepared to remove
monks from their monastic seclusion, so that wider Church needs might be met.
At the beginning of his pontificate he authorized his sulxleacon, Peter, his Sicilian
administrator, to select monks to work in places without a priest (Ep 1.18). In his
225. See Ursmer Berliere, 'L'exercice du ministere paroissial par les moines dans Ie haut
moyen-age,' Revue Benedictine 39 (1927): 227-250, at 231-232.
226. For example, Epp 7.40; 8.17, 32; 9.88, 217; 13.5; App 2.

INTRODUCTION
83
missionary drives, he first sent the monk Cyriacus with Bishop Felix to Sardinia
(Ep 4.27) and then sent the monk Augustine and some of his fellow monks on the
mission to England (Ep 6.51).227
But the most notable example of monks being taken from their monas-
teries to serve a need in the wider Church is evident in the life of Pope
Gregory himself. He had been called from his monastic seclusion, first to
become a RetDan deacon, then papal emissary at Constantinople and finally
pope. Although pope, he never forgot that he was first and foremost a monk.
The title serous seruorum Dei with which he styled himself demonstrates this.
It does more than provide a contrast to the ambitious title of 'universal
patriarch' adopted by the 'arrogant' patriarch of Constantinople. It serves as
a summary of the Gregorian ideals associated with the exercise of power and
authority in the office of pastoral care. He was a humble monk who was
called to serve his God in the primacy of ecclesiastical office, the papacy.
Whenever he heard about abuses or disputes amongst the monks or nuns,
Gregory was far from slow to act. As in the case of the wayward bishops,
investigators were appointed at once to decide the issue. Examples abound, like
Ep 1.12 at Orvieto, Ep 1.40 in Campania, Ep 1.50 in Corsica and on the island
of Gorgona, Ep 2.26 at Maratodis in Sicily, Ep 3.23 at Saint Martin's in Cam
pania, Ep 7.32 at Carthage, Ep 7.36 at Syracuse, Ep 8.8 at Siponto, Ep 9.54 at
Naples, Ep 9.87 at Luni, Ep 9.108 at Spoleto, Ep 9.165 at Liberius in Campania,
Ep 9.169 at Ravenna, Ep 9.225 at Autun, Ep 10.9 at Naples, Ep 13.2 at Naples
and his final letters, Epp 14.16 and 17, on Saint Vitus' monastery on Mt
Etna. 228 The great benefit of Gregory's monastic reforms lay in his ability
to provide the Church with well-trained personnel, who could be deployed on
various ecclesiastical ventures. His .continued and constant patronage ensured
that monasticism took a far stronger and far more important place within the
fabric of western Christiandom.
Whether Gregory introduced the Benedictine order into his monastery in
Rome or merely adapted some aspects of its Rule, remains undecided. At that
time the Benedictines were increasingly active in the city, and the pope m'1'
well have joined their order, but there is no certain proof that he did so.22
227. As shown above, many of the monks on this mission came from English captives,
very useful as interpreters, carefully selected and given nearly a year's training first in the
monastic system, it seems, as part of Gregory's plan. See Ep 6.10.
228. Where the final outcome might be contentious, the pope usually made the decision
himself, as in Ep 5.28 in Sicily, Ep 6.24 at Classe, Ep 6.49 at Palermo in Sicily, Ep 7.12 at
Marseilles, Ep 8.40 at Ravenna, Ep 11.54 at Sorrento and Ep 14.6 at Ravenna.
229. See Olegario Porcel, 'San Gregorio Magno y el monacato: Cuestiones controver-
tidas,' in Monastica I ( Montserrat, 1960), pp. 1-95 and his La doctrina monastica de San
Gregorio Magno y La W.eguLa Monachorum' (Washington, DC, 1950), as well as Kassius Hallin-
ger, 'Papst Gregor der Grosse und der hI. Benedict,' in Commentationes in ReguLam S, Bene-
dicti, ed. Basilius Steidle (Rome, 1957), pp. 231-319.

84
THE LETTERS OF GREGORY THE GREAT
Heresies
Gregory responded to the activity of several heretical movements in his letters.
To treat these adequately in the space of a few paragraphs is beyond the scope
of an introduction such as this. However, some brief comments may help to
reveal the various theological currents that ran through the world of Gregory.
The origins of many of these heretical beliefs existed before his elevation to
the papacy, and some forms of them were to outlive him. Yet occasions when
the Roman orthodoxy and the heretical systems came into contact with each
other do need some treatment in the context of a study of Gregory's leners. 230
For Gregory, the worst heresy seems to have been Simony. This may be
defined as the desire to purchase or to sell spiritual gifts (charisms) and offices.
It received its name from the biblical figure Simon Magus, who in Acts 8.9-24
sought to buy the power of 'the laying on of hands' from Saint Peter. In that
episode, Peter rebuked him for thinking that money could buy a gift that God
had bestowed for nothing. From then on, such desires were forbidden. But
they did not gain much significance until after Constantine had recognized
Christianity as the religion of the Roman Empire, at the beginning of the
fourth century. Simony was officially condemned as a heresy in 451, at the
council of Chalcedon, and yet the heretical practice continued to spread
throughout the Church, prompting a continuous stream of ecclesiasticallegisla-
tion against it. Gregory constantly urged the recipients of his letters to guard
against such abuses. 231 In at least one case, that of Maximus of Salona,
Simony can be recognized as the reason for his excommunication by the
pope. 232 But other letters that exist provide futher examples where this
corruption was prevalent. Indeed, the three provinces of Gaul, Greece and
North Africa command particular attention. 233 In Ep 5.58, to Gaul, Gre-
gory wrote a very carefully argued and rhetorically structured period, about
twenty lines long, with which he roundly condemned Simony, and he used
this same passage again on three occasions, almost word-for-word, in Epp 5.62
(to Corinth), 5.65 (to Achaea) and 6.7 (to Epirus). And yet, despite Gregory's
condemnations of the practice, Simony was not eradicated, but remained a
serious corruption in the life of the Church. The best the pope could do was
to urge his brother patriarchs to be ever vigilant in protecting their flocks
from such venal individuals. 234
230. For a recent study of Gregory and heresy, see Claudio Moreschini, 'Gregorio
Magno e Ie eresie,' in Gregoire ie Grand, pp. 337-346.
231. See Epp 4.13,20; 5.6, 16,58-60, 62-63; 6.3, 7, 25, 29; 8.24; 9.136, 150, 156, 178-179,
210, 219; 11.28, 42, 47, 49, 51; 12.8,9; 13.42.
232. Epp 4.20; 5.6; 6.3, 25, 29; 8.24; 9.150, 156, 178-179; App 5.
233. Gaul Epp 5.58-60; 9.210, 219; 11.42,47,49,51. Greece 5.62-3; 6, 7. Africa 4.13;
12.8-9.
234. See Epp 9.136; 11.28; 13.42.

INTRODUCTION
85
A second area of concern to Gregory was the Donatist schism, which had
existed in Numidia and Roman North Africa since the time of the last persecu-
tions, at the beginning of the fourth century. The schism had its origins in a
dispute over the moral suitability of a deacon, Caecilian, to be chosen as
bishop of Carthage, the second most important see in the West. The bishops
of Numidia withdrew from ecclesiastic communion with Caecilian and his sup-
porters, and-e6secrated a rival, Majorinus. Under Majorinus' successor, Dona-
tus (hence the name Donatist), a schismatic church was firmly established
alongside, but separate from, the orthodox Church. Attempts at secular coer-
cion on the part of the Emperor Constantine and his successors failed to re-
unite the disputing groups. The theological skills of Saint Augustine, bishop
of Hippo, proved equally ineffective. North African polemicists could be a
stubborn lot.
It might be expected that the Vandal conquest of the province in the fifth
century would have brought the dispute to an end, for the Vandals, being
Arians, did not distinguish between Donatists and orthodox Catholics. How-
ever, the evidence provided by Gregory's letters indicates that this was not so.
Something continued to exist, particularly in Numidia, which the pope termed_
'Donatism.,235 Gregory applied his usual approach to this difficulty. He sent his
secretary, Hilary, to the province of Africa, to supply him with  report (Ep
1.75), and sought to enlist the support for his cause of the emperor and his
officials (Epp 1.72; 4.32; 6.62, 64), together with that of local bishops (Epp 2.46;
4.35; 6.36). Sadly, the lack of other contemporary records for North Africa
does not allow any further evaluation of the outcome of Gregory's action on
the Donatist question.
Of the great Christological heresies of the fourth and fifth centuries,
Gregory's letters attest to their continued survival in the world of the sixth
century. But, equally, the letters reveal that these movements were in serious
decline at that time. The context in which they occur shows this significant
change. In his synodical letter, marking the occasion of his elevation to the
papacy, Gregory delivered the traditional and expected condemnation of Arian-
ism, which had been condemned in 325 at the council of Nicaea (Ep 1.24, and
similarly Ep 6.2). It receives passing mention in an intriguing letter addressed
to a person named Quiricus (Ep 11.52), where it is mentioned among the Tri-
nitarian heresies to be repudiated at the time of baptism. Beyond this, how-
ever, Arianism is generally referred to in connection with regimes that are
passing away, like Autharit's rule in Lombard Italy (Ep 1.17) and Reccared's
Arian regime in Spain (Ep 9.228). But it must be conceded that strong pockets
of Arianism remained, especially in Campania (Ep 3.19) and at the Lombard
COUrt of Queen Theodelinda (Ep 4.33).
Monophysitism, condemned at Chalcedon in 451, receives a similar cur-
sory treatment in the letter to Quiricus (Ep 11.52). Beyond this, only one
235. See Epp 1.72, 75, 82; 2.39; 4.32, 35; 6.36, 62, 64.

86
THE LETTERS OF GREGORY THE GREAT
reference can be found to Monophysitism in Gregory's letters, in Ep 12.16.
There Gregory informed Eulogius, patriarch of Alexandria, of his settlement
of some former Monophysites in Sicily. The heresy that 'there was one nature
in the Word of God made flesh' might be tearing the fabric of the Eastern part
of the Roman Empire apart, but in Gregory's world of the West, things appear
positively unruffled. But this peacefulness in doctrinal matters was more
apparent than real. Justinian's council of 553 (Constantinople II), made a vain
attempt to heal the wounds that Monophysitism had caused, -only to produce
by itself an unlooked-for controversy in the West, the Three Chapters schism.
The Three Chapters Schism
The Three Chapters controversy arose out of the Christological disputes that
beset the Church during the fourth and fifth centuries. The orthodox doctrinal
position was resolved in the Chalcedonian profession of faith in 451. But this
in itself sparked a fresh dispute between Chalcedonians, who followed a
two-nature Christology, and Monophysites,. who followed a one-nature
Christology .
The Emperor Justinian was persuaded by Theodore Ascidas, the pro-
Monophysite archbishop of Caesarea in Cappadocia, that unity between the
factions might be restored if three positions were condemned: (1) the person
and works of Theodore of Mopsuestia, (2) the writings of Theodoret against
Cyril of Alexandria and (3) the letter of Ibas of Edessa to Maris. These
positions became known as the Three Chapters, and they were condemned by
an imperial edict of 543-4. The eastern patriarchs assented to this edict; but
Pope Vigilius was hesitant, as the opinion had become widespread among the
bishops of the West that such an edict was detrimental to the decrees of the
council of Chalcedon.
Justinian had Vigilius brought from Rome to Constantinople, where he
was kept under considerable pressure while staying there for over seven years,
but he finally assented to the edict condemning the Three Chapters, issuing his
Iudicatum in 548. However, the opposition that was provoked in the West by
such an about-face soon caused Vigilius to abandon this position and to return
to his former stance. Justinian responded by calling the council of 553 (Con-
stantinople II), at which the condemnation of the Three Chapters was restated.
The following year Vigilius approved the council's action in his decree
Constitutum. In so doing, he established a position hat was defended by
his successors.
This action of the papacy resulted in a serious schism in the western Church,
with Africa, Dalmatia and parts of Italy ready to defend the Three Chapters as a
vital part of the Chalcedonian solution to the Christological problem. During
Gregory's pontificate, the development of the schism became closely bound up
with the activity of the Lombards in northern Italy. Dissent from the condemna-
tion of the Three Chapters survived in areas under Lombard control, while the
Church in other territories aligned itself with the position outlined by the papacy.

INTRODUCTION
87
In practice, despite Gregory's best intentions, the dispute resulted in the develop-
ment of two territorial churches alongside each other, that of the Roman obser-
vance and that under Lombard control. The clearest signs of this division were the
splits in the churches of Milan and Aquileia. 236
Throughout his life, Gregory was most diligent in his campaign against
the schismatics. He sought to produce a climate in which reconciliation might
occur. Buvglven his own leadership of one of the factions in the dispute, his
inability to resolve the dispute should not come as a surprise. Nevertheless, his
letters show how active he was in pursuing the cause of ending Church
disunity, where both individuals and whole churches were concerned. Scarcely
a year passed without some incident being recorded. 237 Ep 12.7 provides a
formula whereby a schismatic might publicly indicate the desire to rejoin the
Roman Church. One can only speculate as to the circumstances in which it
was used. Ultimately, the bitterness did abate, and the schism came to an end
under Pope Sergius I (687-701), when the key see of Aquileia was reconciled
with the papal position.
Judaism
For a pope who faced armed barbarians on the one hand and a Roman Empire
in decline on the other, Jews may reasonably be considered as only a minor
part of his concerns. And yet the solutions that Gregory adopted in response
to specific cases that came to his attention were used by his papal successors
as an authoritative guide in determining their own policies, where Jews were
concerned. During the 1930s, a detailed treatment of the twenty-four letters of
Gregory that refer to the Jews was undertaken by Solomon Katz,238 but
some features of this correspondence deserve to be highlighted here.
The first is the pope's concern for the religious liberty of Jews living as
a minority among Christians. In this regard, Gregory's treatment of Jews pro-
vides a clear example of his knowledge of Roman civil law. Within his juris-
diction, he could charge his own officials with the task of applying the law.
Roman law had long concerned itself with the Jewish question, from the days
of the early Empire. The Theodosian and Justinian codes described Judaism as
a 'superstition,' in other words, as a religion that existed outside the official
cult (Codex Theodosianus 16.8.24; Codex Justinianus 1.9.8), but they acknowl-
edged that its members had rights under law. And Gregory scrupulously de-
fended these rights, ordering the payment of 51 gold coins owed to a Jew,
Salpingus (Ep 1.42), and the release of another Sicilian Jew, Nostamnus, from
236. See Markus, Gregory the Great and His World, p. 127.
237. For example Epp 1.16; 2.38, 43; 3.29; 4.2-4, 14, 37; 6.38, 47; 7.14, 34; 9.117-8, 142,
149, 151, 154-6, 187, 202; 12.7, 13; 13.34.
238. Solomon Katz, 'Pope Gregory the Great and the Jews,' Jewish Quarterly Review 24
(1933-1934): 113-136. See also Ernst Bammel, 'Gregor der Grosse und die Juden,' in Gregorio
Magno e if suo tempo 1: 283-291.

88
THE LETTERS OF GREGORY THE GREAT
a bond (Ep 9.40). But equally, he was particularly severe in enforcing the legal
prohibition against Jews owning Christian slaves. 239 In fact, the largest
number of letters mentioning Jews were concerned with this matter. And
under the pope's pen, such verdicts were always harsh for the Jews. 240
The next point to be noted is Gregory's desire to convert the Jews. This
should come as no surprise, when one considers his zeal for missionary activity
in Sardinia and Britain. But on these occasions, the pope was dealing with
pagans. In the case of the Jews, he was dealing with what to him was a
truncated and distorted faith, indeed a form of disbelief and even a disaster (Ep
4.31).241 Only twice in his letters, Epp 1.45, 69, does he speak of Judaism
as a 'religion' (religio). For the most part, the Jewish community appeared just
like any other ethnic or social group. The Jews were to be protected from for-
cible conversion, and where intimidatory methods had been used, the pope could
be fierce in his condemnation, as he was in Epp 1.34; 2.6; 8.25; 9.38, 196, 13.13. He
pointed out that forbidding the practice of the Jewish faith would not lead to the
conversion of any Jews. It might even serve to repel them from the true faith.
Instead, he urged bishops wishing to convert Jews to do so by persuasive preach-
ing and by sound arguments from the Scriptures (Epp 1.45; 13.13). To back up
such conciliatory methods, Gregory was not beyond advocating material induce-
ment to Jews, as an incentive to convert. Shorter working hours, manumission,
a reduction in Church taxes, and providing baptismal robes were just some of
these bribes suggested by him (Epp 2.50; 4.31; 5.7; 8.23).
For Gregory, if the baptism of Jews was to be encouraged, the reverse
should never be allowed to occur. Perhaps this is the basis of his strong desire
to prevent Jews from owning Christian slaves, in case they might be either
pressured or encouraged to give up their Christian faith. This was a real
concern for Gregory. He declared that it was not proper for Christians, freed
from slavery to sin by the blood of Christ, to have their faith exposed daily
to the pressure of its rejection by their Jewish masters (Ep 9.214). He was
afraid that such conditions would deceive the simple peasants with its sacrilegi-
ous seduction (Ep 3.37). In September 602, he became alarmed by a tendency
shown by some of the Roman populace to observe the Sabbath on Saturday
rather than on Sunday, and he prohibited it on the grounds that it was a
Jewish custom (Ep 13.1). The status of the Christian religion had to be pre-
served against such corruptions.
Popes after Gregory in his letters
(1) Sabinian: The first pope after Gregory, Sabinian was pope from 13
September 604 to 22 February 606. He was born in Volterra in Tuscany, and
was a career clerk and deacon. He had served as Gregory's emissary to Con-
239. See Codex Theodosianus 16.9; Codex Justinianus 1.10.1.
240. As in Epp 3.37; 4.9, 21, 29; 7.21; 9.214, 216.
241. Se E.A. Synan, The Popes and the Jews in the Middle Ages (New York, 1965), p. 37.

INTRODUCTION
89
stantinople from August 593 (see Epp 3.51, 52, 65) to June 597 (see Epp 7.23-
25, 29-31)242 when he finally returned to Rome with letters from Antioch and
the patriarch of Constantinople, and with a large sum of gold to ransom
prisoners in Italy, and ,,*"ith a relic from the priest Anastasius. Gregory
strongly recommended him, but to the pope, Sabinian was not sufficiently
firm in persuading the emperor to prohibit the patriarch John from using the
overtly pres.wtiptuous title of 'ecumenical patriarch, , nor firm enough in his
approach to the errant patriarch himself.
He was elected pope in March 604, it seems, but had to wait six months
for the emperor's mandate to confirm his elevation. He reversed Gregory's
policy on monks, preferring to promote secular clergy.243 Famine in Italy
grew worse during his papacy, and when he sold the grain that had been
distributed freely by Gregory, he was charged with profiteering. At his death,
he was so unpopular with the people that his uneral procession had to make
a wide detour to reach St Peter's. But his dealings with Smaragdus and the
Lombard king cemented the peace moves made by his predecessor.
(2) Boniface ill: A far closer friend of Gregory, who followed Sabinian. He
was pope from 19 February 606 until 12 November 607. Born in Rome o(
Greek parents, he became the highly honored head of all the important 'de-
fenders' under Gregory. In 603 he was sent as the pope's emissary to Con-
stantinople's new king, Phocas, with the pope's warm recommendation. By
then he had already served as the pope's trusted agent on five special missions,
to Milan, Ravenna, Sicily, Corsica and Corinth, and in Gregory's final years
he left Boniface to sort out some tricky problems in Corcyra. See the index
for Gregory's twelve letters to him.
Like Gregory, he was a skilfull diplomat, even when dealing with the murder-
ous usurper, Phocas. He obtained from him a formal declaration that the see of
Saint Peter was the supreme head of all the churches, ending the 'ecumenical patri-
arch' claim that had so annoyed Gregory and his predecessor. In Rome, he
allowed a golden statue of Phocas to be erected with a very adulatory inscription.
He also supported Phocas' hard line against the Three Chapters schismatics, using
the general Smaragdus to take vigorous action against them in Istria. Finally, he
held a synod in Rome to regulate papal elections, after having had to wait for al-
most a year himself before the emperor had ratified his election.
242. J.N.D. Kelly in his Oxford Dictionary of Popes (Oxford, 1986), on p. 68 wrongly
confused him with the Sabinian sent to Gaul in Ep 5.58, dated August 595, two years before
he had returned from the court. For the trip to Gaul, a priest John and a deacon Sabinian
gave a pallium to Virgil, bishop of Aries.
243. See above for Gregory's use of monks for his missions and his many monastic founda-
tions. For a good example of the church of Saint Pancras in Rome with inadequate priests being
handed over to Maurus to control, as the abbot of an adjacent monastery, with the intriguing help
for Mass of 'a foreign priest' living in his monastery, see Ep 4.18. The theme of this letter, sent
to Maurus in March 594, was the neglectfulness of the priests (it starts and ends with neglectus).
The pope prescribed a daily 0puJ Dei at the shrine of Saint Pancras.

90
THE LETTERS OF GREGORY THE GREAT
(3) Boniface IV: This Boniface served as pope from 15 September 608 until
8 May 615. He too had a very long wait for his election to be ratified by an
imperial decree. Born in what is now the province of L' Aquila and the son of
a doctor, he became a deacon, and as the pope's very useful and much loved
agent, he also was sent to report on Milan (Ep 4.2), Ravenna (Ep 6.31) and
Sicily (Ep 9.73), and in Ep 1.50 he had earlier toured Corsica and Gorgona
with the local magistrate, Symmachus.
Boniface was a true disciple and imitator of Pope Gregory, like him con-
verting his family home in Rome into a monastery, and encouraging monks
and monasticism, and in 610 he held a synod to regulate and improve the way
of life and discipline in the monasteries and convents. The first bishop of
London, Mellitus, was present at this synod, and conferred about what the
English church still needed, taking back with him the synod's decrees and
some letters for Laurence, Archbishop of Canterbury, for the local king,
Ethelbert, and for his people. He also communicated with the Irish monk,
Columban, who was then staying at Bobbio.
This pope had some very difficult public problems, like Gregory, with a
severe famine, a plague and several natural disasters, but he maintained very
good relations with the two emperors, first Phocas and then Heraclius. With
Phocas' support, he converted the pagan temple of the Pantheon into the Church
of the Blessed Virgin Mary, the first such conversion in Rome. For Gregory's
letters concerning him, see Epp 1.50; 4.2; 6.31; 9.73. Buried in Saint Peter's, like his
master, Gregory, he became a saint very soon after his death in 615.
(4) Deusdedit (Adeodatus I): Although it is doubtful, this Deusdedit may
be the priest of the church of Saints John and Paul in Rome, in Ep 11.15. But
there is no reference to his father, the sub-deacon Stephen, in the letters. Born
in Rome, he was a priest for 40 years, and was near his life's end when
consecrated on 19 October 6"15, over 5 months after his election. He died and
became a saint on 8 November 618. He was the first priest to become a pope
since John II (533-535) and ordained 14 priests, the first ordained since
Gregory. He also introduced an evening service for clergy. Unlike his predeces-
sor, he did nothing to encourage monasticism.
He was loyal to the Emperor Heraclius, and supported the new exarch of
Ravenna, Eleutherius, when he crushed a revolt that had led to the deaths of
exarch John and of other officials at Ravenna. At his death, he was the first
pope to have left bequests to his favorite clergy, amounting to a year's stipend
each. An earthquake in Rome and an outbreak of scabies tested his adminis-
trative skills, as did a mutiny of Byzantine troops in Italy over lack of pay, a
problem that had plagued Gregory as well. But Adeodatus was a very popular
pope, combining simple devotion with shrewd wisdom. 244
244. Most of the information on these popes, except for their appearances in Gregory's
letters, has. been derived from Kelly's Oxford Dictionary of Popes.

INTRODUCTION
91
SOCIAL ISSUES
Patrimony
A special institution, known as the patrimony of Saint Peter, helped to cement
ties of loyalty between the papacy in Rome and the churches of the West. The
landholdings of the Roman Church were extensive, having been built up over
the centuries as a result of gifts and bequests from both emperors and private
individuals, like Gregory himself. The revenues it produced provided an
income for the papacy, allowing the pope to provide for those in need, both
in Rome and throughout the Italian peninsula.
The lands of the patrimony were scattered over a wide area. The largest
portion, and by far the richest, was that of Sicily, the source of much of the
corn supply that fed Rome. 245 The importance of the Sicilian patrimony
may be understood from the fact that Gregory addressed seventy-four letters
to his administrators there. This number exceeds the combined total of those
addressed to the administrators of all the other patrimonies. 246 . Until 592,
the territory was under the care of a single administrator, Gregory's friend,
sub-deacon Peter. But after that date, the patrimony was divided into two
parts, supervised from Palermo and Syracuse respectively. The two main
periods of the pope's special interest in Sicily were when he introduced his -
reforms and monasteries during September 590 to August 593, and when they
reached fulfillment during September 598 to August 601. This is shown by the
fact that in Books 1-3 there are 22 letters involving Sicily and in Books 9-11
there are 44, but there are only 23 in the other eight books.
But there existed other major patrimonial territories besides those of Sicily.
Next in importance was that of Campania, south of Rome in the region of
Naples. Some forty letters were concerned with the patrimony in this region.
Other smaller patrimonies were governed throughout the Italian peninsula.
From Gregory's letters the following can be identified: in Calabria (Epp 9.89,
90, 111, 121, 125-128, 130, 135), Apulia and Calabria (Epp 9.201, 206-207),
Appian (Ep 14.14), Sabine (Ep 3.21), Norcia (Epp 13.35-37), Tuscany (Ep 9.97),
Liguria and Dalmatia (Epp 5.25; 11.6). A small holding in the Cottian Alps,
mentioned by John the Deacon,247 may not have survived the Lombard in-
vasion. Beyond Italy, patrimonies existed in Africa (Epp 1.73; 10.16), in Corsica
(Epp 1.50; 11.58), in Sardinia (Ep 3.36), in Dalmatia (Epp 2.20; 3.22, 32; 5.6),
and in the region of southern Gaul near the cities of ArIes and Marseilles (Epp
3.33; 5.31; 6.5, 6, 10, 51-52, 54-56, 59-60).
In every aspect of the administration of the Church's patrimony, Gregory
displayed his talent for organization and attention to detail. This led Holmes
245. The Roman Church was not the only one to hold land in Sicily, as the churches
of. Milan and Ravenna also had estates there (Epp 1.80; 11.6, 8), which Rome administered.
246. See Edward Spearing, The Patrimony of the Roman Church in the Time of Gregory
the Great (Cambridge, 1918), p. 7.
247. John the Deacon, Vita Gregorii 2.53.

92
THE LETTERS OF GREGORY THE GREAT
Dudden to observe: 'In no department of his life and work...does Gregory
deserve his title of the Great, as in that connected with the management of the
patrimony of Saint Peter. ,248 It appears that nothing escaped the inquiring
scrutiny of the pope's eagle eye. Administrators who acted rapaciously,
negligently, or corruptly were more than likely to find themselves facing stern
papal rebuke (see Epp 1.37; 2.50). As a result, while Gregory was pope, the
value of Church estates increased and revenues poured into the treasury. Its
tenants also shared in the prosperity thanks to Gregory's skillful supervision.
Above all, it soon becomes apparent even to the casual observer that the
real beneficiaries of Gregory's regime were the poor and the needy, as well as
disadvantaged groups such as widows, the sick and orphans. Above all else,
Gregory considered the patrimony of Saint Peter to be the estates of the poor,
and he determined that its revenues were to be used to relieve their distress,
rather than to turn a commercial profit (Ep 1.53). With this in mind, he
informed Romanus, defender of the Syracusan patrimony, in October-Novem-
ber 598 (Ep 9.48), that it was better to incline to kindness than to insist on
rigorously enforcing the letter of the law. By acting in this way, merciful
assistance would be given to the poor, and yet the Church would not be over-
burdened in the process.
Gregory supervised the administration of the patrimony of Saint Peter
through a system of officials, or 'administrators' (rectores), who usually held
the rank of sub-deacon or 'defender' (defensor) of the Roman Church. Excep-
tions exist in the case of the Gallic patrimony, variously administered by a
patrician, Dynamius, and a priest (Candidus), and in the African provinces,
which may have come under the direct control of the imperial exarch. Admin-
istrators had to report regularly to Rome on the state of the territory under
their care, as well as on the manner in which they had performed their duties
of stewardship. They were supplied with appropriate account-books by the
pope. In this way, Gregory was provided with his own source of vital informa-
tion, besides what local bishops provided, a source of up-to-date information
that the pope could certainly trust.
Administrators, defenders, notaries
Gregory almost always chose administrators for various patrimonies from the
ranks of the Roman Church. Sometimes they were personal friends, such as
his sub-deacon, Peter, the pope's collaborator in the writi!1g of his Dialogues.
On rare occasions they were priests, as in the case of Candidus, in Gaul. For
the most part, however, they held the rank of defenders. This office may itself
be one of Gregory's creations, modelled on the office of defensor plebis that
existed in the secular world of the later Roman Empire. 249
248. Dudden, Gregory the Great 1: 320.
249. Gregory mentions as many as 41 defenders in his letters. For a full account of all the
defenders in Gregory's letters, see Martyn, 'Six Notes,' 1-7.

INTRODUCTION
93
The manner in which these defenders were appointed and installed clearly
illustrates where their allegiances lay. On receiving the pope's appointment,
the new administrator took a solemn oath (cautio) at the tomb of Saint Peter,
and pledged always to seek the good of the Church and the welfare of the
poor (see Ep 13.35). Then the estate book of the patrimony, containing a
detailed list of all of its property and income, was handed over to him.
Subsequenthe new administrator would be required to keep strict accounts
of all payments and receipts. These were to be submitted for audit in Rome
at the end of each indiction (which corresponded to the end of the financial
year). Finally, before leaving Rome to take up his office, he was presented
with a list of instructions from the pope himself (capitulare). These instructions
were designed to meet whatever circumstances might face the new appointee.
He was informed as to the business of the patrimony was to be conducted, and
what action he needed to take, in the more important issues requiring his
attention. Some idea of the detail that was contained in these lists of instruc-
tions can be gained from Epp 1.42 and 2.50. In the latter, written in July-
August 592, his administrator of the Sicilian patrimony, Peter, was instructed
on such diverse issues as property disputes, the sale of unprofitable herds, the
reduction of rents to be paid by converted Jews, the management of hostleries,
the recruitment of staff, the construction of a monastery, the payment of
benefits to the poor, the need for cooperation with both the local bishops and
imperial officials, the execution of a will and the provision of suitable mounts
for the papal entourage. All of this was in the space of a single letter. It is not
an isolated example of the pope's concern for the smallest of details. It also
shows how well he knew Sicily.
An examination of Gregory's letters to administrators reveals, however,
that the pope intended their duties to go beyond those of mere property
agents. They were to become his representatives in the provincial areas, acting
as his eyes and ears and implementing his wishes. Broadly speaking, these
administrative duties included the following: to oversee the election of bishops,
to correct wayward bishops and clergy, and monks, to oversee relations
between local bishops and their clergy, to act as mediators in cases between
disputing parties, to enforce sentences of excommunication and other eccles-
iastical sentences, to facilitate the conversion of Jews, to provide assistance for
monks and their monasteries, and to provide aid to the sick and the poor, and
to widows and orphans. 250 In performing their duties as administrators of
the patrimony, those in charge could call on the services of lesser officials to
assist them. In some cases these were legal clerks (notarit), in others private
250. Elections: Epp 1.18; 3.22, 35, 39; 5.9, 20; 7.38; 9.143; 11.58; relations: Epp 3.34;
9.130; 11.24; disputes: Ep 9.54; wayward priests: Epp 1.39, 40, 48, 50, 66; 3.23; 5.33; 6.23;
9.69, 123, 164, 192; 10.2; 14.2: sentences: Epp 1.82; 2.19; 3.1, 27, 40; 4.6; 5.4, 28, 32; 9.46, 121;
10. 2, 4; 11.53; conversion: Epp 2.50; 4.31; 5.7; 8.23; monks' assistance: Epp 3.23; 5.25; 8.23;
9.88, 106, 171-173, 204; and sick and orphans: Epp 1.57; 3.5, 55; 4.28; 9.36, 194.

94
THE LETTERS OF GREGORY THE GREAT
secretaries (cancellarit), secretaries and record keepers (chartulariz), and in others
administrative assistants (actores or actionariz). The aim was that, by working
together, these officials of various ranks would form a single harmonious
administration, reminiscent of that which existed in the ordered hierarchy of
the heavenly court (Ep 5.59).251
Farmers
Some points need to be made about the system that the Church employed in
farming, if Gregory's letters on the subject are to be better understood. Within
an individual patrimony, large land holdings, or massae, were further sub-
divided into various allotments, or fundi. Some of these landholdings were
farmed directly, but many others were leasehold property, and were run by
tenant farmers (conductores). On each farm the farmer had available a group of
resident agricultural laborers (coloni or rusticz). These agricultural laborers were
the antecedents of the serfs of the Middle Ages. They seem to have had a semi-
servile status. While being technically free and able to own possessions, they
were in fact normally tied to a specific parcel of land (fundus). Since the
possessions they owned were usually viewed as security, should they be unable
to pay rent, they were unable to dispose of them without the permission of
the tenant farmer. In the same way, they needed the permission of the farmer
for whom they worked if they wanted to get married. 252
The tenant farmers leased Church land and then either collected its
produce on behalf of the Church, or else paid the Church administrators an
agreed rental for the use of that land. Leases were drawn up by contract,
which usually lasted for the life of the tenant, and for the lives of one or two
specified heirs. Many of these tenant farmers resembled bailiffs in their
approach to business, and their behavior caused hardship to those under them.
This behavior may be explained, in part, by the fact that, as tenant farmers,
they were obliged to pay the annual imperial land tax (burdatio). Payment of
this tax was required of them in advance. Often this could only be done with
money borrowed at a high rate of interest, for the risk of crop failure was
considerable. To ease this burden, Gregory ordered his administrators to pay
the imperial tax themselves, and to allow the farmers to repay the debt in
instalments (Ep 9.109).
On the other hand, Gregory acted against rapacious landlords and officials.
He insisted that his administrators should protect the r:ustics living on the
land-holdings from violence (Ep 1.35). Both produce and taxes were to be
collected fairly, without using false weights and measures. These were to be
destroyed wherever they were found. Farmers were to be paid a fair price for
251. For a much fuller analysis of the defender, his training and function see Martyn,
'Six Notes,' 1-7.
252. See Spearing, Patrimony of the Roman Church, p. 51. In Ep 9.129, a defender's son
cannot get married outside the estate to which he was legally bound.

INTRODUCTION
95
their produce, without being held liable for any losses incurred during its
shipment. Furthermore, he insisted that the peasants working the land should
themselves share in the benefits that accrued in times of plenty. All these mea-
sures were quite revolutionary for the time, and seem to have been effective
in improving the lives of those in Sicily. 253
Slaves 
At the bottom of the social order came the huge number of slaves, who
remained a functioning part of agricultural society at the time. The slaves,
most of whom endured the dirtiest, most backbreaking tasks in the fields, were
still considered in terms of property to be bought and sold, and most were
treated with far less compassion than in Roman times. But Gregory's attitude
differed markedly from that of most contemporaries. He accepted the existence
of slavery as a fact of life. But, unlike Aristotle and the various other
philosophers of Antiquity who rationalized its existence, Gregory saw no
predetermined natural necessity for a particular human being to be condemned
to slavery. For him, slavery was seen as 'a sociological accident, recognized by
the laws, and not without practical consequences that those laws will sustain.,
but an accident for all that.,254 Indeed, he explicitly states his belief that master
and slave are identical in their nature (Regula 3.5).
Gregory usually counted it a privilege to be able to manumit slaves, to
enable their further service in the Church as free men and women (see Ep
6.12). Where slaves had been manumitted, Gregory defended them from those
who would once again seek to reduce them o slavery. In 591, he rebuked
Anthelm, the defender of his Campanian patrimony, for his failure to protect
Sirica and Gaudiosus, two manumitted slaves (Ep 1.53). He argued that it was
truly harsh that, if others had paid the price to free individual slaves, they
should be reduced to slavery again, and by a Church that ought to have pro-
tected them. It has already been seen that, where Jews or Samaritans were
found to be in possession of Christian slaves, Gregory zealously implemented
the Roman laws forbidding such practices. 255 It was unforgivable that some-
one who had been freed by Christ from being enslaved to sin should languish
in servitude to a master who did not acknowledge him as the Lord. Indeed,
the mere expression of a desire to convert to Christianity was sufficient to
obtain a slave's manumission.
One other group of slaves commanded Gregory's particular attention.
These were the captives taken prisoner by the Lombards. Gregory made
arrangements to secure their ransom and release (for example, Epp 2.38; 3.40;
4.17). Wealthy friends in Constantinople sent him money for this purpose
from time to time (Epp 5.46; 7.23, 25; 8.22). On at least one occasion, he sent
253. For these land reforms, see Dudden, Gregory the Great 1: 229, 305 and 308-310.
254. See Synan, The Popes and the Jews, p. 39.
255. See Epp 3.37; 4.9, 21, 29; 6.29, 30; 7.21; 9.214, 216.

96
THE LETTERS OF 'GREGORY THE GREAT
a representative with money to Campania in a bid to gain the release of these
unfortunates (Ep 6.32). He was even prepared to sanction the sale of church
plate to raise money to redeem captives (Epp 7.13, 35).
It can be said by way of summary that Gregory was as concerned for the
welfare of slaves and captives as he was for any other people placed under his
pastoral care. It was a salutary act that human beings, who by nature had been
born free, should wherever possible be restored to that freedom in which they
were born (Ep 6.12). Yet Gregory was not prodigal in his manumission of
slaves. For him, the overriding concern was that the 'law of nations' should
always be observed.
Women, paupers, orphans
In Gregory's exercise of pastoral care, the supply of food and water and the
relief of the needy loomed larger than any desire to preserve the territorial
integrity of the Roman Empire. The use of available funds to care for the poor
seemed to be of a higher priority than the use of them to deploy military force
against the Lombards. Two bases existed for the course that the papacy was
to adopt under Gregory, the Christian love of neighbor and the tradition of
state aid, dating from the days of the Roman Republic. Concerning the latter,
one recalls the traditional dole of grain, given to the Roman proletariat, as well
as the jibe from the days of the early Empire, that the plebs was only
interested in 'bread and circuses.'
In the sixth century, much of this state assistance was channelled through
the Church. This practice appears to have been common in Italy at the time,
and was not just confined to Rome. For example, Cassiodorus gives an instruc-
tion to the archbishop of Milan to oversee the supply of grain at Pavia and
Tortona, justifying such action first by declaring that it is fitting that priestly
integrity should execute royal generosity, and later with the exhortation: 'The
man who puts his bounty into a full vessel in fact pours it away, for only
what is collected in empty ones is saved. ,256 A similar understanding lay
behind the activity of Gregory. Several of his letters acknowledged the receipt
of donations for the relief of the poor from imperial officials, and even from
the emperor himself (Epp 1.74; 5.30; 10.16). Cruel winters, floods, Lombard
pressure and the crowd of refugees who fled into the city to escae their
onslaught, meant that the prospect of famine was a major concern. 57 The
hardship that resulted from this lack of supply may be see from a number of
exchanges that took place between the pope and various imperial officials
during his pontificate. In 590, the flooding of the Tiber caused considerable
losses to Rome's grain supplies. Gregory begged the Sicilian praetor, Justin, to
make up the losses (Ep 1.2). Later, in 595, one of the reasons Gregory gave the
256. Cassiodorus, Variae 12.27; The Variae of Magnus Aurelius Cassiodorus senator, trans.
S.J .B. Barnish (Liverpool, 1992), p. 182.
257. See Gregory of Tours, Historia Francorum 10.1.

INTRODUCTION
97
emperor for concluding the truce with the Lombards, was that the grain
supplies were all but exhausted (Ep 5.36). In 599, severe shortages were being
felt again. In February of that year, Gregory instructed Romanus, the adminis-
trator of the Syracusan patrimony, to assist the imperial authorities in the pur-
chase of much needed supplies (Ep 9.107). In April, with the situation worsen-
ing, the ew9'-appointed imperial official charged with protecting the grain
supply, the-firaefectus annonae, Cyridanus, accused the Roman 'Church of pil-
fering the state's grain stores. He ordered that the grain be removed from
Church control and then he confiscated the ledgers (Ep 9.116). It appears that
a supply of grain was simply not to be had, and Cyridanus took the action he
did to protect his own skin.
In view of the problems connected with the state grain supply, it is not
surprising to find that the Church came to be increasingly involved in the
feeding of the people. Its granaries along the Tiber's banks were supplied each
autumn from the lands of the papal patrimony, principally Sicily. But, in
addition, in a vain attempt to meet the demand, the pope was often forced to
buy grain from foreign merchants. On the first of each month, the papal
almoners distributed to the citizens from their storehouses (diakonia) supplies
of wheat, wine, cheese, lard, fish, oil and vegetables, in quantities that were
proportionate to their needs, and to the numbers of those who were seeking
assistance. These were collated in a master register, kept at the Lateran.
Necessity made the pope the main agent in Rome's food supply.
In addition to this general provision of sustenance for the poor, his letters
reveal that the pope concerned himself directly with individual cases as well.
Through his administrators, he often gave. pensions and clothes to needy
women, paupers and orphans,258 and the churches, monasteries and other
institutions were liberally assisted for their various needs. 259 The scale of
some of the help he gave is staggering, given the other difficulties the Church
was facing at the time. In June 597, for example, he provided warm clothing
for about 3,000 needy Roman nuns (Ep 7.23). And his largesse was not
restricted to Italy. Seventy-two gold coins were sent to a needy monastery in
Isauria (Ep 5.35). A consignment of wheat was sent to Epirus for Bishop
Zenon to give to the poor (Ep 6.4). Money, clothes, blankets and bedding were
sent to monks on Mount Sinai (Ep 11.2), and 150 gold coins to Corsica, to
purchase baptismal robes for converted Jews (Ep 8.1).
Gregory's response to the social issues that required his attention was
consistent and wide-ranging. His earlier training as a senior Roman magistrate
had prepared him well for a detailed administration of the dole. Using the
huge resources at his disposal in the revenues from the patrimony of Saint
Peter, he showed himself to be a truly generous benefactor to the poor and
dispossessed. The qualities he demonstrated in this care for the poor add
258. Epp 1.44, 57, 65; 2.50; 4.28, 4.31; 6.38; 9.36, 110, 194; 10.12; 14.15.
259, Epp 1.23, 48, 54; 2.1, 46; 3.17; 5.35; 7.23; 8.1; 11.12.

98
THE LETTERS OF GREGORY THE GREAT
further significance to the title he often adopted to describe himself as 'servant
of the servants of God.'
MAJOR CORRESPONDENTS
Sub-deacon Peter
Peter the sub-deacon was one of Gregory's confidants during the early years
of his pontificate. He was administrator of the Roman Church's patrimony in
Sicily from September 590 until July or August 592. During those two years,
he also acted as the pope's defender and vicar on the island. In this capacity,
he certainly knew Gregory's mind very well. He shared with him his explora-
tions of holy Scripture and desire for contemplation of the eternal truths. It
comes as no surprise to find him in the role of Gregory's interlocutor in the
Dialogues (written in 593-594). After this date, little is known about him. It
is very tempting to see him as the Peter who administered the patrimony of
Campania, from September 592 to June 593, or as the Peter who was defender
in Ravenna in 596, but the name is very common, and one should proceed
with caution. 260
From the time of Peter's administration of the Sicilian patrimony, some
dozen letters of instructions survive, and they include some of his longest
ones,261 and there are others also where the recipients are instructed to
work with the sub-deacon (Epp 1.1, 38; 2.30). They provide a good basis on
which to establish an understanding of the duties undertaken by the
patrimonial administrators and of the responsibilities these duties involved.
Two letters in particular (Epp 1.42 and 2.50) indicate just how vigilant Gregory
was and how wide-ranging Peter's administrative duties were. As we have seen,
Peter was instructed on such diverse issues as property disputes, a fair price of
corn to be paid to farmers, the sale of unprofitable herds, the reduction of
rents to be paid by converted Jews, the return of goods seized unfairly, the
management of hostleries, the care of widows and orphans, the recruitment of
staff, the construction of a monastery, the payment of benefits to the needy,
the cooperation to be shown with bishops and imperial officials, the need to
keep the Sicilian deacons away from their wives, the just remuneration of
clerics, the execution of a will, and the provision of suitable horses for the
papal entourage.
The other letters addressed to Peter tell a similar story, though not always
in such length and detail. The pope reminded him that he _had sworn an oath
(cautio) on Saint Peter's tomb to seek the good of the Church and the welfare
260. Norberg included the 12 later letters with the 17 sent to Sicily. Most letters were
sent to or were about Anthelm of Campania (35), John of Syracuse (33), Marinianus of
Ravenna (33), Romanus, defender of Syracuse (32), the apostate Maximus (27), Januarius (26),
Maximian of Syracuse (25) and Fortunatus of Naples (25). John, Marinianus, Romanus and
Maximus are discussed on pp. 22-28 above, the other five here.
261. Epp 1.9, 18, 39, 42, 44, 54, 65, 67, 69, 70, 71; 2.50.

INTRODUCTION
99
of the poor, as he performed his duties in the patrimony (Ep 1.70). In all ways,
it seems that he worked very well in cooperation with local bishops, as
constituting the ecclesiastical authority on the spot (Ep 1.1).
Maximian
Maximian was another intimate friend of Gregory numbered among his corres-
pondents. Wwas abbot of the monastery of Saint Andrew's, the monastery
set up in Gregory's family home on the Caelian Hill, when he embraced the
monastic way of life, sometime after 573.
When Gregory was appointed to represent the papacy at the imperial
court in Constantinople in 579, he took with him Maximian and some of their
fellow monks from Saint Andrew's, so that some semblance of monastic
contemplation could be maintained in Gregory's household. Maximian would
have been one of the group of monks who attended those gatherings, where
Gregory gave instruction on the Book of Job (which after 595 would emerge
as the great Moralia in Iob).262 He would have been party to Gregory's
many friendships with people at court, with Leander of Seville and with
Maurice himself. When Gregory became pope in 590, Maximian joined him
in the papal palace (see Ep 2.5). One presumes that he remained as close to
Gregory as he had been in Constantinople.
For these reasons, it can be concluded that Maximian knew the pope's
mind as well as anyone. Again, it is some measure of the importance that
Gregory placed on Sicilian affairs that in September 591, he should appoint
him as the bishop of Syracuse and his vicar there, in succession to Peter the
sub-deacon. This office of vicar was a purely personal duty, and was not linked
to his occupation of the see of Syracuse. It lapsed on his death, which was
announced in Ep 5.20, in February 595.
Maximian had twelve letters addressed to him. 263 These can give some
general idea of the tasks he fulfilled as papal vicar, like the removal of corrupt
bishops and the ordination of more suitable successors (Epp 2.15, 21; 3.12, 53);
the enforcement of clerical and monastic discipline (Epp 4.11, 42); the just
administration of the Church's revenues, without being seen to be unduly
harsh in their collection (Epp 3.53; 4.11, 36). In addition there were letters that
were prompted by specific occasions, like a request for the story about Non-
nosus, for inclusion in the Dialogues which were then being written (Ep 3.50),
the order to punish a man from Messina who had first married a girl and had
then sold her into slavery (Ep 4.12), an instruction to incardinate a deacon,
who had fled from the Three Chapters schismatics (Ep 4.14) and a personal
rebuke for having fallen out with Abbot Eusebius of Siculi, in a fit of rage (Ep
2.48). It seems that even his trusted Maximian was very human after all.
262. See the brief biography for his long letter to Leander, mostly on this great labor
of love. It was the most revised and most successful of all his theological writings
263. Epp 2.5, 15, 21, 48; 3.12, 50, 53; 4.11, 1, 14, 36, 42.

100
THE LETTERS OF GREGORY THE GREAT
Anthelm
Anthelm administered the papal patrimony of Campania throughout Gregory's
pontificate. He had 34 letters addressed to him by the pope, more than were
sent to any other friend or enemy.264 As such, these letters provide a very
valuable insight into the duties of an administrator of the church's estates, and
they confirm the areas already seen in the case of Peter the sub-deacon in the
patrimony of Sicily.
The lands Anthelm administered had been subject to the Lombards' incur-
sions since 572. Naples, the center of the patrimony's administration, had
undergone its first siege in 581, and the monks of Saint Benedict's monastery
had been driven from it in 591. The result was that the region was experienc-
ing a degree of social instability throughout Anthelm' s period of office. This
is reflected in some letters that gave him instructions for the alleviation of
hardships (Epp 6.32, 9.85). In addition to this, Anthelm was charged with the
duties associated with the day to day running of the patrimony. He was called
to administer property, wills and gifts made to the Church (Epp 9.62, 88, 89,
95, 106, 143), to pay debts incurred by others (Epp 9.122, 137) and to grant
relief to needy farmers (Ep 9.191). On occasion he would be instructed to join
with the local bishop in the erection of a monastery (Ep 7.20). His was the
task of investigating and correcting abuses among bishops, monks and other
Church workers alike, and in cases where guilt was established, he had to
ensure that the appropriate penance was imposed (Epp 1.40, 48, 66; 6.23; 9.69,
109, 164, 193; 11.53; 13.27, 29). To him fell the responsibility of caring for the
poor, and this included widows, orphans, manumitted slaves, and Jewish fami-
lies experiencing hardship after their conversion (Epp 1.37, 53, 57; 4.31; 6.37;
9.36, 194). Where Church business required the deployment and the movement
of personnel, he enacted such decisions (Epp 9.145; 10.7).
Fortunatus
Fortunatus was the bishop of Naples from July 593 until some time between
April and August 601. He succeeded Demetrius, who, because of his crimes,
had been deposed as bishop in September 591 (see Ep 2.3). He had twenty-one
letters from Gregory addressed to him. 265 For the most part the letters
concerned monastic affairs, the provision of protection for monks and nuns,
the supervision of monastic discipline and the consecration of monasteries and
oratories (11 letters). Other subjects dealt with include the pope's concern over
provisions for public order in Naples (4 letters), the emancIpation of slaves of
Jewish masters (2 letters), his appointment, at the end of 598, as ecclesiastical
visitor of the church of Misenum (Ep 9.81) and the appointment of Anthelm
to administer the Campanian patrimony (Ep 9.62) and of Gratianus to the
264. Epp 1.23, 37, 40, 48, 53, 57, 63, 66; 4.31. For 25 more letters in later books, espe-
cially in Book 9, see the Index of Names: Anthelm 2.
265. Epp 3.58, 60. For the 19 lett.e.t:s...in later books, especially those in Book 9, see the
Index of Names: Fortunatus 2.

INTRODUCTION
101
deaconry at Venafro (Ep 6.11). He was succeeded as bishop by Pascasius in
February 601; and it soon became clear that his financial dealings had provoked
hostility in the community. In Gregory's mind, such inappropriate business deals
rendered a bishop a mercenarius and were unworthy of his office, and Pascasius
was instructed to sort out the financial mess he had left (Ep 11.22).
Januariu
J anuarius was archbishop of Cagliari in Sardinia at the end of the sixth
century. He already filled this office when Gregory became pope in 590, and
he was to outlive the pope, dying some time after 604. His first appearance in
Gregory's letters occurs in June 591 (Ep 1.47), where he protests against the
harsh treatment the islanders were receiving at the hands of the Byzantine
military commander, Theodore. On that occasion, the complaints of J anuarius
bore fruit.
The landholdings of the Roman see on the island meant that Gregory was
able to watch affairs in Sardinia very closely. Januarius had twenty-one letters
of Gregory addressed to him. 266 In addition, he is mentioned in a further
five letters (Epp 1.47; 3.36; 5.2; 9.2; 14.2). Many of these concerned the rela-
tions between him and various foundations of monks and nuns (14). Others
involved the proper means of administering the sacraments (6). However,
sometimes the pope accused him of infringing upon canon law (4 letters). In
592, after numerous complaints against Januarius, Gregory sent John the
notary to make sure that Januarius 'toed the line.' He further instructed the
defender, Sabinus, to get the difficult bishop to come to Rome, to defend him-
self (Epp 2.41; 3.36). Flattery and praise of pastoral zeal proved equally
ineffective. There seemed to be no end to the trouble, and there were fresh
complaints that reached the pope. In 598, Gregory went so far as to place a
month's excommunication on two of the archbishop's advisers (Ep 9.1).
Finally, in September 603, Gregory told the defender Vitalis to resolve a
situation in the island's hostelries himself, using the bishop's age and senility
as the reason for not adhering to normal ecclesiastical procedures (Ep 14.2).
THE LETIERS: S1YLISTIC AND RHETORICAL FEATURES
The entire corpus of Gregory's letters shows his extraordinary literary and
rhetorical artistry. The following examples, most of which come from books
1 through 5 but which are typical of them all despite later changes in recip-
ients and subject matter, provide plenty of evidence of his skills. When
Gregory used his effective suasoriae ('persuasive oratory') and his neatly argued
controversiae ('debates on a topic'), Cicero would have been proud of him. At
times this makes his letters quite difficult to read (and to translate), especially
when he builds up periods of twenty or more lines, with a dozen or more
266. Epp 1.60, 61, 62, 81; 2.41; 4.8, 9, 10, 24, 26, 29. For 10 others, see the Index of
Names: Januarius 1.

102
THE LETTERS OF GREGORY THE GREAT
dependent clauses. But he is essentially logical, and his correlatives and
antitheses make his message quite clear. His continued study of rhetoric even
in his fifth very busy year as pope shows how concerned he was to hone his
literary skills so as to convince the recipients of his letters to accept his view
and to act on his advice.
Gregory's use of Greek
Despite his ironical claim in Ep 11.23 that he did not know Greek and had not
written any book in Greek, an obvious case of special pleading, there is no
reason at all for Gregory, his father's only son with a Greek name (vigilans in
Latin,267) not to have known Greek, even if he may have been reluctant to
write religious works in it. 268 As a boy in Rome, he would have learnt
spoken Greek as a child, either from his slave nurse or from his school
attendant, and to judge from his extensive knowledge of Sicily, it seems very
likely that he visited his father's estates there, where most locals spoke Greek.
During his many years as papal emissary in Constantinople, it seems
inconceivable that he did not speak and write Greek at all in court or in
Church circles, or elsewhere in the community, however bilingual some of his
friends and doctors there may have been. Officially Rome used Latin and the
East used Greek, and in Constantinople the pope's official letters needed to be
translated into Greek. In Ep 1.28, written to a translator, he complained: 'If
it should happen by chance that you receive a prolix letter of mine for
translation, I beg you translate it not word for word, but following the sense
of each passage, because very often the force of the meaning is lost while the
correctness of each word is observed.' This is good advice for anyone today
translating from Latin into English. It appears that the pope had seen some
examples of over-literal translations of his letters and he was not amused. But
it also shows that he understood the translation into Greek well enough for
him to be able to criticize its failings.
Gregory also used many Greek loans in his text, transliterated into Latin,
and he clearly knew their spelling and sense. A few appear several times in his
letters, some of them technical terms: apXL(x.TPO (14 times; 'chief surgeon'),
{joV{jaAL (3 times 'buffalo'), BELa (12 times 'aunt'), KfLJ.L"iN.apXLOJl (12
267. The adjective is rarely used. Its first appearance is in Ep 3.52 where he is upset not
to have been 'vigilant,' and in Ep 4.35, his 'vigilant care' may have been designed to remind
the African bishops of the sense of his Greek name.
268. In Ep 7.29, dated June 597, Gregory wrote to a priest, Anastasius, whose monastery
was quarrelling with Amos, bishop of Jerusalem, stressing how busy he was with an ana-
phora of quamvis: quamvis in multis occupatus, quamvis Graecae linguae nescius, in contentione
tamen vestra resedi ('although extremely busy, although unfamiliar with the Greek language,
I have even so stayed with your quarrel'). He credits Anastasius with wit (sal) and wisdom
(sapientUt). In the context, he claims to have forgotten his Greek, to avoid hours of studying
complex Greek works produced by the two learned (docu) litigants, splitting theological
hairs. This is special pleading. He spoke Greek.

INTRODUCTION
103
'treasury'), €PLa (69 'presents'), Ae"IL6ovPTJ (566 'charity') and €PoOoX€COP (52
'hostelry'). Other Greek words include K€LILN.a (1.66 'holy fittings'), xpiuILa
(4.9 'baptismal cream'), ovplhlXLa (1.30 a 'pact') and KaprocjxJMlCLoP (9.229
'papers' storage case'). In Ep 10.10, he read and answered letters in Greek from
a general in Sicily, Zittanis, without comment.
It can also be deduced from his study of rhetoric up to at least his fifth
year as-pape (see his biography above) that he would have been studying the
great orators and teachers of rhetoric from ancient Greece, and likewise for his
philosophical studies, Plato was clearly essential reading. Finally, for his
greatest theological works, his dialogues, homilies on the Gospels and above
all his exegesis of the book of.Job, Gregory was making use of a very large
store of Greek literature, and it appears that he did so with considerable
facility and comprehension. 269 He was certainly unwilling to get involved
in hair-splitting arguments with Greek theologians, especially those in the
Royal City, after the tragic sequel to his debate with the };atriarch of Constan-
tinople, Eutychius. Politically he was a Latin speaker, 0 but as a diplomat
and scholar, he was bilingual. As Claude Dagens put it, Gregory showed an
'ignorance plus politique que reelle.'
Conventions (formulae)
Titles for aristocratic women
Bertha (queen): your Glory (4 times)
Constantina (empress): your Excellency (5), your Serenity (1), your Piety (4)
and serenissima (3), piissima (1), tranquillissima (1)
Leontia (empress): your Piety (3), your Tranquillity (2)
Clementina: your Glory (5), gloriosa filia (3)
Eusebia: your Excellency (1), your Ladyship (3)
Rusticiana: your Excellency (12), gloriosa filia (21)
269. See L. Cracco Ruggini, 'Gregoire Ie Grand et Ie monde byzantin,' in Gregoire Ie
Grand, pp. 83-94. She sees him using the Greek works of Gregory of Nazianzen, Gregory
of Nyssa, Origen, Pseudo-Dionysus the Areopagite, John Chrysostom, Theodoret, Vitae
Patrum, Aeneas of Gaza, Paul's Apocolypse, Lucian and Sozomen. She also agrees that
Gregory knew Greek, quoting Claude Dagens on his 'ignorance plus politique que reelle.' Some
scholars fail to understand the contexts for his feigned ignorance. See McCready Signs of Sanctity,
pp. 6 and 178, where the pope is said to have a 'modest knowledge of the language.'
270. As is well argued by Recchia 1: 496-497 in his note on Ep 3.63. Richards, Consul of
God, p. 52, made the very odd remark that Gregory's 'Latin patriotism had something to do with
his refusal to learn Greek,' quoting Ep 3.63. His father would not have been amused by such a
refusal, with Homer on offer, for his only son with a Greek name. To see Greek theologians as
prone to tricky subtleties is a different matter. This would have required an extraordinarily sound
knowledge of their language. His problem was his lack of spare time. Markus Gregory the Great,
p. 33, admits that he knew some Greek patristic literature, and says that his knowledge of Greek
'is unlikely to have been either negligible or sufficient for easy competence.' Joan Peterson, 'Did
Gregory the Great Know Greek?' Studies in Church History 13 (1976): 121-134, objects to
'Gregory's disclaimers being taken at face value, countering others' credulity.

104
THE LETTERS OF GREGORY THE GREAT
Theoctista (Emperor's sister): your Excellency (8), your Veneration (1)
Theodelinda (queen): your Excellency (3), your Glory (4)
Honorific titles
Beatudo vestra (tua) your Beatitude
Caritas vestra your Charity
Devotio vestra your Devotion
Dignitas vestra your Dignity
Dilectio vestra your Beloved
Dulcedo vestra your Sweetness
Eminentia vestra your Eminence
Excellentia vestra your Excellency
Experientia vestra your Experience
Fraternitas vestra your Fraternity
Gloria vestra your Glory
Gravitas vestra your Gravity
Humilitas vestra your Humility
Magnitudo vestra your Greatness
Maiestas vestra your Majesty
Pietas vestra your Piety
Reverentia vestra your Reverence
Sanctitas vestra your Holiness
Sapientia vestra your Wisdom
Serenitas vestra your Serenity
Solicitudo vestra your Solicitude
Veneratio vestra your Veneration
vir piissimus Imperial rank, emperor (and serenissimus)
vir clarissimus Senatorial rank vir gloriosus High Sen, military rank
vir illustris Highest senatorial rank (also magnificus)
For the emperor/ress 'most pious Lordship(s)/Ladyship and 'most serene
Lordship' are very common, often combined, with dominus/domnus/domna.
'Most blessed Lordship' is common, as is 'celestial Majesty' and Augustus/a.
First words (almost all epistolary)
Pervenit ad me (29 cases: 'It has come to my attention'), Lator(z) praesentium
(over 14 cases) Praesentis praeceptioni, ('To/the bearer of this letter/ present
advice'), Praesentium po rtitor(es) ('The bearer(s) of this letter'), Directae
relationis (Of a direct return'), Praesentibus scriptis ('In the letter herewith'), Ep
1.44 Praesenti iussione ('With the present order'), Ep 1.57. Praesenti auctoritate
('With the present authority'), Ep 1.63. Praecepti pagina ('With the page's
order') omni excusatione vel dilatione omissa ('Putting aside every excuse or
delay') .
Other common formulae
Epp 3.51, 52 quem vestrae Excellentiae commendo ('whom I commend to your
Excellency'); Ep 3.29 singulis sua iura servamus ('we protect the rights of
individuals'); Ep 3.30 aliis sua iura non minuat ('let the rights of others not be
diminished'), in quantum possumus ('as far as we can'), possibilitas suppetit (as
possibility allows'), pro culpis meis ('for my sins!'), quod absit (Heaven forbid!),
Ep 1.30 sicut peccata mea merentur ('as my sins deserve'); Epp 1.46, 62 salva
iustitia ('with justice preserved'); Ep 2.39 subtili indagatione perquiri ('to inquire
with a careful investigation'); Ep 1.50 saepe/ supra fatus ('often/above
mentioned'), in tuis postmodum rationibus reputabimus ('we shall charge it after-
wards to your account'); Ep 1.51 ecclesia sacerdotis officio destituta; ('a church

INTRODUCTION
105
destitute of the office of a priest'), hac auctoritate communitus/ suffultus
'fortified by this authority'), districtus iudex ('a strict judge').
Gregory also used a complex array of formulaic salutations, especially at
the end of his letters, that need careful analysis. They are used most regularly
in his last letters, many of which are extremely formal ones. There is also a
need for a full analysis of all the honorary titles that are briefly set out above.

Coinages and rare words
Coinages
In the first four books, there are many words created by Gregory, although
several of those in Norberg's text are clearly false readings Qike arcesco for
arcesso in Epp 2.17, 18). Original are Gregory's use of amulae first in Ep 1.42
for 'wine-bowls,' baciola in Ep 1.42 for a 'chalice' (from a bowl, bacca),
brandeum in Ep 4.30 for a 'silk cloth' over Saints' bones, beneficia in Ep 3.33
for the special sense of 'relics,' burdatio in Ep 1.42 for a 'farmer's tax,' buxis in
Ep 4.30 for a small box, canterma in Ep 5.32 for 'magical spells,' commatres in
Ep 4.40 for 'priests' consorts,' conduma in Ep 2.50 for the farmers' 'manor
house,' daticia in Ep 1.73 for spare land farmed by defeated enemy slaves.,
decimata in Ep 1.42 for a 'wine measure,' desusceptum in Ep 3.49 for a
'promissory note,' exhebraeis in Ep 4.31 for 'converted Jews,' granaticum in Ep
1.42 for a 'grange,' mansionarius in Ep 4.30 for a 'sacristan,' optio in Ep 3.62
for a 'quartermaster,' palmatianae in Ep 1.64 for 'robes interwoven with palm
leaves,' scribo in Ep 2.50 for a 'recruiting officer,' sanctuaria in Ep 1.52 for
'holy relics,' servator in Ep 3.41 for a vicar's 'locum,' sextariaticum in Ep 1.42
for a 'sixteenth part tax,' suppostorium in Ep 1.42 for the 'silver dish' under a
chalice and vilicilium in Ep 1.42 for a 'steward's tax.' Most of these words
were coined by Gregory, or technical terms for tax, army, law and Church.
Some appear quite often.
Rare words
Among the more interesting ones are consuetudo in Ep 2.49 for a 'stipend,'
inhianter in Ep 4.35 for 'eagerly' and imminentia in Ep 4.10 for 'urgency,' both
borrowed from Augustine, foralis in Ep 1.60 for the usual forensis ('forensic')
and sculcae in Ep 2.28 for the usual exculcae ('palace guard'), neglectum in Ep
3.33 for negligentia ('negligence'), latrix in Ep 1.63, always used for a female
'letter-bearer' rather than lator, districtio in Ep 1.33 for a 'capital judgment,'
normally' strictness,' interminatio in Ep 1.59 for a 'threat,' and indisciplinatio
in Ep 5.8 for a 'lack of self-discipline.'
Diminutives
As an artist who was very sensitive to his choice of vocabulary, Gregory used
the diminutive with considerable care, in some cases as a technical term, in
others as a smaller version of a noun, but in most cases with emotional over-
tones, sometimes pejorative, and sometimes expressing tenderness, just as
Catullus and Juvenal did. For pejorative usages, see for example Epp 2.5

106
THE LETTERS OF GREGORY THE GREAT
parvulis causis ('petty excuses'), 4.11 iuvenculas ('young fillies' unfit to be
abbesses), 5.1 cartula ('a mere summary,' from carta) and 5.25 vernaculus (a
'cheeky slave'). For tenderness, see Epp 1.24 parvuli ('poor young man,' linked
with his mother's womb), filios parvulos ('wretched orphans'), 2.1 termlam
('small bit of land,' for lower rent) and 4.12 iuvenculos (unfortunate 'young
boys'). For technical terms, without emotion, see Epp 1.6 clausulas ('period
.endings'), libellos ('accounts'), sacculum ('treasury'), libellatica ('property-taxes'),
vascula ('holy vessels') and amulas ('jugs,' from (h)ama, 'water-bucket'). For
smaller versions, see Epp 1.24 pectusculum (' a little bit of breast'), tintinnabula
('tiny bells'), 1.42 baciola ('tiny bowl' or 'chalice'), and 1.47 capitula ('small
headings' or 'sections'). These diminutives come from Books 1-2, a few from
Books 4 and 5. For Books 5 to 14, diminutives will be discussed in the
apparatus, as above.
Imagery
Storm at sea imagery
Ep 1.41 Based on Virgil Aen (1.81-123) and Homer ad (5.291-381). Tantis
fluctibus quatior ut vetustam ac putrescentem navem ad portum dirigere nulla-
tenus possim ('I am being shaken by such great waves that I can in no way
direct myoid and rotting ship into port'), nunc ex adverso fluctus irruunt, nunc
ex latere cumuli spumosi maris intumescunt, nunc a tergo tempestas insequitur
('now waves crash into me from the front, now foaming billows swell up in
the sea on my side, now a storm attacks me from the rear') turbatus cogor
modo clavum dirigere in ipsa adversitate, modo declinare minas fluctuum curvato
navis latere ('I am confused, forced now to direct the rudder into the same
adversity, and now to deflect threatening waves away to one side, with the
ship's curving flank'), ingemisco...crescit sentina vitiorum et tempestate fortiter
obviante putridae naufragium tabulae sonant ('I groan because ... a bilge-water
of vices is rising, and the tempest violently accosts me, and the rotten planks
give the sound of shipwreck'). Flens reminiscor quod perdidi meae placidum litus
quietis, suspirando terram conspicio quam tenere non possum, rerum ventis
adversantibus ('Weeping, I recall that I have lost the placid shore of repose, and
I look with sighs at the land which I still cannot reach, as the winds of duties
blow against me'). Frater carissime, orationis in his fluctibus manum tende
('Dearest brother, stretch out the hand of your prayer to me in these waves').
The final distress is very close to that of Odysseus when swept away from
nearby Ithaca, the storm's build-up very like the great storm sent by Neptune
to destroy Aeneas' fleet.
Other storm/sailing imagery
Ep 1.4 vetustam navem vehementerque confractam ... suscepi ... undique enim
fluctus intrant et cotidiana ac valida tempestate quassatae putridae naufragium
tabulae sonant ... in hoc mihi periculo...manum porrigas ('I have taken on an old
and very broken down ship; for the waves pour in from all sides and the

INTRODUCTION
107
rotten planks, shaken by daily and powerful storms, sound like a shipwreck.
In this danger of mine, stretch forth your hand'); Ep 1.5 undique causarum
fluctibus quatior ac tempestatibus deprimor ('from all sides I am shaken by the
waves and weighed down by the tempests of cases'), Ep 1.7 multis enim cau-
sarum fluctibus quatior et tumultuosae vitae tempestatibus affligor ... periclitanti
mihi manum tendite, qui in virtutum litore statis ('For I am being shaken by
many waves4 affairs and afflicted by the storms of a tumultuous life; stretch
your hands to me in danger, you who are standing on the shore of virtues'),
Ep 1.20 procellas temporum superare ('to overcome the storms of the times'), Ep
1.25 multis causarum fluctibus quatior et post ilia quietis otia tumultuosae vitae
tempestatibus affligor...periclitanti mihi ('I am being shaken by many waves of
affairs, and after those quiet hours of peace, afflicted by the storms of a
tumultuous life...stretch your hands etc'), Ep 1.28 plerumque navis, quae
pervenire ad alta pelagi tempestatis post prosperitatem poterat, in ipso navigation is
initio, vento adversante, repellitur et ad portum repulsa revocatur (' for very often
a ship able to reach the open sea after a period of good weather, is checked at
the very start of its sea-voyage, with the wind against it, and is driven back,
and recalled to port') in eius gubernationibus ('in its proper steering'). In Epp
1.5; 1.7; 1.25, the simile leads to the same apt quotation from Ps 68:3 veni in
altitudinem maris et tempestas demersit me ('I have reached the depths of the
sea; and the tempest has submerged me'). A hand (of prayer) is often his final
hope. For actual storms, frequent and dangerous in winter, see: Ep 1.42
frumenta quae naufragio pereunt. Nautical and storm imagery appears very
often.
Animal and farming imagery
Ep 1.6 simiam leonem vocas ... quo scabiosos catulos, pardos vel tigrides ('you call
an ape a lion, as we call mangy puppies panthers or tigers').
Ep 1.18 grex...per pastoris lapsum...grex dominicus per praerupta possit sine pastore
diffluere ('the flocJt ... due to the pastor's lapse ... the Lord's flock may be
scatterd through rugged places without a shepherd') Ep 1.32 sine rectore quasi
sine pastore grex ('without a priest, like a flock without a shepherd'). Both
pastor and grex are common; quasi is quite unexpected.
Ep 1.45 conversi animus ad priorem denuo vomitum non mutatur ('the mind of
a convert does not revert again to its former vomit').
Ep 2.9 verbi tui fructum in suis horreis divinus condat agricola ('the divine
farmer may collect in his own granaries the produce of your word').
Ep 2.39 eadem calliditate ovium Dominicarum pastores, quo facilius gregem
capiat, transfusis venenis infu:ere et iure potestati propriae vindicare ('is trying
with the same cunning to infect the shepherds of the Lord's sheep, pouring his
poison through them, to capture their flocks more easily').

108
THE LETTERS OF GREGORY THE GREAT
Medical imagery
Ep 1.7 Epistulas ut fessus requiem, salutem aeger, fontem sitiens, umbram aestuans
accepi ('I received your letters, as a tired man receives rest, a sick man health,
a thirsty man a spring, and a hot one shade').
Ep 1.24 munda studeat manus, quae diluere sordes curat, ne tacta quaeque deterius
inquinet, si sordida ipsa insequens lutum tenet...Domini vasa ('his hand strives
to be pure, as it has the care of washing those that are dirty, in case each hand
which it touches becomes even dirtier, if when dirty itself it holds added
filth..the Lord's vessels'), Ep 1.24 se inquinari culpae sordibus ('he defiles
himself with the sordidness of sin'), Ep 1.24 per pietatis viscera in se
infirmitatem ceterorum transferat ('through the entrails of piety he may transfer
the sickness of the others on to himself'), Ep 1.24 qui sanandis vulneribus
praeest...quatenus per vinum mundentur putrida, per oleum sananda foveantur
('who is in charge of curing wounds ... so that the corrupt parts might be
purified by the wine and the parts to be cured might be warmed by the olive
oil'), Ep 2.20 quam flagello... ulcerat, hanc ... per salutem curet ('what He
ulcerates with the scourge, he may cure ... with good health') and Ep 2.39
transfusis venenis inficere (' infect by pouring poison through them'). See also
Ep 4.35.
Military imagery
Ep 1.58 qui ecclesiae militant ('soldiers of the Church'), Ep 1.59 armis iustitiae
praemunitus, hostiles impetus...superetis ('protected by the armour of justice, you
may defeat the enemy's attacks'), Ep 1.62 ecclesiae militantem (fighting for the
Church'), Ep 1.72 bellatores Domini ('soldiers of the Lord'), mentem velut
mucronem gladii vibrantis exacuat ('to sharpen your mind like the point of a
quivering sword'). He regularly prayed for a Church militant.
Musical imagery
Ep 5.53a Quid namque est officium corporis nisi organum cordis? Et quamlibet
peritus sit cantandi arti/ex, explere artem non valet, nisi ad hanc sibi et ministeria
exteriora concordent, quia nimirum can ticu m, quod docta manus imperat,
quassata organa proprie non resultant, nec artem flatus exprimit, si scissa rimis
ftstula stridet. Quanto itaque gravius expositionis meae qualitas premitur, in qua
dicendi gratiam sic fractura organi dissipat, ut hanc peritiae ars nulla componat,
('For what is the office of the body other than the organ of the heart?
However skilled an expert in singing might be, he cannot _ do justice to his
music, unless external services are also in harmony with it, because, of course,
an organ that is broken does not spring back properly for a song, even when
it is conducted by an experienced hand, nor does its wind produce an artistic
effect if its pipe is split with cracks, and is too shrill. And so, how much more
heavily is the quality of my exposition depressed, in which damage to the
organ dissipates the charm of my expression, so that no skill gained from ex-
perience can compose it?').

INTRODUCTION
109
Extended similes
Ep 1.74 sicut lucernae lumen per collimitantia quaeque quo lucet loca diffunditur,
ita actuum probitas...cognoscitur ('just as the light of a lamp spreads through all
the places bordering upon the spot where it shines, even so the honesty of
each person's actions is known').
Ep 1.75 si quando inter virentes segetes zizaniorum quae dam se infen importuna
commixtio,.l2aiic radicitus necesse est cultoris manus adimat, ne futurus secundae
segetis fructus possit intercipi. Et nos qui Dominici culturam agri suscepimus ab
omni zizaniorum scandalo ingenuam reddere segetem festinemus, quatenus ager
Dominico reditu abundantiori fructificet ('if ever some unwanted mass of tares
starts growing among verdant crops, the farmer's hand has to remove it by the
roots, to stop it destroying next harvest's coming crop. So let us also, who
have taken on the cultivation of the Lord's field, quickly make the crop
entirely free from all damage by tares, so the field of our Lord bears fruit with
a more abundant return').
Ep 2.39 lupus Dominicum gregem non iam in node latenter sed in aperta luce
dilaniat, et nos eum grassari in ovium nece cernimus, et...nullis verborum iaculis
obviamus. Quos fructus Domino multiplicati gregis ostendemus, si et ipsum quem
pascendum suscepimus, otiosa mente cernimus a bestia devorari? lile qui pastor-
pastorum est vigilasse nos circa ovile suum dignetur...comprobare ('the wolf tears
apart the Lord's flock no longer secretly in the night, but in the open light of
day, and we see him raging as he slaughters the sheep, yet we do not oppose
him with the javelins of our words. What fruits of a multiplied flock shall we
show to the Lord, if we idly watch the very flock which we undertook to feed
being devoured by the beast? Thus may he who is the shepherd of the
shepherds deign to grant that we have been vigilant around his sheepfold').
Ep 4.35 Qualiter neglectus inter initia morbus vires accipiat ex nostris necessita-
tibus, quisquis in hac sumus vita constituti, probamimus. Huic igitur nascenti, si
doctorum obstiterit provisio medicorum, scimus quidem quia ante so let cessare
quam noceat. Huius ergo considerationis ratio vehementur nos debet impellere ut
animorum morbis initiantibus tota festinemus possibilitate resistere, ne dum
salubria adhibere medicamenta negligimus, multorum vobis vitam, quos Deo
nostro contendimus lucrari, subripiant. Unde oportet ita nos caulas ovium, quibus
nos custodes videmur esse praepositi, vigilanti sollicitudine praemunire, quatenus
lupus insidians undique pastores sibi repugnantes inveniat, et viam ingrediendi in
eis non habeat. ('We have proved how much a disease, if neglected at the
beginning, obtains strength from the weak points of any of us created in this
life. Therefore if the foresight of clever doctors were to cure the disease at its
birth, we know for sure that it normally ceases before it can do any harm.
The message of this reflection ought to force us to resist powerfully the initial
diseases of the soul as far as is possible, with all speed, so that while we fail to
apply healthy medicines, men do not steal the lives of many from you, lives
with which we are striving to enrich our God. We must therefore protect the
sheepfolds of our sheep, over which we appear to have been placed as guardians,

110
THE LETTERS OF GREGORY THE GREAT
with vigilant care, in such a way that the cunning wolf finds shepherds fighting
against him on all sides, and has no way of getting into the sheepfold'). The
medical/wolf imagery fills the rest of the letter.
Metaphors
Ep 1.24 per sal verbi ('through the salt/wit of a word'), Ep 1.24 sub disciplinae
vinculo ('under a chain of discipline'), Ep 1.45 errorum spinas ('thorns of
error'), Ep 1.48 inimici / antiqui hostis/ insidiatoris laqueis/ insidiae ('Satan's
snares'), Ep 1.72 luce fulgere...enitescat ('shine with the light of victories'), Ep
1.72 cervices iugo premat ('press their necks under your yoke'); Ep 2.14 animarum
lucris ('profits in souls'). There are countless metaphors, but these suffice to show
the richness of Gregory's imagination in his very literary language.
Rhetorical formats (four cases given, exempli C4&fa) 271
Exordium (setting), Narratio (facts of case), Praemunitio (build-up of charge),
Argumentatio (proofs of crimes) and Peroratio (wind-up).
Ep 1.41, carefully tailored for Leander: 4-23 Exordium (Gregory's labors,
threat of shipwreck; to win Leander's sympathy), 24-34 Narratio (Conversion
of Reccared, promise of heavenly kingdom), 35-49 Praemunitio (a triple bap-
tism, local use, equal to three day resurrection), 50-58 Argumentatio (Greogry's
Moralia in lob sent, with his book on pastoral care, lessons for Leander), 59-64
Peroratio (Leander to rest from Church duties, safe in the hands of God).
Ep 3.44, on Bishop Andrew's concubine: 1-3 Exordium (danger of compla-
cency), 4-13 Narratio (facts of concubine, risk to an errant priest), 14-19
Praemunitio (Devil at work), 20-25 Argumentatio (errant peasant woman killed
by cudgels), 26-30 Peroratio Qamentation; medicine of reproof).
Ep 3.54a, a stinging attack on the bishop of Ravenna, worthy of Cicero:
1-11 Exordium (review of Castor's mission, illegal diocesan court), 12-45 Nar-
ratio (misuse of pallium in streets, due to pride), 46-81 Praemunitio (no prece-
dent for privileges, poor example, emissaries ignored), 82-102 Argumentatio
(priests guilty of sins, false precedents, bishop to punish them) and 103-116
Peroratio (no precedent for use of saddle-cloths, occasional use permitted).
Ep 3.61, contradicting Maurice: 1-6 Exordium (private advice to emperor),
7-20 Narratio (new law, no gov. officials to be ordained), 21-36 Praemunitio
(no soldier to be a monk, many suitable), 37-64 Argumentatio (Maurice's debt
to Christ, miracles from ex-army monks, God's army more important), 65-70
Peroratio Qaw broadcast, but opposed by Gregory, for God's sake).
Clausulae
For a typical example of his use of clausulae, see Ep 3.54, where almost every
paragraph ends with a Ciceronian clausula, the first -iusta correptio (cretic/
cretic), the second fulget humilitas (cretic/ anapaest), the third deterius vindicetur
271. One should not forget that Gregory was still studying rhetoric in July 595, five
years after beoming pope. See the note above on his letter to Leander of Seville, Ep 5.53a.

INTRODUCTION
111
(asiatic), the fourth (temer:Jare permiseris (cretic/ cretic) and the fifth -issime
prohibemus (hexam. ending, spat out).
Almost every important letter, especially those concerning the imperial
family and senior Church leaders, makes very effective use of clausulae, and
attention will often be drawn to them in context.
A very dated analysis of clausulae in Gregory's works was made by
Kathleen &aZzel. 272 In her book, she stressed the great attention paid by
Gregory to clausulae, in his Registrum especially.
Parataxis
Ep 1.5 sedere festinavi, verba percipere ('I hastened to sit, to hear the words'),
compellor ministrare, erga multa tagere ... volui oblivisci, ad pedes quiescere ('I
am forced to minister, to be busy with many pursuits ... I wanted to forget,
find rest at the feet'), rota ex posteriori attollitur, in anterioribus cadit ('the
wheel rises in the rear, descends in the front'), posteriora sunt bona, anteriora
sunt aeterna ('those in the rear are good, those in the front eternal'), vocari leo
potest, [teri leo non potest (' he can certainly be called a lion, he cannot become
a lion'), Epp 1.7, 25 fessus requiem, salutem aeger, fontem sitiens, umbram
aestuans ('as a tired man receives rest, a sick man health, a thirsty man a
spring, a hot one shade'), Ep 1.24 cogitatione mundus, operatione praecipuus,
diseretus in silentio, utilis in verbo, singulis proximus, prae cunctis suspensus, bene
agentibus socius, contra vitia erectus ('pure in thought, outstanding in action,
discrete in silence, useful with speech, very close to individuals, uplifted more
than all others, allied with those doing good, upright against vices').
Anaphora
Ep 1.2 multum dilexi, multum veneratus sum ('I loved you greatly, venerated
you greatly'), nulla luera, nullius vel minae vel amicitiae ('no riches, nobody's
threats or friendship'). Ep 1.4 si virtus consistit, si diligere iubemur ('if virtue is
consistent, if we are ordered to love'), nil appetens, nil pertimescens ('desiring
nothing, fearing nothing'). Ep 1.6 quicquid aspicitur, quicquid ereditur
('whatever is looked at, whatever is believed'). Ep 1.24 non prospera, non
adversa, non blanda, non aspera ('not prosperity, not adversity, not allurements,
not hardships'); per iudicem, per angelorum frequentiam, per ecclesiam ('by the
judge, by the multitude of angels, by the Church'). Ep 1.41 nunc ex adverso,
nunc ex latere, nunc a tergo...modo dirigere, modo declinare ('now from the
front, now from the side, now from the rear, now to direct, now to deflect').
Chiasmus
Ep 1.5 intus corruens, ascendisse exterius videor ('I seem to have ascended
without, while within collapsing'). Ep 1.6 triste est quicquid aspicitur, quicquid
272. Kathleen Brazzel, The (Clausulae'in the Works ofSt Gregory the Great (Washington,
DC, 1939).

112
THE LETTERS OF GREGORY THE GREAT
delectabile creditur lamentabile apparet ('gloomy is whatever is seen, whatever
is thought delightful appears lamentable'). Ep 1.24 impendo quod peto, recipiam
quod impendo ('I provide what I seek, I shall receive what I provide'), aut
solvere quos religant, aut ligare quos solvant ('either to untie those they bind,
or to bind those they untie'), aut tacenda proferat, aut proferenda reticescat ('he
reveals what should be kept quiet, keeps silent about what should be re-
vealed'). Ep 1.31 largitate magis gratiae quam iudicii aestimatione ('more
through the generosity of your kindness than the reckoning of your judg-
ment'): Ep 1.43 et proximum in Deo, et Deum in proximo ('we are shown to
love our neighbor in God and God in our neighbor'). Ep 4.1 benignitate eorum
moribus, eorum necessitatibus compassione ('with kindness to their morals, to
their needs with compassion'). Note the many cases of chiasmus.
Antithesis
Ep 1.24, in semetipso virtute spiritus ad alta valenter rapitur et pietate in aliis
aequanimiter ad ima revocatur ('in his own case he is strongly drawn to the
heights by the virtue of his spirit, and by piety to others he is recalled
patiently to the depths' 3 pairs), per vinum mundentur putrida, per oleum
sananda foveantur ('so that the corrupt parts might be purified by the wine
and the parts to be cured might be warmed by the olive oil' 3 pairs), sit ergo
amor sed non emolliens, sit vigor sed non exasperans ('let there be love without
softness, let there be vigor without harshness' 3 pairs). Ep 1.25 cum credere volo
quod dicitis, contradicit mihi infirmitas mea, cum disputare volo quod in laude
mea dicitur, contradicit mihi sanctitas vestra ('although I want to believe what
you say, my weaknesses speak against me, although I want to reject what is
said in praise of me, Your Sanctity speaks against me' 6 pairs). Ep 1.26 estis
quod ex omnipotentis Dei munere accepistis esse, non quod ex voluntate hominum
putamini non esse ('you are what you have accepted to be by the gift of omni-
potent God, and not what you are thought to be, by the wishes of humans'
5 pairs). Ep 1.31 nec ad appetendum locum procax insistere, nec ad repellendum
contumax debet inveniri ('he ought neither to persist shamelessly in seeking
after a position, nor be found insolent in rejecting one' 4 pairs). Ep 1.33 aut
te cupio salvari, aut de tua morte me eripi ('either I want you to be saved, or
myself to be freed from causing your death'). Ep 1.73 sicut exteriora vos
virtutum opera eminenter in hac vita constituerant, ita et interna morum orna-
menta ex cordo mundo in futura vita glorificant ('for as external works of virtue
make you distinguished in this life, even so internal moral distinctions pro-
ceeding from a pure heart, glorify you with participation in heavenly joys in
a future life' 6 pairs). Gregory's love of wordplay is very clear in these
complex pairings.
Correlatives
Epp 1.2, 32 in quantum/in tantum. Epp 1.6, 24, 26, 32, 68, 72 tanto/ quanto.
Epp 1.9, 11, 18,24 non solum/sed etiam. Epp 1.8,9, 12, 18, 20 tam/quam. Epp

INTRODUCTION
113
1.10, 16, 19 ut/ita/sicut/ita (the most usual pairings)/ita/ut. Ep 1.24 hic/illic.
As a well trained Latin scholar, Gregory was very partial to neatly balanced
clauses, and he made very frequent use of these and other correlatives, such as
et/ et, nec/ nec, huc/ illuc, hac/ illa, hoc/ illo, quo/eo (with comparatives), vel/vel,
aut/ aut, qualis/ talis, tam/ quam and sive/ sive or seu/ seu, in all his letters. Scribes
and editors often fail to appreciate this careful balance.

Wordplay
Ep 1.3 profecisse/ profectus; Ep 1.5 continentias/ continentia and allevati, alle-
varentur, allevatio; Ep 1.8 corporis/ incorporaliter; Ep 1.9 possessorem/possessum;
Ep 1.11 potens est consolari, et ipse ... consolator accedere; Ep 1.24 ne aut tacenda
proferat, aut proferenda reticescat (with a chiasmus); Ep 4.5 exigere/ exiguntur, Ep
1.19 iustum est ut nemo compellatur in vitus, ita censendum ne quisquam insons
deiciatur iniuste; Ep 1.27 obliviscentem me non obliviscor (see Antithesis for
other such cases).
Irony (often in unexpected climaxes)
Ep 1.5 sed stultis pressus cogitationibus ('but oppressed by foolish thoughts'),
contemplativae vitae puchritudinem velut Rachelem dilexi - sterilem ('I have loved the
beauty of the contemplative life, like Rachel - being sterile'). See Ep 1.6 also.
Ep 1.24a sunt plerique mihi imperitia similes ('there are many men just like me,
in their - inexperience').
Ep 1.24a n.7 pulchrum hominem depinxi - pictor foedus ('I've painted a beautiful
person - being a lousy painter').
Ep 1.29 quod me ad episcopatus ordinem cognoscitis pervenisse - plangite. ('as for
your knowing I have become pope, if you love me - weep for me'). .
Ep 1.30 non Romanorum sed Langobardorum episcopus factus sum ('I've been
made bishop not of the Romans but of the - Lombards').
Ep 1.42 agimus gratias sollicitudini tuae quia de causa fratris mei praecepi ...et sic
oblivioni mandasti ac si tibi aliquid ab extrema mancipio tuo diceretur ('We are
grateful for 'your'concern,' as in my brother's case, I advised you to return his
silver, and you consigned this to oblivion, just as if you'd been asked by your-
lowest slave'); solicitudo, a flattering title, is ironical, the slave hyperbolical.
Ep 1.42 omnem illam familiarem tuam - neglegentiam postpone ('put aside all of
your usual - negligence').
Ep 3.54 decorari pallio volumus, dum nihil in episcopali cervice splendidius quam
fulget - humilitas? ('do we want to be decorated with a pallium, while nothing
gleams more splendidly on a bishop's neck than - humility?'
Ep 9.156 importunitatem Dulcedinis vestrae ('the rudeness of your Sweetness')
Euphony
Ep 1.2 inter vos et ecclesiasticos simulationem subrepere comperi vehementissime
Contristatus sum (a snaky subrepere hisses + sibilants).
Ep 1.14 recepta satisfactione in fzdem catholicam communicasse cognoscas

114
THE LETTERS OF GREGORY THE GREAT
(a blend of gutturals, sibilants and ms, with a mass of cs and ps to follow).
Ep 1.33 dum vacat, dum licet, animadversionem tanti terroris luge (Gregory
warns the errant monk with a double dum, dentals, alliteration and a contrast
between the heavy animadversionem and short, spat out luge ).
Ep 1.34 in Terracinensi castro consistentes convenire consueverant, tua eos
Iraternitas expulisset (a lot of gutturals and sibilants are spat out).
Ep 1.41 divinitatem dividant, dumque quod laciebant laciunt, morem vestrum se
vicisse glorientur (to the Roman ear, I sounded ugly).
Ep 3.7 cum consensu omnium clericorum contra suum pontificem se suggessisse
prolessi sunt (singularly sibilant, with heavy um/ em endings).
Ep 3.54 In this letter, most of the clausulae are spat out with clashing dentals
and sibilants, as Gregory castigates Bishop John. 273
THE LETIERS: BIBliCAL QUOTATIONS
A detailed analysis of Gregory's biblical quotations is provided above, pp.
14-17. This list provides an index to all citations in the letters. A semicolon
separates the chapters of each biblical book.
The Old Test4ment
[Book [letter] Appendix - App Responsa =- Ep 8.37]
Genesis 2:17 [7.30]; 2:24 2 [8.37, 11.27]; 3:4-5 [7.22]; 4:4 [9.229b]; 4:9 [10.21];
4:10 [10.21]; 18:1-8 [2.44], 20-21 [7.14]; 19 [7.5]; 22:12 [10.21]; 23 2 [8.6, 35];
27:25-27 [2.44]; 28:12-18 [1.24]; 29:16f [1.5]; 31:38 [9.136]; 34:2 [3.62], 25 [3.62],
30 [3.62]; 39 [10.21]
Exodus 3:8ff [1.24]; 13:14, 16, 17, 33 [11.36]; 14:14 [11.46]; 15:19 2 [7.5, 22];
19: 16 [8.37]; 22:9, 22, 28 2 [5.36]; 28:4ff [1.24], 8 [1.24], 35 [1.24]; 29:5-6 [1.24],
22 [1.24]; 33:21 [9.148], 23 [9.148]
Leviticus 11 [1.6]; 12:2-5 [8.37]; 15: 16 2 [8.37], 19-24 [8.37]; 18:6, 7 [8.37], 16
[8.37]; 20:21 [8.37]
Deuteronomy 16:2 [S.54a]; 23:26 [8.37]; 25:4 [1.24]
Joshua 15:18-19 [7.22]
Judges 13-16 [9.13]
Ruth 1:20 3 [1.6, 3.63, 9.228]
2 Samuel 24:10-15 [10.20]
1 Kings 7:23-5 [1.24]; 19:19 [1.6]
1 Chronicles 11:18 [9.229b]; 12:2 [5.42]; 23:29 [8.37]
Tobit 4:8 [7.25], 16 [11.4]
Job 1:1 [5.36]; 3:2, 5, 7, 6:7, 7:15, 19, 20, 9:13, 13:26 [all cited in 5.54a]; 14:1-5
[9.148]; 16:19 2 [11.1, 27]; 19:25 [12.6]; 26:5 [7.5]; 27:6, 31:16-20 [5.54a]; 30:29 2
[10.15, 11.27]; 41:25 [5.41]
273. For a brief analysis of these sound effects see Eugenio Massa, 'Gregorio Magno e
l'arte de linguaggio: Alcune osservazioni,' in Gregorio Magno e if suo tempo 2: 59-104.

INTRODUCTION
115
psalms 2:11 [7.22]; 6:6 [7.15], 7 2 [11.4, 28]; 9:14 [2.30]; 15:8 [9.229b]; 21:19 [5.63];
26:8 [1.5]; 27:4 [6.63], 7 [9.196]; 33:7 [11.28]; 36:20 [1.5]; 38:6 [9.148]; 39:13 [1.5];
45:7 [11.52]; 49:15 [8.2]; 50:15 [App]; 51 (50):7 [8.37]; 51.5 [9.148]; 51.14 [9.228];
54:6 2 [7.7, 9.196]; 55:22 [8.2]; 67:6 [1.60]; 68:2 [1.25], 3 [1.6], 14 [8.2]; 69:3 [7.22];
69:4 [6.63]; 71:3 [11.1]; 72:18 [1.5], 28 [11.27]; 73:18 [9.228]; 76:11 [9.229b]; 81:8
[7.27]; 82:13 [1.5]; 83 (84):6 [7.29]; 84:5-6 [9.228]; 86:17 [11.36]; 88:17-18 [11.1]; 95:2
[App]; 96: 11{13.32]; 102:4-5 [3.64]; 117:24 [7.7]; 118:22-23, 24 [7.7], 107 2 [1.6, 25];
126 (125):5 [12.2], 6 [6.63]; 129:3 [11.28] 132:9 [1.24]; 139:21 2 [2.40, 5.32]; 140:5
[5.44]; 141:7 [10.14]; 150:4 [7.29]
Proverbs 1:5 [1.5]; 3:9 [9.219]; 14:4 3 [7.8, 8.29, 13.43], 18 [9.230], 23 [11.1], 34
[11.46]; 15:32 [9.224]; 16:5 [5.44], 18 2 [5.37, 8.2], 32 [11.4]; 18:14 [11.4], 17
[9.148]; 19 [9.215]; 21:27 [9.219], 30 [5.39]; 22:24-25 [11.4]; 24:11 [10.15]; 25:25
[10.21]; 26:11 [1.45]; 27:6 [7.24]; 28:14 "[7.22]
Ecclesiastes 9: 10 [1.33]; 24: 11 [10.15]; 32: 14 [5.44]; 34:25 [11.27]
Song of Songs 1:3-4 [7.22]; 6:9 [9.148]
Wisdom 1:11 [3.52]; 9:15 [7.7]
Sirach 3:29 [7.25]; 6:6, 10:9 2 [5.44]; 11:28 [7.8]; 27:11 [7.7]; 29:8-20 [11.26], 12
[7.25]; 34:20 [9.219]
Isaiah 43:26 [11.18]; 46:8 [1.5]; 52:11 [1.24]; 56:10 [1.24]; 58:12 [1.24, 33]
Jeremiah 4:10 [App]; 17:24 [13.1]
Lamentations 1:16 [1.6]; 2:14 [1.24]; 3:41 [App]
Ezekiel 2:6 [11.27]; 3:17 [1.33], 18-19 [1.33]; 13:5 [1.24]; 33:11 [App]; "44:20
[1.24]
Daniel 2:21 [13.32]; 4:17 [13.32]
Hosea 4:2 [9.228]
Amos 6:12 [1.6]
Zechariah 13: 1 [7.22]
Malachi 2:7 2 [1.24, 5.36]
The Ne'IIJ Testament
Matthew 5:3 [5.54], 9 2 [5.54, 9.197], 11 [11.27], 14 [8.2], 16 2 [6.63, 11.27], 23-
24 [7.5]; 6:1-3 [12.2]; 7:2 [11.4]; 8 [7.33], 12 [11.4], 15 [8.2], 16 [9.148], 22-23
[11.36]; 10:8 3 [5.58, 8.28, 9.197], 16 [5.36], 19-20 [2.44], 22, 24 [11.27], 25 2
[11.1, 27], 26 [5.63]; 11:7-8 [11.27], 29 [5.44]; 12:25 [8.2], 35 [7.29], 36 [1.33];
13:17 [7.15], 31-32, 33 [5.41], 43 [7.7]; 14:3ff [8.37]; 15:11 3 [3.52, 8.37, 11.27],
12-14 2 [11.1, 27], 19 [8.37], 26 [5.16]; 16:18 [13.40], 19 3 [5.37, 7.37, 13.40];
17:27 2 [11.1, 27]; 18:6, 7, 10, 15-17 [9.197], 20 [9.197]; 19:6 [11.27], 9 [1.4,
11.27], 18-19 [2.25]; 20:27 [5.44]; 21: 12 4 [5.58, 62, 63, 9.219]; 23:8-9 [5.44], 12 4
[7.25, 30, 8.2, 9.229b], 13 [7.7]; 24:20 [1.33], 29-31 [10.20], 35 [11.4]; 25:3-4
[11.27], 14-30 [9.163], 21 3 [5.62, 7.5, 11.9], 23 [9.223], 26-27 [8.33], 35-36
[12.2], 40 2 [9.226, 12.2]; 27:63 [11.27]; 28:9 [7.22]
Mark 3:24 [8.2]; 4:26-29 [11.36]; 5:19 [1-5], 44 [8.22]; 6:17ff [8.37]; 9:49 [7.29];
50 2 [1.24, 7.5]; 11: 13 [9.229b]; 12:42ff [8.33]; 13:32 [10.21]; 14:3££ [8.33]

116 THE LE TTERS OF GREGOR Y THE GRE AT
Luke 1:38 [11.52], 41 [7.25], 43 [11.52]; 2.14 5 [5.42, 9.229b, 11.36, 13.32]; 4:8
[11.10]; 6:12-19 [1.24], 27 [8.22], 35 [8.22]; 7:38 [8.33], 47 [7.22]; 8:43£ [8.37];
9:60 [5.44]; 10:17 [11.36], 20 [11.36], 24 [7.15], 27 [2.25], 30 [1.24], 39-40 [7.22],
39-42 [1.5]; 11:10 2 [7.33],17-18 [8.2]; 13:27 [11.36]; 14:5 [13.1],11 5 [5.44,7.25,
30, 8.2, 9.229b]; 15:7 [11.36]; 16:10 3 [5.44, 7.5], 21 [5.44]; 18:14 5 [5.37, 7.25, 30,
8.2, 9.229b]; 19:13 2 [2.40, 7.37]; 21.2ff [8.33], 9-11 [10.20]; 22:31-32 2 [5.37,
7.37], 53 [8.2]
John 1:12 [1.24], 14 [11.52]; 3:13 [11.52]; 5:17 [11.36]; 10:1-2 [11.28], 9 2 [11.2, 28],
12 [1.24], 27 [11.2]; 12:3 [8.33], 31 [3.62], 32 [7.15]; 13:2 [7.30], 10 [11.27], 27 [7.30];
35 [11.36]; 14:6 [8.37], 27 [13.41]; 15:19 [11.1]; 16:202 8.2, 11.27], 22 [11.27], 33
[8.2]; 17:21 [7.37]; 19:23 [7.5]; 20:11-18 [7.22]; 21:16-17 [5.37, 7.5, 37]
Acts 2:3 2 [1.24, 6.63]; 4:32 2 [3.65, 8.37], 35 [8.37]; 5:1-10 2 [1.24, 33]; 8:20
[11.28]; 10:13 [1.6], 26 [1.24]; 11:7, 12 [11.27]; 14:22 [5.42]; 20:26-27 [1.33]
Romans 2:12 [7.15]; 7:23 [7.7]; 8:8-9 [11.27], 18 [5.42]; 10:2 [11.27], 10 2 [1.24,
6.16]; 11:13 [1.24]; 12:3 [1.24], 10 [5.44], 18 2 [5.41, 11.1]; 13:14 [13.1]; 14:3
[2.44]; 15:4 [2.44]; 16: 18 [5.39], 19 [5.36]
1 Corinthians 1:12 [5.44], 13 [5.44]; 3:112 [9.136, 11.28], 17 [9.229b]; 4:5 [5.36];
21 [1.24]; 6:9 [8.37]; 7:2-3 [1.24], 4 [11.27], 6 [8.37], 9 [8.37]; 9:9 [1.24], 20
[1.24], 27 [7.22]; 11:31 [11.18]; 12:26 2 [2.40, 7.7], 27 [1.60]; 13:5 [5.44]; 15:22
[9.148], 33 [5.44], 50 [11.27]
2 Corinthians 1:8-9 [5.42], 9 [7.7], 12 2 [11.1, 11.27], 24 [1.24]; 2:15 [8.33]; 4:5
[1.24]; 5:13 [1.24], 14-15 [7.5]; 6:1-2 [1.33], 7 [1.24], 8 [11.27], 16 [13.41]; 8:9 [5.46],
14 [7.25]; 10:6 [2.44]; 11.2-4 [1.24], 29 [1.24]; 12:2-5 [7.22]
Galatians 1:10 [11.27]; 4:29 [11.27]; 5:2 [13.1]; 6:2 [2.5], 4 [11.27], 8 [11.27], 9
[6.63], 14 [7.5]
Ephesians 4:3 3 [5.41, 7.5, 28]; 5:29 [13.1]
Philippians 2:3 [5.57a], 15 2 [10.15, 11.27], 21 [5.58]; 4: 18 [13.35]
Colossians 4:6 [7.29]
1 Thessalonians 1:4 [9.197]; 2:1-2 [7.27], 7 2 [1.24, 5.41]
1 Timothy 1:7 [4.3]; 3:6-7 2 [5.58, 8.4], 10 [9.219]; 4:8 [9.232]; 5:1 [9.1], 14
[7.28]; 6:10 [7.5]
2 Timothy 1:12 [12.2]; 2:20 [8.33]; 3:122 [7.27, 8.2]; 4:2 [3.52]
Titus 1:9 [1.24], 15 [8.37], 16 [7.15]
Hebrews 5:4 [7.5]; 9:4 [1.24]; 12:6 4 [2.4, 5.54a, 9.102, 11.18]; 10 [7.5], 14 4 [5.41,
44, 6.63, 11.28]
James 1:19-20 [11.4]; 2:17 [9.216], 20 2 [7.15, 9.229b]; 4:6 2 [5.37, 5.44]; 5:16 2
[1.24, 6.19]
1 Peter 2:9 [1.24]; 5:8 [5.41], 20 [9.161]
2 Peter 2:7-8 [11.27], 22 2 [1.45, 11.27]
1 John 2:4 [7.15], 18 [5.44]; 4:4 [5.45], 18 [7.29]; 5:20 2 [11.52]
14: 12, 20 [8.22]
Revelation 17: 15 [7.5]; 21:5 [7.27]; 22: 1-2 [7.27]

The Letters
of Gregory the Great


BOOK ONE
Month of September, ninth indiction
1.1 Gregory  all the bishops appointed throughout Sicily I September 590
As our predecessors decided, we have considered it is very necessary that we
should commit all your affairs to one and the same person, and that our
authority should be represented through the man entrusted with it, where we
cannot be present ourselves. And so, with God's help, we have committed our
duties within the province of Sicily to Peter, sub-deacon of our see. 1 For we
can have no doubt as to the actions of that man, to whom, with God's help,
we are known to have committed the whole patrimony of our Church. 2
We have also considered it right that your Fraternity should meet all
together once a year, either at the city of Syracuse or at Catania, with the
honor it deserves, and as we have ordered you to do. For you ought to settle
with moderation, in conjunction with the same Peter, sub-deacon of our see,
all that concerns the interest of the province itself, and of its churches,-
whether to lighten the burden of the poor and oppressed, or to admonish all
men and those whose faults happen to have been proved.
Let hatred, the source of wrongdoing, be far removed from this synod,
and let mutual en and all too detestable discord of minds, fade away
within you. Let concord, pleasing to God, and love recognize you as his
priests. Therefore carry out all of these things with that maturity and tran-
quility, so that the synod can most worthily be called episcopal.
1.2 Gregory to Justin, praetor of Sicily I September 590
My conscience attests what my tongue says. I already loved you greatly and I
venerated you greatly,4 when you were involved in occupations of no high stand-
ing. For the modesty of your start, with its various struggles, demanded by itself
that you ought to be loved even by someone not wanting to do so. And when I
heard that you had come to administer the praetorship of Sicily, I was greatly
1. Peter was a very close friend of Gregory. Their conversations together form the
context for the "composition of Gregory's Dialogues in 593: see DUtlogi 1.2.
2. Gregory administered all of his Sicilian patrimony through Peter, although it was
divided into two by April 593, with rectors at Syracuse and Palermo. Sicily's bishops, like
those of Latium, Calabria, Lucania and Apulia, were directly subject to the canonical author-
ity of the Roman see rather than relying on that of a metropolitan archbishop. For the role
of the 'defender,' see John R.C. Martyn, 'Six Notes on Gregory the Great,' MedieualUt et
Humanistica, n.s. 29 (2003): 1-25, esp. 1-7.
3. See Horace, Satires 1.1.111 for invidUt tabescat, death by envy (Ovid, Metamorphoses
3.445, 4.259). Gregory echoes Silius Italicus 8.5.21: internae tabes et civic a vulnus invidUt.
4. The use of the plurals vos and nos is common, as here, for a formal address.

120
THE LETTERS OF GREGORY THE GREAT
delighted. 5 But because I found that some mistrust was creeping in between you
and the clergy, I was greatly saddened. Yet now, since the cares of administration
occupy you, just as concern over this office occupies me, we can rightly love each
other specifically only in as far as we do no harm at all to people in general. And
so I ask through the almighty Lord, before whose fearful judgment we shall have
to account for our actions, that your Glory always keeps your regard for Him
before your eyes, and never permits anything from which even a small disagree-
ment may arise between us. Let no bribes draw you to injustice, and let no one's
threats or friendship deflect you from the path of righteousness. Look at how brief
life is, contemplate before what judge you are going to appear, and how soon, you
who exercise judicial power. And so one should consider carefully that we leave
all of our riches here, and only carry for Judgment examples of riches distributed
by us. 6 We should, therefore, seek those rewards which death can in no way re-
move, but which the end of this present life can show to be about to last forever.
But concerning the grain which you write about, that magnificent gentle-
man Citonatus asserts, very differently, that only so much has been sent across
as should be supplied to replenish the fublic granary,? in proportion to the
debt from the past fifteen year period. Concerning this matter, take care in
case, if any lesser amount is sent over here, not just one person but the whole
population may be destroyed simultaneously.9
To govern the patrimony of Sicily, however, I have sent over with God's
authority such a man,10 that he should be entirely in agreement with you,
in my opinion, if you love what is right, as I have discovered to be so.
But as for your advice to me that I should remember you, I assure you
that, provided no injustice from the snares of the ancient enemy11 steals you
from me, I have come to recognize such great modesty in your Glory that I
would blush not to be yours truly.
5. The imperial province of Sicily had been administered by a praetor, since Justinian.
6. The Judge would welcome Gregory's donation of his family's riches to the Church.
7. The hybrid Greek word sitonicum (from otTO 'grain') suggests an annual measure of
wheat, or public granary (as here). The canon frumentarius, stipulating annual grain supplies
from Sicily (and Africa and Sardinia) dated back to Augustus' time.
8. The fiscal period lasted from 1 September to 31 August, in a -fifteen-year cycle. Cito-
natus was the prefect in charge of the grain supply in Rome (unknown elsewhere). He seems
to be making no allowance for the extra demands after the flood; see below.
9. At the end of the year before, a flooding of the river Tiber destroyed the Church's
granaries, and several thousand measures of grain were lost (see Gregory of Tours, Historia
Francorum 10.1). Gregory, who was probably in charge of Rome's grain-supply early in his
career, tried to provide the city with grain. In Ep 5.36, written in 595, he defends himself
before the emperor against charges resulting from a shortage of grain.
10. The Peter in Ep 1.1.
11. An expression for Satan frequently used by Gregory in his letters.

BOOK ONE
121
t.3 Gregory to Paul the scholastic I September 590
However much strangers congratulate me, due to the honor of my episcopal
office, I do not put much value on it. But when you congratulate me over this
matter, it brings me no little pain, as you are very well aware of my wish and
yet believe that I have been successful. For it would have been the highest
promotion for me if what I wanted could have been fulfilled, if I had been
able to achi my desire, which you have long known about, the attainment
of longed-for peace and quiet. But as things are, because I am held bound by
the chains of this office in the city of Rome, I have something over which I
may also rejoice, to your Glory. For with the arrival of the ex-consul and
most eminent Lord Leo, I suspect that you will not remain in Sicily. And
when you too, bound by your office, realize that you are kept in Rome, you
will recognize what grief and bitterness I myself am suffering.
However, at the arrival of that magnificent gentleman, the prefect 12 Lord
Maurentius, I beg you, cooperate with him in what is necessary for the city
of Rome, for outside the city we are incessantly cut down by hostile swords,
but inside it we are more heavily oppressed by the danger of sedition among
our troops.13 But with God's authority we have sent over Peter, our sub-
deacon, to govern the patrimony of our Church, and we recommend him to
your Glory in every way.
Month of October, ninth indiction
1.4 Gregory to John of Constantinople 14 I October 590
If the virtue of charity consists of love for one's neighbors, and if we are
accordingly ordered to love our neighbors as ourselves,15 why is it that your
Beatitude does not love me as much as you love yourself? For I know with
what ardor, with what zeal you wished to escape the burdens of the episco-
pate, and yet you did not prevent these same burdens of the episcopate from
being imposed on me. And so it is certain that you do not love me as much
as you love yourself, for you wanted me to undertake those burdens that you
did not want imposed on yourself. But because, while unworthy and infirm,
I have taken on an old and very broken down ship (for the waves pour in
from all sides and the rotten planks, shaken by daily and powerful storms,
suggest a shipwreck), I ask by our almighty Lord that in this danger of mine
you stretch forth the hand of your prayer. For you are able to pray all the
more earnestly, as you are situated further away from the confusion of the
tribulations from which we suffer in this country.
12. His title of c(h)artularius was a military one here, it seems, and could describe a praeJectus
(see Paul the Deacon, Histaria Langobardorum, who so describes Narses). For more on Maurenti-
us, see Epp 8.12; 9.17, 53, 65, 109, 125, 160 where as magister militum he is equal to a general.
13. The mercenaries in the garrison of Rome were threatening to revolt, until
Maurentius checked their sedition. Among complaints, the troops had not been paid.
14. John IV, the 'faster,' patriarch of Constantinople 582-595.
15. From Mt 19:19.

122
THE LETTERS OF GREGORY THE GREAT
But 1 am sending over a synodical letter, 16 to follow post-haste, as 1 have
released the bearer of this letter, Bacauda,17 our brother and fellow-bishop,
at the very beginning of my ordination, although under the pressure of many
weighty occupations.
1.5 Gregory to Theoctista, sister of the ernperor 18 I October 590
1 cannot fully express in words with what devotion my mind submits to your
Veneration, nor do 1 take pains to speak out, because even if 1 keep quiet, you
read in your heart what you sense about my devotion. But 1 am surprised that
you have withdrawn from this present objection to my pastoral office the
objections made against me before. Yet in this way, 1 have been brought back
to the world in the guise of a bishop, in which 1 am as much a slave to earthly
cares, as 1 remember being a slave to them in my life as a layman. For 1 have
lost the profound joys of my peace and quiet, and 1 seem to have risen exter-
nally, while falling internally. Wherefore, 1 deplore my expulsion far from the
face of my Creator. 19 For 1 was trying every day to move outside the world,
outside the flesh, to drive all corporeal images from my mind's eye and to
regard the joys of Heaven in an incorporeal way. Not only with my words
but also with the innermost parts of my heart 1 kept saying, panting before a
vision of God: 'My heart said unto you, 1 have sought your face, your face,
Lord, shall 1 seek. ,20 But desiring nothing in this world, fearing nothing, 1
thought 1 was standing on some high pinnacle, in such a way that 1 could
believe that what 1 had learnt from the prophet promised by God was almost
fulfilled in me: 'I will raise you above the heights of the earth.,21 For a man
is 'raised above the heights of the earth' who contemptuously spurns even the
very things that appear noble and glorious in the present world. But suddenly
driven by a tornado from the pinnacle of this temptation, 1 have fallen head-
long into fears and trepidations, because, although 1 am afraid of nothing for
myself, yet 1 greatly fear for those who have been entrusted to me. From all
sides 1 am shaken by the waves and weighed down by the tempests of affairs, so
that 1 may rightly say: 'I have reached the depths of the sea; and a tempest has
16. Included as the lengthy Ep 1.24 (for 'synodical,' see note thereon).
17. Bishop of Formi (n,ow Mola di Gaeta) on the coast between Rome and Naples. He
was sent to Constantinople in October 590, and died in April 597 (Ep 7.16), succeeded in
October by Albinus (Ep 9.45). See also Epp 1.8; 2.45; 4.42.
18. This letter was probably sent in the same batch as Ep 1.4. It is likely that Ep 1.6 was
written before this one. In it Gregory responds to being called a lion by Narses. Theoctista, sister
of the Emperor Maurice, helped Gregory while he was in Constantinople (see Ep 7.27). She does
not appear in the Byzantine histories. The letter's tone reveals the depth of their friendship. See
the final note to this letter.
19. Like Adam and Eve, driven far from Paradise.
20. From Ps 26 (27):8. Gregory adds 'I have sought your face.' He normally quotes from
memory, and with great accuracy, but often adds or adapts a phrase.
21. Is 58:14.

BOOK ONE
123
overwhelmed me.,22 After all my affairs, I long to return to my heart's desire,
but I cannot return, being excluded from it by the vain tumults of my thoughts.
For this reason, therefore, what is within me has become distant from me, so that
I cannot obey the voice of the prophet saying: 'Bring it again to mind, 0 you
transgressors.,23 But oppressed by foolish thoughts, I am compelled to exclaim
only this: 'My heart has failed me.,24
I have l the beauty of the contemplative life, as I might love Rachel,
sterile, but seeing and beautifu1. 25 She sees the light more clearly, although
she is less fertile through her quietness. I know not for what reason, but it is
Leah who has been joined with me at night, that is to sayan active life, fruit-
ful but bleary-eyed, seeing less, although giving birth to more children. I
hastened to sit at the feet of the Lord with Mary, to hear the words of his
mouth, and behold I am forced with Martha to minister in external matters,
to be busy with many pursuits. 26
When the legon of evil spirts had been expelled from me, as I believed,
I wanted to forget those that I had known, to find rest at the feet of our
Savior. And behold, as I proved unwilling and was under compulsion, it was
said to me: 'Go home to your family and announce to them all that the Lord
has done for you. ,27 But who could proclaim the miracles of God among so
many worldly affairs, when it is already difficult for me even to recollect
them? For I see that I have been oppressed in this office by a tumult of secular
affairs, like those about whom it was written: 'You cast them down while they
were being raised up.,28 For he did not say 'you cast them down after they
had been raised up,,29 but 'while they were being raised up,' because the
wicked and those who seem to rise up from outside, while propped up by a
temporal office, collapse on the inside. And so their being raised up is itself
their ruin, because while they are propped up by false glory, they are empty
of true glory. From this he again says: 'failing, like smoke they shall fail.,30
For indeed smoke fails by rising up and vanishes as it spreads. This of course
22. Ps 68 (69):2.
23. Is 46:8.
24. Ps 39 (40): 13. .
25. See Gn 29: 16ff. Jacob wished to marry the beautiful young Rachel, but her father
Laban gave him Leah, the first-born. After a week Rachel became his wife also, but she was
barren, while the unlovable, 'bleary-eyed' Leah soon conceived, and bore Reuben, Simeon,
Levi and Judah.
26. See Lk 10:38-42.
27. Mk 5:19. The reference is to the gospel episode of the Gerasene demoniac, from whom
Jesus cast a 'legion' of devils. These entered a herd of pigs, which rushed headlong into the sea and
Was drowned. The former demoniac then wished to join the band of Jesus' dose disciples, but
received this command instead.
28. Ps 72 (73): 18.
29. Reading allevarentur ... alleuati ... alleuarentur ... alleuatio. Norberg's levati breaks the
Wordplay, typical of Gregory (see the Introduction, p. 113). The text in PL rightly reads allevati;
the sense is almost the same.
30. Ps 36 (37):20.

124
THE LETTERS OF GREGORY THE GREAT
is what happens when present good fortune accompanies the life of a sinner,
because the reason for his having risen so high also brings it about that he is
brought low. On this again it was written: '0 my God, make them like a
whee1.,31 For the rear part of a wheel rises as the front pan descends. But for
us, those in the rear are the good things of the present world which we leave
behind us, but those in the front are eternal and everlasting, to which we are
called, as Saint Paul attests when he s1s: he is 'forgetting what lies behind,
straining forward to what lies ahead.'3 And so the sinner, although he may
have profited in his present life, is made like a wheel, because he falls at the
front and is raised up at the rear. For when he obtains a glory in this life that
he cannot keep, he loses that glory which comes after this life.
Indeed there are many who know how to control external successes in such
a way that they in no way collapse internally because of them. So it is written:
'God does not despise the powerful; since he is powerful also.,33 And in Soler
mon it is said: 'And an intelligent man will possess sound guidance.' 34 But for
me these duties are difficult, because they are most onerous also, and what my
mind does not accept, it does not arrange suitably. Behold, my most serene Lord-
ship and emperor has ordered an ape to become a lion. 35 At his command, an
ape can certainly be called a lion, a lion he cannot become. 36 Therefore, it is
necessary that he should blame all my faults and negligence not on me, but on his
own piety, as he has entrusted the ministry of virtue to a man of straw. 37
1.6 Gregory to Narses 38 I October 590
As you describe the heights of contemplation, you have made me lament my
ruin once again. For I heard what I had lost internally, while I was ascending
31. Ps 82 (83): 13.
32. Phil 3: 13.
33. Jb 36:5.
34. Prv 1:5.
35. The 'Lordship' is the Emperor Maurice. Gregory's friend Narses (Ep 1.6) compared him
with a lion, but his response is lost, possibly based on Phaedrus' all too fragmentary fable De leone
regnante et simia. See Gregory, HomiJia£ in Evangelia 17: per leones tenor severitatis figuratur.
36. The triple parataxis is most effective. The autem in RI C and the editions is not required.
37. This delightful letter was well adjusted to his very erudite female recipient, with its
unusually high incidence of biblical quotations (as in Abelard's letters to Heloise), its
references to Rachel, Leah, Mary and Martha, and its often humorous md emotive rhetorical
style. It includes five cases of parataxis, three of wordplay, three of anaphora (extra ... extra,
nil ... nil, leo potest ... leo non potest) and several striking antitheses (which can be seen in
Norberg). On Gregory's style, see the Introduction, pp. 111-112.
38. Count Narses was a close friend of Gregory's (see also Epp 3.63; 5.46; 7.27). He was
a pious nobleman at Maurice's court, studying the Holy Writ, not to be confused with the
N arses commanding Justinian's armies during the Gothic war. Theophanes, Chronographia
AM 6096-6097 indicates that when Phocas overthrew Maurice in 602, Narses revolted and
started negotiations with the Persians. In 605 he went to Constantinople under a safe-
conduct, but Phocas broke it, predictably, and had him burned alive.

BOOK ONE
125
to the highest command, externally and undeservedly. But realize that I am
struck by so much grief that I am scarcely able to speak. For the eyes of my
mind are blocked off by the shadows of my grief. Whatever I look at is
gloomy, whatever I think is delightful appears lamentable to my heart. For I
weigh carefully, falling from the high summit of my repose, to what a low
peak of external advancement I have risen. And sent, for my sins, into an
occupationaL.exile from the face of the Lord, I say with the prophet in his
words, as at the destruction of Judaea: 'He who comforted me has withdrawn
far from me. ,39 But as you shape your period endings and your declamations
through your writings by making a likeness of case and name, my dearest brother,
you are surely calling an ape a lion,40 as we see you acting in the same way as
when we often call mangy puppies 'panthers' or 'tigers.,41 For I, good Sir, have
lost my sons as it were, because through earthly cares I have given up righteous
works: 'So call me not Naomi, that is beautiful, but call me Mara, because I am
full of bittemess'42 But as for your saying that I ought not to have written
telling you not to plow in the Lord's field with oxen,43 because on the linen
cloth revealed to the blessed Peter both oxen and all sorts of wild animals were
shown, you know yourself that there was added: 'Kill and eat.,44 You, therefore,
who had not yet killed the same beasts, why then were you willing to eat them
through obedience? Or do you not know that the sword of your mouth refused
to kill the same beasts about which you wrote? So in the hunger of your desire,
you must be satisfied with those that you are able to kill through conscience.
However, concerning the case of our brethren,45 I consider that it will
turn out just as you have written, with God's assistance, although I ought not
to have written about it at all just now to our most serene Lordship of all
things. 46 For one should not begin with complaints at the very beinning.
But I have written to my most beloved son, the deacon Honoratus,4 asking
him to make a suggestion suited to this matter at an opportune moment, and
to send me a reply with all speed.
39. Lam 1:16.
40. See above Ep 1.5.
41. For these cosmetic euphemisms, see the Introduction, pp. 2-3.
42. Ru 1:20.
43. As with the Greek {3ov{3aAo, the Latin bubalus was normally used for 'antelope'
or 'buffalo,' but probably for 'oxen' here. For 'clean' cattle and 'unclean' oxen, see Lv 11.
For oxen, see 1 Kg 19:19. Cf. Am 6:12, 'will one plow there with bubalis ('oxen').'
44. Acts 10:13. The Lord's words to a hungry Peter, who had fallen into a trance 'and
saw heaven opened, and a certain vessel descending unto him, as it had been a great sheet
knit at four corners, and let down to the earth; Wherein were all manner of four-footed
beasts of the earth, and wild beasts, and creeping things, and fowls of the air.'
45. Probably to do with Anastasius, ex-patriarch of Antioch, removed from his see (with
many friends) by the Emperor Justin II in 570: see Evagrius, Historia ecclesiastica 5.5-6.
46. Maurice, emperor of Constantinople (royal plural, as usual).
47. He filled the office in Constantinople of papal emissary, from before the time of
Gregory's elevation. Several letters give him commissions on behalf of the pope.

126
THE LETTERS OF GREGORY THE GREAT
1 ask you to greet on my behalf Lord Alexander, Lord Theodore, my son
Marinus, Lady Hesychia, Lady Eudochia, and Lady Dominica. 48
1.7 Gregory to Bishop Anastasius 49 I October 590
1 have received your Grace's letters as a tired man receives rest, a sick man
health, a thirsty man a spring, and a hot one shade. For those words did not
seem to have been expressed through a carnal tongue, but each word so re-
vealed the spiritual love which you bore, it was just as if your mind were
speaking all on its own. But what followed was very harsh, as your love
ordered me to bear earthly burdens. Whom you loved spiritually before,
loving afterwards with a temporal love, in my opinion, you forced me right
down on to the ground, with the burden placed on top of me, so that totally
losing rectitude of mind, and giving away the clarity of contemplation, 1 can
say, not through the spirit of the prophet but throut my own experience: 'I
have been in every way cast down and humiliated.' 0 For 1 am being shaken
by many waves of cares and afflicted by the storms of a tumultuous life, so
that 1 can rightly say: 'I have reached the depths of the sea; and a tempest has
overwhelmed me.,51 Therefore as 1 am in danger, extend the hand of your
prayers to me, you who are standing on the shore of virtues. But as for calling
me the mouth of the Lord, and his light, as for asserting that 1 help many
people, for me this also adds to the pile of my sins, so that when 1 ought to
be punished for my iniquity, 1 receive praises instead of punishment. Although
1 cannot fully describe in words what tumults of earthly matters oppress me
in this place, yet you can deduce it from the brevity of my letter, in which 1
say too little to him whom 1 love more than all others. 52
Furthermore 1 assure you that 1 have demanded from our most serene
Lordship with all the prayers 1 could, that your honor be restored 53 and you
come to the tomb of Saint Peter, the prince of the apostles, and that, as far as
it may thus please God, he allows you to live here with me. 54 And so, while
1 shall have the right to see you, we may relieve the tedium of our exile by
talking to each other about our eternal homeland.
48. Gregory's friends in the imperial household. Alexander held the post of ex-prefect,
Theodore was the emperor's doctor. In Ep 7.27, Marinus is the husband of Gordia, the
emperor's sister, and Gregory notes the return of Hesychia, while again greeting Eudochia
and Dominica, all three influential noblewomen.
49. The one-time patriarch of Antioch, now supported by the pope. See Ep 1.6.
50. Ps 118 (119):107.
51. Ps 68 (69):3.
52. This is more than a rhetorical device. See Ep 5.53, where Gregory uses a similar ex-
pression in a letter to a dear friend, Leander of Seville.
53. Especially the use of the pallium (see Ep 1.27), as compensation for the loss of his
patriarchy to the patriarch Gregory (Ep 1.24).
54. Anastasius' honor might be restored, but his successor was recognized by Gregory
as the possessor of his see. The pope's solution is for him to come and live in Rome.

BOOK ONE
127
t.8 Gregory to Bacauda, bishop of Formiae 55 I October 590
The necessity of the time urges us, and the diminution of the population
demands, that we should assist destitute churches with a helpful and provident
disposition. We have learnt that through abandonment, the church of Min-
tum0 56 is as totally destitute of its cle7 as it is of its people, and we can
see how pious and extremely just your petition is on its behalf, namely that
it ought to ined to the church of Formiae (wherein lies the body of Saint
Erasmus the Marty, over which your Fraternity presides. We have thought
it necessary, therefore, in considering the abandonment of the place  much
as the poverty of your church, that by the authority of this injunction of ours,
we transfer to the right and power of your church the revenues of the above-
mentioned church of Minturno, or whatever could and can for whatever rea-
son belong to it, by ancient and modern right or privilege. Thus from now
onwards you should think of it as if it were in fact your own church and
should dispose of its belongings with foresight, so that thereafter what might
have been wasted until now, might benefit the interests of the poor of your
church and of your clergy.
t.9 Gregory to Sub-deacon Peter I October 590
Gregory, servant of God, priest and abbot of the monastery of Saint
Theodore,59 established in the province of Sicily on the territory of Palermo,
has recommended to us that people of the estate of Fulloniacum,60 members
of the Holy Church of Rome, want to occupy the lands of the estate of
Gerdinna, which shares a boundary with the same aforesaid estate of the Holy
Church of Rome, and which they have possessed without legal trouble for
countless years. And we wish, therefore, that you go to the city of
Palerm0 61 and discuss the request itself with the following reasoning: with
control of the property remaining of course with the possessor as hitherto
possessed, if you find that the aforesaid monastery of Saint Theodore has
possessed the lands, about which a request has been made, for forty years
without a break,62 you should not allow it to suffer any false claim there-
after, even if something might belong to the Holy Church of Rome. But you
55. The editors of MGH suggest plausibly that this is a form letter, taken from the Liber
Diurnus Romanorum Pontifl£um, Formula 9: 'De adunandis ecclesiis.' Cf. Ep 3.13 n51.
56. Minturno Vecchio, today in the diocese of Mola di Gaeta (Formiae). The letter
shows the effects of the Lombard incursions into southern Italy.
57. Norberg reads clerus here as gen. but has clerique in the last line, one of many cases where
he supports an ungranunatical, illogical reading with no more manuscript support than the second
declension genitive used elsewhere by Gregory (here cieri is in R2 and PL, clerus in r).
58. A victim of Diocletian's persecution, he was martyred in 303. See also Ep 1.23.
59. For Peter see Epp 1.1-3. For this abbot's penitence see Ep 5.4.
60. Mentioned again in Ep 13.5.
61. This seems to show that Peter was living at Syracuse at this time (see Ep 1.1).
62. For the legal basis of this forty-year period, see Justinian, NO'lJellae 131.6.

128
THE LETTERS OF GREGORY THE GREAT
should take care in every way to keep their peace undisturbed. However if
agents of the Holy Church show by law that they have not possessed the
lands for forty years without a break, but that during this period some claim
over the same lands has been made at some time, it should be settled peace-
fully and legally by specially chosen arbitrators. For we not only never want
to encourage such claims, but also hasten in every way to settle those things
introduced in a depraved way from outside. So let your Experience ensure that
everything is brought to completion in this way, so that after this no claim
comes to us again over this matter. But we wish that the will of Bacauda, who
was once manager of the strangers' hostelry,63 should continue to be as valid
as when made.
Month of November, ninth indiction
1.10 Gregory to Honoratus, deacon of Salona 64 I November 590
Acknowledging that those letters that you and your bishop sent to us against
yourselves, contradicted each other, we were distressed, for the reason that
among you charity recognizes nothing. However, we command you to admin-
ister in the office of your order, and if the reason for your quarrel can be
confined there, with grace in abundance, we believe that your soul has been
greatly enriched. But if instead discord has armed the two parties among you
in such a way that your will must remain in a ferment of antagonism, present
yourself to our audience without delay, and let your bishop send a chosen
person on his behalf with instructions, so that after weighing everything with
careful reasoning, we may decide what seems right for each of the two parties.
We certainly want you to know that we shall examine you strictly, because
the holy vessels either of your own church, or those collected from diverse
churches, must now be looked after 65 with all your care and trust. But if66
something is lost from them, through negligence or through somebody's else's
fraud, you will be involved in this charge, as you are more closely implicated
in guarding the church, through your office of archdeacon.
63. The will of the monk Bacauda had to be confirmed by the pope (see Ep 9.198); the
hostelry of Saint Theodore is mentioned in Ep 9.35.
64. Salona, modern Spaleto, is in Dalmatia, near Split. The archdeacon had attacked his
Bishop Natalis over misuse of Church property, and was made a priest against his will.
Gregory demanded his reinstatement, but the bishop refused. After two years of letters to
and fro (Epp 1.10, 19; 2.17-22, 44) Natalis died (Ep 3.22). Honoratus had been condemned
by a local church synod, but remained a close friend of the pope.
65. Reading seruentur, the manuscript correction in R1. There must be an imperative,
but both PL and Norberg read the indicative ('are being looked after') - if only!
66. Both Norberg and Minard read se, a very obvious misprint for si quid ... in the other
editions and manuscripts. This is one of many such misprints in Book 1, virtually all of them
shared by Minard, whose text Qike Recchia's) reproduces Norberg uncritically.

BOOK ONE
129
Month of December, ninth indiction
1.11 Gregory to the patrician Clementina 67 I December 590
Receiving the letter from your Glory, which discussed the death of Eutherius
late of magnificent memory, we assure you that our minds were no less upset
by such grief than yours was, for the reason that we see men of proven reputa-
tion being gradu:ally removed from this world, the ruin of which is proved in
the effects thefuselves now of the causes. But it is fitting for us to withdraw
from it with the shrewd precaution of a new way of life, so that it does not
entwine us equally with itself in its ruin. And indeed our sadness at the loss
of our friends ought to be more tolerable, in as far as the condition of mor-
tality demands that we lose them. And yet He is a powerful consolation for
the lost support of mortal life, who in allowing himself to be removed from
us, has granted that even he himself take the place which has been left empty,
as our comforter.
But as for the deacon Anatole, whom you have asked to be sent to you,
this makes us unable to do this, more because of the manner of the case than
due to rigorous austerity. For we have appointed him major-domo, and have
entrusted the administration of our episcopal palace to his control. 68
1.12 Gregory to John, bishop of Orvieto 69 I December 590
Agapitus, abbot of the monastery of Saint George, has informed us that he has
suffered a lot of trouble from your Holiness, and not only in relation to
matters which could give some assistance to the monastery in a time of need,
but he says also that in the same monastery the celebration of masses is
prohibited, and you even forbid the dead from being buried there. But if that
is so, we exhort you to put an end to such inhumanity, and please allow the
dead to be buried there and masses to be celebrated, with no further prohibi-
tions, so that the venerable abbot mentioned above is not compelled to make
yet another complaint about these matters which have been discussed.
1.13 Gregory to Dominic, bishop of Civitavecchia 70 I December 590
It is indeed part of a priest's duty that you are obliged to provide assistance for
widows and for women bereft of a husband's support, so that where'in this
world they are deprived of a truly human life, they can find remedies under
the protection of a priest. Since therefore Luminosa, an honorable woman and
67. The patrician lady lived in Naples (for more about her, see Ep 3. 1).
68. His Latin is pleasantly colloquial, perhaps for Clementina's sake. Besides the quite
rare potens consolari (rather than potest) he uses hoc nos [acere non posse ... [acit ('this makes
us not able to do this') rather than 'this prevents us from doing this.'
69. The modern name for Urbs Vetus ('The ancient city').
70. At that time 'Centumcelli.' Gregory was there in 589, before being elected pope, and
DOminic was recorded in a Roman synod as bishop of the city in July 595.

130
THE LETTERS OF GREGORY THE GREAT
widow of the very famous tribune Zemarcus,71 has entrusted herself, after
God, to our protection, we advise you to give her relief in whatever she needs,
and let nobody cause her trouble in the slightest degree.
But because, with the agreement of the Palatine Theodore, the wife herself
has been allowed to carry out that financial command, which her husband had
undertaken to exercise, or as it suited her until the fulfillment of the present
fifteen year period 72 should be celebrated, you should not allow anything to
disturb her while she carries it out. And so act in such a way that you both
make God your debtor for such deeds, and that our mind rejoices more readily
over the benefits of this sort contributed by you.
1.14 Gregory to Demetrius, bishop of Naples 73 I December 590
Stephen, the bearer of this letter, when his mind was wavering from the path
of truth concerning certain articles of faith, had suspended himself from the
communion of the Catholic Church because of his doubts over this matter,
until God, the discloser of truth, should recall him to the path of righteous-
ness. Please recognize that he has satisfied us and has taken communion,
accepting the Catholic faith.
But because we have found out that he had some who shared his doubts
there in the city of Naples, the aforesaid Stephen is known to have also
promised this to us with regard to them, that if with the risk of our inter-
vening we were to cure their ambiguity of mind, they themselves could also
be brought back to the Catholic communion without delay or backsliding.
With regard to this matter, we give you this advice with the present letter, by
virtue of our faith and at the risk to us, that they themselves seem to have
demanded. Receive them into the Catholic faith and communion, and recall
them from the darkness into light in whatever ways you can, so that after a
case of this sort has been brought to us, even if we pass over it in silence, we
cannot endure the failure of negligence over their souls.
Month of January, ninth indiction
1.15 Gregory to Balbinus, bishop of Rosellano 74 I January 591
It has come to our attention that the church of Populonae 75 has been so des-
titute of the office of priest that neither can the last confession be administered
there to the dying, nor can baptism be provided for the infants. Most dis-
turbed therefore by the importance of such a holy and such a necessary matter
71. In some towns tribunes were appointed by the local governor to regulate the city's
administration and judiciary. Zemarcus is unknown otherwise. .
72. The letter was dated in the ninth 15 year period, ending on 31 August 591.
73. See Ep 2.3 for Demetrius and his deposition (September 591). He was bishop for 3 years.
74. Rosellano (in Etruria) disappeared long ago, its bishopric being transferred to the
nearby town of Grossetum. Balbinus was its bishop at the synod in Rome in July 595.
75. Populonae (populonia), also in Etruria.

BOOK ONE
131
as this, we order your Beloved to go as visitor to the above mentioned church,
strengthened by the authori7 of this decree. And there you should ordain
both an incardinated priest 7 and two deacons also. But in the parishes of
the above-mentioned church you should ordain three priests similarly; but
only those whom you have seen as worthy of such an office, through the holi-
ness of their life and the seriousness of their morality, and those in no way
prevented by4e rules of canon law. Thus Populonae may be provided with
the worthy safeguard of a holy church.
1.16 Gregory to Severus, bishop of AquiIeia 77 I January 591
Just as our Lord most eagerly embraces the man who walks through barren
tracks, and once again chooses the path of righteousness, even so he is
saddened over one finally deserting the known path of truth, and with greater
grief than with any joy that delighted him over one who is converted. For not
to know the truth involves less of an aberration than not to remain in the
same truth once it is known, and what is committed by one who has gone
astray is one thing, and what is perpetrated through knowledge is another.
And indeed, if we had rejoiced over how far you had been incorporated, long _
ago, into the unity of the Church, we are most upset that you are now so
abundantly disassociated from Catholic society.
F or this reason, as soon as the bearer of this letter arrives, following the
command of the most Christian and serene Lordship of all, we wish you to
come to the tomb of Saint Peter the aostle with your followers,78 so that
with God's support, in a special synod, 9 a decision may be made about that
doubt which is prevalent among you all.
1.17 Gregory to all the bishops of Italy I January 591
The most wicked Autharit, in the solemnity of this recently completed
Eastertide, prohibited the children of the Lombards from being baptized into
the Catholic faith (and for this sin, our Divine Majesty ended the life of
Autharit,80 to prevent him from seeing the solemnity of another Easter), so
it is right that your Fraternity should advise all the Lombards in your dioceses
76. Cardinalis presbyter, like sacerdos cardinalis (Ep 1.77) was an incardinated priest.
77. Aquileia was the metropolitan see of Venetia and Istria in northern Italy. After the
Lombard invasion, it was moved to Grado. Severus was its archbishop 587 to 607. He alludes
to events before he became pope. See the Introduction, pp. 86-87 for his part in the Three
Chapters schism.
78. Especially the three bishops, John of Parenzo, Severus of Trieste and Vindemius of
Cissa, as well as the defender of the church of Grado, Antonius.
79. The synod never took place. The schismatics went to the emperor to decide their
fate and he summoned Gregory. Because of the Lombard threat, Maurice was reluctant to
alienate Christians in Northern Italy, however deviant, which did not please the pope.
80. Autharit, king of the Lombards, died from poison 5 September. 590. See Paul the Deacon,
Historia Langobardorum 3.35.

132
THE LETTERS OF GREGORY THE GREAT
that, in view of the grim pestilence which is threatening everywhere, they
should reconcile those same children of theirs, who were baptized in the Arian
heresy, to the Catholic faith, so as to placate the anger of our almighty Lord.
Therefore, warn those whom you can, with whatever courage you can, bring
them to the true faith by persuading them, and constantly preach eternal life
to them, so that when you have come before the presence of the strict Judge,
you may be able to show a credit in your favor from your pastoral care.
1.18 Gregory to Sub-deacon Peter I January 591
It has been suggested to us that Marcellus, of the church of Barunitum,81
sent for penance to the monastery of Saint Hadrian in the same city of
Palermo, was not only suffering a shortage of life's necessities, but was also
enduring the excessive trouble of a lack of clothing. 82 For this reason, we
think it necessary to instruct your zealous self with this present order to
establish an annual pension of grain 83 for Marcellus himself, with regard to
nourishment, clothing and bedding, and provisions for his slave, as far as you
judge is sufficient. Thus by such providence, his lack of resources and clothing
can be settled, and whatever you have spent on that same man, can be credited
to your account hereafter. Therefore act in such a way that you both imple-
ment our command, and that, by settling this matter properly you may also
participate in this payment itself.
Furthermore, we have taken care to entrust you to investigate the
following, disregarding an old custom which by now has become ingrained.
If some cities in the province of Sicily are known to be without the rule of a
priest, through the loss of priests because of misdemeanors, see if someone can
be found from the clergy of the churches themselves or from the monasteries,
worthy of a priestly position. Inquire first of all into the gravity of their
morals, and then send them over to us,' as the flock of every single place ought
not to be found destitute for a long time, due to a pastor's lapse. But if, in
fact, you will find some positions vacant, but nobody from that same church
is discovered suitable for such an honor, report back to us after a similarly
thorough inquiry, so that God can decide whom he judges worthy of such
ordinations. For it should not happen that, through one person's deviation,
the Lord's flock may be scattered through rugged places without a shepherd.
For in this way, proper order results for the parishes, and no suspicion will
remain for those who have lapsed of reverting to their former state, so that
they are more rightly penitent.
81. A church in Palermo, unknown otherwise.
82. Discussed again in Ep 13.3
83. The text in PL has continentiam ('pension'). The manuscripts and MGH add ad or
vel, and to avoid the tautology with annuam ('annual'). Gussanvillaeus and PL read
annonam, giving excellent sense; it avoids deleting continentiam (as Norberg did). Slaves
would not usually obtain a pension.

BOOK ONE
133
1.19 Gregory to Natalis, bishop of Salona I January 591
We have found that the acts that you have directed for us, carried out in the
conclave of your council, by which 84 Archdeacon Honoratus is indicted, are
full of the seeds of dispute. For at one and the same time a person is unwill-
ingly promoted to the rank of priest, and is removed from the office of deacon
as if undeserving. And just as it is right that nobody should be compelled to
be promotgainst his wishes, even so I think it should be agreed similarly
that nobody who is innocent, should be unjustly demoted from the ministry
of his order. However, since it is discord hateful to God that excuses your
party, we advise you to restore his place and function to Archdeacon Honora-
tus, and in concord show the servitude suited to the service of God. If a cause
for scandal is still being nourished among you, let the aforesaid archdeacon
face an audience and inquiry from us, duly warned, and let your Grace send
a person with instructions to represent your side. When they are present, with
the solace of our Lord and putting aside any support for individuals, let us
have the strength to decide what is fitting in favor of justice.
1.20 Gregory to Natalis, bishop of Salona 85 I January 591 _
We have received the letter of your Reverence that congratulated us on our
advancement, presented by the deacon Stephen, whom you directed to do so.
Of course, your grace and zealous outlay of love are very much to be believed,
as reason was advising us to rejoice with you over your rank as bishop. For
that reason, made more joyful because of your greeting, we describe our
feelings, admitting that I have taken on the burdens of this same office with
a heavy heart. But because I was not able to fight against divine decrees, I have
by necessity recalled my mind to a happier state.
For which reason, we beseech your Reverence with the words of this
letter that we ourselves may enjoy the solace of your prayer, as does the
Christian flock committed to our care, so that we can thereby overcome the
storms of these times with the firmness of your support.
Month of February, ninth indiction
1.21 Gregory to Nonnosus 86 I February 591
May almighty God make known to your heart with what great devotion I am
united with you. Although I cannot fulfill it through a letter, yet if ever I find
an opportunity, I shall take care to show it to you with my deeds.
84. Reading in quibus (by which 'acts'), possibly right, but r and Norberg read qua,
agreeing with nothing; likewise plena ('full'), in rl, Rl and MGH, agrees with gesta; but the
Other manuscripts and Norberg read plenam, again agreeing with nothing.
85. It is odd to find such an accommodating letter after the stinging criticism in the
previous one, but Gregory's secretary may have written this one. Else, he was heeding his
OWn advice, in Regula pastoralis 2.10, that at times faults of subjects must be overlooked
prudently, while at other times even hidden faults must be subject to close scrutiny.
86. He probably lived in Sicily, facing a charge like Paul the Scholastic in Ep 1.3.

134
THE LETTERS OF GREGORY THE GREAT
Furthermore as I complete these words of salutation, I inform you that,
as that magnificent Lord Maurentius comes, we comply in all ways with regard
to the property that your Glory has sought.
1.22 Gregory to George, praetorian prefect of Ital y 87 I February 591
The goodness of your Excellency I have always known, and now I have re-
newed my knowledge of it with an added experience. Wherefore I pray to our
almighty Lord to guard you with his protection, and to bestow his grace on
you both in Heaven and in the palace of our most serene emperor. If no
depravities of men who are among us force us apart, know with full certainty
that I am your friend. In this I trust in our almighty Lord, as I reveal it to you
also through the proof of my testimony.
And so as I complete these words of salutation,88 I request that, when-
ever an occasion arises, you take care to reassure me with your discourse.
1.23 Gregory to Sub-deacon Anthelm 89 I February 591
It has been suggested to us that some nuns in the city of Nola,90 while
staying in the Aborida, endured an excessive deprivation of food and clothing.
From the precept of God, it is fitting that we help them and relieve their want
as far as we can, with the Lord's giving. For that reason we charge your
Experience with this present order: from this present ninth indiction, you
should give them forty gold coins and thereafter at subsequent indictions
provide twenty gold coins each year, which you may charge to your accounts.
Furthermore we order you to give at present just two gold coins each to
Paulinus, priest of the monastery of Saint Erasmus, situated on the side of
mount Repperi,91 and to the two monks serving in the oratory of Saint
Archangel, which is known to be in Castle of Lucullus, beside the Church of
Saint Peter, again charging the cost to your accounts. Do this therefore in such
a way that you also participate in a future reward.
87. From 591-593 George held the Byzantine prfecture of Italy, as in Africa and I1lyria,
presiding over the law courts and state finances, but subordinate to the local exarch.
88. Exactly the same formula as in Ep 1.21.
89. The sub-deacon is named as rector ('controller') of the papal patrimony of Campania
(see also Epp 1.53, 63; 9.137, 143). For letters reaching him at Naples (but not as its princi-
pal), see Epp 6.32; 9.88.
90. Nola is in Campania, about 10 miles inland from Mount Vesuvius.
91. This mountain and the monastery of Saint Erasmus cannot be located today. r1 read
Serapti, for Mount Soracte, but it is inapposite here. The Castle appears in Ep 3.1 also, and
may be a small island off Naples (Castello dell'Oro today), or the modern Pizzo Falcone,
near Naples.

BOOK ONE
135
1.24 Gregory to John of Constantinople, Eulogius of Alexandria, Gregory of
Antioch and John of Jerusalem, and to An3stasius ex-patriarch of Antioch,
from the same original I February 591 92
When I consider that I have been compelled to bear the weight of pastoral care
although unequal to it in merit and totally resisting it in my mind, gloomy
grief arises, an my sad heart sees nothing other than those shadows, which
allow nothi-a-gto be seen. For why is a bishop chosen before the Lord except
to intercede on behalf of sinful people? And so with what confidence do I
come before Him as an intercessor for other people's sins when I am not
secure about my own sins in his presence? Just suppose somebody appearing
before a man of power were to ask that I become his intercessor, and that man
of power was both angry with him and unknown to me, I should reply at
once: 'I cannot come to intercede, because I have no knowledge of him from
a long-time friendship.' Therefore if I should rightly blush to become an
intercessor as a man before another man, about whom I would make no
presumption, what great audacity it is to hold the position of the people's
intercessor before God, when I do not recognize myself as a friend of His due
to a life of merit. In which matter there is still something else, which I should_
fear more seriously. For as we all clearly know, when one who displeases is
sent to intercede, the mind of an angry party is provoked to a worse state. 93
And I am extremely afraid that the Christian people entrusted to me may
perish with the addition of my guilt, whose faults our Lord always used to
tolerate with equanimity hitherto. But whenever I somehow suppress this fear
and apply my consoled mind to the studies of pontifical work, considering the
very immensity of the business, I am terrified.
I consider indeed that one must be vigilant and take all care that a
bishop 94 is pure in thought, outstanding in action, discrete in silence, useful
with his speech, very close to individuals with compassion, more uplifted in
contemplation than all others, allied with those doing good through humility,
but upright with the zeal of justice against the vices of wrong-doers. While of
course I strive to scrutinize all of these with a fine examination, the breadth
itself of each area for consideration hampers me. For as I said above, one must
take very special care that the bishop is pure in thought, so that no impurity
pollutes him who has taken on this office,95 that he might wipe away the
92. For his explanation of the synodical letter, see Ep 9.148. Such letters were regularly
exchanged by various Church patriarchs, on their election to office. A sign of communion
between the churches, they were in fact professions of faith and hence guarantees of their
writers' orthodoxy. In Ep 11.29, Gregory acknowledges receiving a synodical letter from
Bishop Isaac of Jerusalem. Ep 1.24 is in two parts, the first and longer is a genral exhorta-
tion, similar to his Regula pastoralis (with many shared phrases), the second is much briefer
and contains a clearly spelt-out profession of faith.
93. Compare the foregoing with Gregory, Regula pastoralis 1.10.
94. See Ep 1.23. Here the 'rector' is a priest or bishop, not a secular ruler.
95. For the section from 'I consider' down to 'also,' see Gregory, Regula pastoralis 2.1.2.

136
THE LETTERS OF GREGORY THE GREAT
stains of pollution in other men's hearts also. For it is necessary that his hand
strives to be pure, as it has the care of washing those that are dirty, in case
each hand which it touches becomes even dirtier, if when dirty it holds added
filth. For it is written: 'Purify yourselves, you who bear the vessels of the
Lord.,96 For indeed the Lord's vessels are born by those who undertake to
bring the souls of those nearest to them to the inner temples, by the example
of their own way of life. And so let him see how much he himself ought to
be purged, he who carries living vessels to the temple of eternity, in the
embrace of his own Christian way of life. Hence the divine voice advises us
that on the breast of Aaron the breastplate of judgment is fixed, bound with
linen bands, so that frivolous thoughts should by no means possess his priestly
heart, which might be bound by reason alone. 97 And let him not think of
anything indiscrete or useless; he who was appointed as an example for others
ought always to show by the gravity of his life how much reason he bears in
his heart. An addition was also carefully made on this breastplate, listing the
names of the twelve patriarchs. For always to bear the names of the patriarchs
written on one's breast is to think of the lives of the ancient fathers without
intermission. For the priest advances without blame only when he looks
incessantly to the example of the fathers preceding him, when he contemplates
the footprints of the saints without cessation and suppresses illicit thoughts,
in case he should stretch the foot of his work beyond the limit of his rank. 98
Again when I turn to consider what works a priest should do, I reflect
with what great attention he must take care that he is remarkable in his
action, to show his subjects the way of life by his .way of living, and so that
the flock which follows the shepherd's voice and morality might make better
progress through his examples than through his words. 99 For he who is con-
strained by the necessity of his position to say what is best, by this same
necessity is forced to demonstrate what is best. For that voice penetrates the
hearts of listeners more readily which the life of the speaker commends; for
what he teaches with his words he helps to come about by his example. For
this reason the rophet says: 'Go up into the high mountain, Zion, herald of
good tidings.,l 0 That is to say he who presents heavenly preaching, now
deserting the baseness of earthly works, seems to stand on the summit of the
world, and draws his subjects to better things all the more easily as he
proclaims heaven]y matters through the merits of his own life. That is why by
divine law the priest receives the right shoulder for sacrifice,101 separated
from the body, so that his action is not only useful but also singular, and so
96. Is 52: 11.
97. See Ex 28:15ff. The Greek use of rationale as a noun is employed for the 'oracular
breastplate' of the Jewish high priest, his rationale iudicii, in Greek TO Auy€lop Tf)r; KPW€wr;.
98. Compare the passage above with Gregory, Regula pastoralis 2.2.
99. For the pastor's duties, see Gregory, Regula pastoralis 3.4.
100. Is 40:9.
101. See Ex 29:22.

BOOK ONE
137
that he does not only do what is right among the evil, but also among those
subjects who are doing good. Just as he surpasses them with the dignity of his
rank, even so he transcends thein with the goodness of his morality. In eating
he also receives a little of the breast with the shoulder, so that what he is told
to take from the sacrifice, he learns to sacrifice to his Creator from his own
body. And let him not only ponder in his heart on what is right, but invite
those obsel=Vi11g him to heavenly thoughts by the shoulder of his works. Let
him long for nothing of the present life, let him be fearful of nothing; let him
despise the delights of the world with the inmost terror of his mind, but let
him condemn these fears by contemplating the delight of an inner sweetness.
From which the priest, again under the command of the heavenly voice, has
each of his shoulders covered with the veil of the priest's humeral,102 so
that he is always protected against adversity and prosperity by the ornament
of his virtues. Thus, living according to the word of Saint Paul, roceeding 'by
the armor of righteousness on the right hand and the left,'l 3 although he
may simply strive against what lies directly ahead of him, he is not turned on
either side to the lowest of delights. Let prosperity not raise him up, nor
adversity perturb him, let no allurements seduce him even to self-indulgence,_
let no hardships force him to despair. Thus as he frees the concentration of his
mind from any passions, he may show what a beautiful humeral covers each
of his shoulders.
It is right also that this humeral is commanded to be made from gold,
hyacinth, purPle, scarlet twice dyed, and twisted linen,I04 to show with what
diversity of virtues the priest should shine. For gold gleams on the priest's
habit before all else, as in it the intelligent wisdom shines out first of all. To
this hyacinth is added, which is resplendent with a heavenly color; so that
through everything which penetrates by his understanding, he may not sink
to the lowest of favors but rise to the love of heavenly things, in case, while
carelessly enraptured by his own praises, he is even emptied of the under-
standing of truth itself. Purple is also mixed with the gold and hyacinth, 105
so that of course the priest's heart, while it hopes for the highest things which
it preaches, may reprove in itself even the suggestion of vices, and may
contradict them as if with regal power, so that he may always consider the
nobility of inner re-growth, and defend with his morality the habit of the
heavenly kingdom. For concerning this nobility of spirit it is said by Peter:
'You, however, are a chosen generation, a royal priesthood.,106 Concerning
this power also, by which we conquer vices, we are strengthened by the voice
102. For the pallium, see the Introduction, pp. 78-79. The Jewish 'ephod' is fully
described in Ex 28:4££, 29:5-6, and more particularly, that of Aaron.
103. 2 Cor 6:7.
104. See Ex 28:8.
105. All the manuscripts read bysso, but the editors rightly corrected it to hyacintho.
Linen is not possible in this context, coming as it does after the scarlet just discussed (see below).
106. 1 Pt 2:9. For this section see Gregory, Regula pastoralis 2.5.

138
THE LETTERS OF GREGORY THE GREAT
of John, who sas: 'As many as received him, he gave the power to become the
sons of God.' 1 7 However to gold, hyacinth and purple,108 scarlet twice
dyed is added, so that before the eyes of the soul's judge, all the goodness of
the virtues is embellished with love, and so that all things which gleam in the
presence of humans, the flame of inner love may set alight in the sight of the
hidden judge. 109 This love, of course, because it loves God and one's
neighbor at the same time, gleams just like scarlet from a double dyeing. And
so he who aspires to the vision of his Creator in such a way that he neglects
the care of his neighbors, or so concentrates on the care of his neighbors that
he is remiss in his love of God, because he neglects one or other of these two,
does not realize that he has twice dyed scarlet in the decoration of his
humeral. But when his mind is turned to the precepts of love, it remains
without any doubt that his flesh should waste away through abstinence.
Which is why twisted linen is also added to the twice-dyed scarlet. For the
linen comes from the earth with its gleaming appearance. And what is signified
by linen, other than corporal chastity, gleaming white with the beauty of
cleanliness? Of course after it has been twisted, it is bound on to the beauty
of the humeral, because moral purity approaches the perfect whiteness of
cleanliness, when the flesh is worn out through abstinence. And when among the
other virtues the merit of mortified flesh also progresses, it is like the twisted linen
glowing white in the diverse appearance of the humeral. 110
Again, when I apply myself to considering the speech and silence owed by
the pastor, I consider with fearful concern that it is vry necessary for him to
be discrete in silence and useful in his speech, so that he neither reveals what
should be kept quiet, nor keeps silent about what should be revealed. For, just
as a careless remark leads him into error, even so an indiscrete silence leaves
in error those who could have been instructed. For often improvident bishops,
fearful of losing human favors, are afraid to speak freely about what is right,
and by no means do they then look after the protection of their flock accord-
ing to the voice of Truth, with the endeavor of shepherds, but rather in the
manner of hired servants, because they flee as a wolf approaches, while hiding
themselves under silence. 111 For this is why our Lord attacks them through
the prophet, saying: 'they are all dumb dogs, they cannot bark.' 112 Here he
complains again, saying: 'You did not go up into the breach, nor did you build
a wall for the house of Israel to stand firm in battle on the day of the
107. In 1:12.
108. See nl05 above; again all the manuscripts wrongly read bysso.
109. The third declension arbitris in Norberg seems to be a misprint for arbitri. Pb4,
the Berlin MS, makes the same mistake in Ep 1.24a, perhaps due to confusion with iudicis.
110. Note the chiasmus of humeral/moral purity, mortified flesh/humeral. See Regula
pastoralis 2.3.
111. Based on J n 10: 12 (where Christ is the 'good shepherd').
112. Is 5(>:10.

BOOK ONE
139
Lord.,113 For to step into the breach, is to go against the powers of this
world in defense of the flock, with a free voice. And to stand firm in battle on
the day of the Lord, is to resist the attacks of the wicked with the love of
justice. For when the shepherd has been afraid to say what is right, what is it
other than to have turned his back by keeping quiet? Of course if he exposes
himself on behalf of his flock, he sets a wall against the enemy for the house
of Israel. HenYa:gain it is said to a delinquent people: 'Your prophets had seen
false and foolish things for you; and they have not discovered your iniquity,
so as to provoke you to penitence.,114 For prophets are sometimes called
learned men in Holy Scripture, who while indicating that present things are
transitory, make clear what is to come. Divine words disprove that they had
false visions, because, while they fear to correct fau! ts, they flatter transgressors
in vain, with the promise of security. They by no means reveal the wickedness
of sinners, because they refrain from words of rebuke. For words of rebuke
are the key to openness, because through rebuke he uncovers a sin that even
the person himself who committed it often does not recognize. Here Paul says:
'So that he may be able by sound doctrine both to exhort and to convince
those who contradict him.' Here it is said through Malachi: 115 'For the
priest's lips should keep knowledge, and they will seek the law from his
mouth, because he is the messenger of the Lord of hosts.' 116 Here the Lord
advises through Isaiah, saying: 'Cry aloud, and unsparingly lift up your voice
like l17 a trumpet.,118 For whoever enters upon the priesthood takes on the
office of herald, so that before the arrival of the judge, who follows clothed
with terror, he himself may of course go forward crying aloud. So if the priest
has no knowledge of preaching, what words of proclamation is a dumb herald
going to speak? For this is why the Holy Spirit settled on the first pastors in
the shape of tongues. 119 For of course those whom it filled with itself it at
once made eloquent. For this reason Moses was ordered to enter the tabernacle
as priest surrounded by little bells, so that of course he might have the sound
of proclamation, to avoid offending the judgment of the heavenly witness by
keeping silent. For it has been written: 'that his sound may be heard when he
enters the sanctuary in the Lord's presence; that he does not die.,120 For the
priest dies going in or coming out, if a sound is not heard from him, because he
excites the anger of the hidden judge against himself, if he enters without the
113. Ezek 13:5.
114. Lam 2:14. Gregory adapts the quotation with a new ending 'to turn away your
.. ,
captivity.
115. Ti 1:9. Both PL and MGH use Malachiam, but Zachariam appears in the manu-
scripts and in Norberg.
116. Mal 2:7.
117. PL reads quasi, as in the Vulgate, Norberg velut. The sense is the same, and either
is possible, but Gregory seems to have relied on his memory for this encyclical.
118. Is 58: 1.
119. See Acts 2:3.
120. Ex 28:33, 35.

140
THE LETTERS OF GREGORY THE GREAT
sound of proclamation. But little bells are described being aptly inserted in his
vestments. For what priestly vestments ought we to accept other than righ-
teous works, as the prophet bears witness, when he says: 'Let your priests be
clothed with justice?' 121 Therefore let little bells hang on his vestments, so
that the priest's very works themselves may proclaim the path of life, along
with the sound of his tongue. 122
But one must also consider that the priest, when he prepares himself for
speaking, pays attention to how much caution he should apply in speaking.
Otherwise if he is rushed into speaking without control, the hearts of those
listening may be struck with a wound of error and, when he desires perhaps
to appear wise, he may unwisely cut apart a unified structure. For here Truth
says: 'Have salt in yourselves and have peace between you.,123 For by salt
is signified the wisdom of the word. Therefore he who strives to speak wisely
should be greatly afraid that through his eloquence the unity of his listeners
may be shattered. Here Paul says: 'he should not think more highly of himself
than he ought to think, but think more soberly.'124 Hence on the priest's
vestment, in accordance with the heavenly voice, there are pomegranates
joined with the bells. For what is signified by pomegranates other than the
unity of faith? For just as in the pomegranate many inner grains are covered
by a single exterior peel, even so countless members of the Holy Church are
covered by the unity of the faith, members held within by a diversity of
merits. 125 And so we are then joining pomegranates with the bells, when we
keep guard over the unity of the faith through all of what we have said.
Again, when I bring myself to considering what sort of bishop he should
be with regard to compassion and what sort with regard to contemplation, I
consider that he should be both very close to individuals in compassion and
elevated before all others in contemplation. 126 Thus he may both transfer
to himself the weakness of others, through the bowels of piety, and through
the loftiness of his speculation may transcend even himself by seeking things
invisible. In this way he neither despises the weaknesses 127 of his neighbors
while seeking lofty things, nor ceases from seeking lofty things while attending
to his neighbors' weaknesses. For it is thus that Paul is transported to paradise
and investigates the secrets of the third Heaven,128 and yet, suspend-
121. Ps 131 (132):9.
122. Concerning the passage above, see also Regula pastoralis 2.4. -
123. Mk 9:50.
124. Rom 12:3
125. Concerning the passage above, see also Gregory, Regula pastoralis 2.4.
126. For this section on the bishop's duties, see Regula pastoralis 2.6.
127. The infima ... infimis ('lowest regions') in Gussanvillaeus and PL neatly balance alfa
... alfa ('heights'), but infirma is in all the manuscripts, and 'weakness' is the main theme
here: see infirmatur ... infirmor in 2 Cor 11:29, quoted below. The antithesis between
'heights' and 'depths' appears effectively in the next section (infima/summa).
128. See 2 Cor 12:2-4.

BOOK ONE
141
ing 129 that contemplation of things invisible, he recalls the sharpness of his
mind to the bed of carnal men, and since holy matrimony is for the sake of
procreating children, he allows them some pleasure also, saying: 'But to avoid
fornications, let every man have his own wife, and let every woman have her
own husband. Let the husband fulfill his obligations towards his wife, the wife
hers likewise toward her husband.' 130 Behold he has already entered
heavenly secretS, yet through the bowels of condescension he examines the bed
of carnal men, and that eye of his mind which he raises to things invisible, he
turns to the secrets of husband and wife. He transcends Heaven by
contemplation, and yet he does not desert the carnal bed in his solitude. For
being joined to the highest and the lowest alike by the bond of charity, in his
own case he is strongly drawn to the heights by the virtue of his spirit, and
by piety to others he is recalled patiently to the depths. As for this compassion
of his charity he again says: 'Who is weak, and I am not weak also, who is
scandalized and I do not burn with indination?'131 On this he again says:
'and unto the Jews I became as a Jew.,1 2 He exhibited this not by losing
his faith, of course, but by extending his piety, so that by transforming himself
into the person of an unbeliever he might learn from his own example how
he ought to have shown pity towards others, to bestow on them what he -
would have rightly wanted to be bestowed on himself, if such had been the
case. On this he again says: 'Whether we are beside ourselves, it is for God,
or whether we be sober, it is for your sakes,'133 because he had learnt to
transcend himself through contemplation, and to moderate himself too by con-
descending to his listeners. This is why Jacob sees the angels ascending and
descendin 134 as the Lord looks down from above, and the stone below is
anointed. 1 5 For of course good preachers not only seek through contemp-
lation the holy head of the Church up above, that is the Lord God, but by
showing pity they also descend down below to its limbs. That is why Moses
often enters and leaves the tabernacle, and inside he is transported in
contemplation, while outside he is oppressed by troubles of the infirm. Inside,
he considers the secrets of God, and outside he bears the burdens of carnal
men. He returns always to the tabernacle over doubtful matters, and consults
129. The reading suspensa in Rl, PL and MGH is correct ('that contemplation having
been suspended'); suspensam in the other manuscripts and in Norberg ('his mind's sharpness
... suspended in contemplation') is certainly not appropriate here.
130. 1 Cor 7:2-3. In NAB a weak 'immorality' translates fornicationes. Gregory changes
the singular in the Vulgate, read by PL.
131. 2 Cor 11:29.
132. 1 Cor 9:20.
133. 2 Cor 5: 13.
134. The descendentes was read by R3 and PL, to make up the normal pair. Other manu-
scripts and editions omit it. With the words' likeness, a scribe could have left out either by
mistake. This is supported by its sursum ... appetunt, deorsum ... descendunt explanation.
135. See Gn 28:12-18.

142
THE LETTERS OF GREGORY THE GREAT
the Lord before the Ark of the Covenant. 136 Thus without any doubt he prcr
vides an example for bishops, that when they are in doubt over external deci-
sions, they should always return to their mind as if to the tabernacle, and take
counsel from the Lord before the Ark of the Covenant, if they are searching
by themselves the pages of Holy Scripture, concerning matters over which
they are in doubt. Thus Truth itself, revealed to us on the mountain through
the acceptance of our own humanity, is implicit in prayer and accomplishes
miracles in the cities,137 preparing a path of imitation in fact for good
bishops, so that although they already aspire to the heights through contem-
plation, they might nevertheless immerse themselves in the necessities of the
infirm, by showing compassion. For love rises to the heights miraculously,
when it draws itself pityingly to the lowest of neighbors, and the more it
descends kindly to the lowest levels, the more 138 it climbs strongly to the
highest.
In the exercise of this compassion it is of course necessary that he who is
in charge, reveal himself to be such a person, that none of his subjects feel
ashamed to reveal even their secrets to him. Thus, when they bear waves of
temptations like little children, they may run to the pastor's mind as if to a
mother's lap, and they realize that they are polluted by the baseness of
disturbing sin, with this solace of his exhortation, whereby they may wash
themselves in the tears of his prayer. That is why before the doors of the
temple, twelve oxen bear a brass' sea,' that is a hand-basin, for those entering
the temple to wash their hands, and indeed the faces of the oxen are clear to
see outside, but from behind are hidden. 139 For what is signified by twelve
oxen other than the universal order of pastors? About whom the law states,
as explained by Paul: 'You shall not muzzle an ox while it treads out the
grain.,140 We certainly see their exterior works, but we do not know what
awaits them behind in a hidden retribution, before a strict judge. However
those wh0 141 with the patience of their understanding prepare for the wash-
ing away of sins confessed by their neighbors, bear a hand-basin, as it were,
before the doorway of the temple, so that whoever strives to enter the door-
way of eternity, confesses his temptations to the mind of the priest and washes
the hands of his thought or work, as it were, in the hand-basin of the oxen.
136. See Ex 3:8ff.
137. See Lk 6:12-19.
138. The eo in PL ('the more') picks up quo, essential for Gregory's quadruple antithesis
(quo benigne descendit ad infima, eo valenter recurrit ad summa). He is more likely to have
written quo benignius ... eo valentius ('the more kindly... the more strongly'). The chiasmus
with 'to the heights, to the lowest / descends, climbs' is also rhetorically effective.
139. See 1 Kings 7:23-25.
140. 1 Cor 9:9 (quoting Dt 25:4).
141. The cum is awkward after Qui ramen ('But those who [ when they] prepare'). It
may be best taken as cum patientia (the final m easily added by mistake).

BOOK ONE
143
And it very often happens that, while the mind of the priest knows the temp-
tations of others by its understanding, it is itself struck also by the temptations
it has heard, because this same water of the hand-basin by which the multitude
of the people is washed clean is without doubt polluted. For while it absorbs
the dirtiness of those washing in it, it loses the serenity as it were of its purity.
But this should be in no way feared by the pastor because, as God weighs all
things withision, the more compassionately he wears himself out with the
temptation of others, the more easily he is saved from his own. 142
Again when I apply myself to considering what sort of person a bishop
should be in humility, and what sort in strictness, I consider that since it is
necessary for him to be both an ally to those doing good through humility,
and against the vices of sinners, upright with the zeal of justice, he should in
no way prefer himself to the godly, and when he extracts the sins of the
wicked, he should recognize the power of his priority, so that he thinks
himself equal to his subjects who live good lives, suppressing his rank, and
against the sins of the wicked, rises up with the zeal of his justice. For this is
why Peter, holding the supreme authority of the Holy Church with God's
authority, refused to be venerated too immoderately by Cornelius, who was _
behaving well and prostrating himself humbly before him. Peter recognized
himself as being similar to Cornelius, saying: 'Get up, do not do this; I am
only a man myself.,143 But when he discovered the guilt of Ananias and
Sapphira, he soon showed how great his power had grown over the others.
For he shattered their lives with a single word, which he understood with the
scrutiny of his spirit;144 and against their sins he set his supremacy within
the Church, a supremacy which he had not acknowledged in the presence of
brethren living good lives, when honor was bestowed on him too earnestly.
Here the sanctity of the action merited a communion of equality, there the
zeal of punishment opened his right of power. This is why Paul did not know
that he was elevated above brethren who lived good lives, when he said: 'Not
that we lord it over your faith; rather we work together for tour joy.' And
he added directly afterwards 'for you stand firm in the faith,' 45 as if he was
eXplaining what he had preferred, saying: 'We do not rule over your faith, for
the reason that you stand by faith, in which we know you stand.' As if he did
not know that he was elevated above his brethren, when he said: 'We have
become little children in the midst of you.,146 And again: 'but ourselves as
your servants for Jesus' sake.,147 But when he found a sin that was in need
of correction, he at once recalled that he was their master, saying: 'Which do
142. Concerning the passage above, see also Regula pastoralis 2.5.
143. Acts 10:26. Gregory adds ne feceris ('do not do this').
144. For the sudden deaths of both husband and wife see Acts 5:1-10.
145. 2 Cor 1:24.
146. 1 Thes 2:7.
147. 2 Cor 4:5. Gregory ends with per Christum, the Vulgate, per Iesum.

144
THE LETTERS OF GREGORY THE GREAT
you want, that I should come to you with a rod?,148 And so the highest
position is well governed, when the person in charge controls vices rather than
his brethren. A person controls the power he has received well, who knows
both how to hold and condemn it. He controls it well, who knows how to
rise above sins with it, and how to be made equal to others with it.
But the virtue of humility should be preserved in such a way that the
rights of authority are not dissolved, in case while some prelate humbles
himself more than is fitting, he cannot restrain the lives of his subjects under
a bond of discipline. 149 The severity of discipline should be preserved in
such a way that, although his zeal is inflamed more than is necessary, his
clemency is not completely lost. For often vices falsely suggest that they are
virtues, as miserliness would like to appear to be frugality, extravagance
generosity, cruelty a passion for justice and laxity piety. 150 Therefore disci-
pline or compassion is greatly diminished if one is maintained without the
other. But compassion should be preserved with a great art of discretion, while
giving just counsel, and discipline likewise, while piously severe. For this is
why, as Truth teaches us, through the efforts of the Samaritan 151 a man
half-dead was led into an inn, and wine and olive oil were applied to his
wounds, so that of course his wounds might be stung by the wine and warmed
by the olive oil. For it is necessary that the person in charge of curing his
wounds would apply a bite of pain in the wine and the tenderness of piety in
the olive oil, so that the corrupt parts might be purified by the wine and the
parts to be cured might be warmed by the olive oil. 152 Therefore let there
be love without softness, let there be vigor without harshness. This is signified
well by that Ark of the tabernacle, in which a rod and manna,153 also join
the tables there, for along with knowledge of the Holy Scripture, if there is
a rod of severity in the heart of the good bishop, let there also be manna of
sweetness.
And so having taken on the burden of pastoral care, when I consider all
of these things and many others of this sort, I seem 154 to be what I cannot
be, most of all because whoever is called pastor in this position, is heavily
beset by exterior cares, to the extent that it often becomes uncertain whether
he is fulfilling the office of a pastor or of an earthly nobleman. Indeed who-
ever has the charge of ruling his brethren cannot be completely free from
external cares, but yet he should take very great care that he is not weighed
148. 1 Cor 4:21.
149. Concerning the passage above, see also Regula pastoralis 2.6.
150. Concerning the passage above, see his Regula pasturalis 2.9 and Moralia in lob 23.19.11.
151. For the parable of the Good Samaritan, see Lk 10:30-37.
152. Concerning the passage above, see Regula pastoralis 2.9 and Moralia in lob 20.14.8.
153. See Heb 9:4, for the tables of the covenant, the rod of Aaron that budded and the
golden pot which held the heavenly manna.
154. The videor ('I seem') in PL is better suited to this apothegm (with an Cl1rO 1(0'''00
use of esse) than the simplistic video ('I see') in the manuscripts and other editions.

BOOK ONE
145
down by them immoderately. For which reason it is rightly said to Ezekiel:
'Priests shall not shave their heads nor let their hair grow long, but they shall
cut it keeping it trimmed.'155 For what do hairs on the head signify other
than external thoughts in the mind? As they grow insensibly on the head, they
express the cares of present life. These cares derive from a negligent and torpid
spirit, because they grow insolently, as if we do not sense them. Since, there-
fore, all who.-at"e in authority certainly ought to have external worries, but not
pay excessive attention to them, let priests be rightly prohibited from shaving
their heads and also from growing their hair long, so that they neither com-
pletely cut off from themselves thoughts of the flesh from the lives of their
subjects, nor relax so that there is excessive growth again. It is well said there:
'When cutting their hair, let them keep it trimmed,' for of course the cares of
temporal worry should both grow as much as is necessary, and yet be cut back
quite quickly, in case they grow immoderately. Therefore, while his subjects'
corporal life is protected by the administration of an external providence (and
again the lofty attention of the heart is not impeded, by a moderate provi-
dence), they are preserved like hairs on the head of the priest. They cover the
skin, but are cut back to avoid blocking the eyes. 156 But in this context I
see that I cannot keep control of this discretion, because every day such great-
disasters threaten to overwhelm my mind at the same time as they destroy my
corporal body. Wherefore, most holy brother, I beg you by the judge who is
about to come, by the multitude of many thousand angels, by the Church of
the ancients whose names are written in the Heavens, assist me with the
intercession of your prayer as I grow weary beneath this burden of pastoral
care, so that the heavy load I have undertaken does not oppress me beyond
my powers. Rememberin however what is written: 'Pray one for another,
that you may be healed,' 57 I also provide what I seek. But let me receive
what I provide. For while we are joined to you 158 with the help of prayer,
like people walking over a slippery surface, we hold each other's hand, and
from this great provision of love, it comes about that the love of each indi-
vidual is all the more firmly implanted, as each of us embraces the other. 159
155. Ezek 44:20. For this section on discipline and mercy, see Regula pastoralis 2.6.
156. Concerning the passage above, see also Regula pastoralis 2.7.
157. Jas 5:16.
158. The vobis coniungimur in R1, R3 and PL ('we are joined to you') makes perfect
sense; nos nobis coniungimus in MGH and Norberg ('we join ourselves to ourselves') makes
little sense.
159. The text suggests the image of the porphyry sculpture of the four tetrarchs, found
today on the facade of Saint Mark's in Venice, where the tetrarchs embrace each other in
love (without stepping on each other's feet). The text above is from PL's eo robustior caritas
perfigatur, quo in alterum alter insistitur. The eo ... quo is typical of Gregory, as is the stress
on love (caritas). R 1 and 3 read quo in alterum, and r reads perfigatur, R and the other
editions pes figatur. The foot ties in with the slippery surface, but joined hands give stability.
See above for my suggested quo benignius .o. eo valentius.

146
THE LETTERS OF GREGORY THE GREAT
Furthermore, because 'with the heart man believes in justice, and with the
mouth, confession is made unto salvation,'160 I admit that I take up and
venerate the four councils, just like the four books of the Holy Gospel, that
is to say the Nicene council, wherein the perverse doctrine of Arius is
destroyed, that of Constantinople also, wherein the error of Eunomius and
Macedonius is refuted, the first of Ephesus also, wherein the impiety of Nes-
torius is judged, and that of Chalcedon, wherein the depravity of Eutyches and
Dioscorus are reproved. 161 These four I embrace with total devotion and
I guard with purest approbation, because in them the structure of the holy
faith rises up as if built on a square stone,162 and whoever does not uphold
their solidity, whatever his life and works may be, even if he appears to be of
stone, yet he lies outside the building. I also venerate equally the fifth council,
in which are refuted the letter, said to be that of Ibas, as being full of error,
that of Theodore, who separates the person of God and man as mediator into
two substances, who is convicted of having fallen into the perfidy of impiety,
together with the writings of Theodoret, in which the faith of blessed Cyril
is condemned with audacious madness. 163 Indeed I spurn all of those per-
sons whom the aforesaid venerable councils spurn, and I embrace those they
venerate. For, since they have been established with universal consensus, whoever
presumes either to untie those they bind, or to bind those they untie, destroys
himself and not those councils. And so let whoever thinks otherwise be anathema.
May whoever upholds the faith of the aforesaid synods receive the peace of God
the Father, through Jesus Christ his Son, who lives and reigns with him,
consubstantially God, in the unity of the Holy Spirit, for all eternity. Amen.
1.24a Gregory to his most reverend and most holy brother and fellow-
bishop John 164 I February 591
You criticize me, my dearest brother, with a kind and very humble purpose,
for having wanted to escape from the heavy burdens of pastoral care, by
hiding myself away. In case anyone should think these burdens lightweight,
with the composition of this book herewith I express all of my thoughts with
regard to their heaviness, so that one who is free of them should not seek
these burdens without due care, and he who has sought them without due
care, should be very much afraid of taking them on.
160. Rom 10:10. This marks the second part of the letter, Gregory's profession of faith.
161. The Councils of Nicaea (325), t:onstantinople (381), Ephesus (431), Chalcedon (451).
162. In quadrato lapide: the square has 4 sides, just as the Church has its 4 Councils.
163. Theodore of Mopsuesta (in Cilicia), Theodoret of Cyr and Ibas of Edessa (in Mesopo-
tamia), three theologians of the fifth century, with erroneous views on Christology, who su
ported the opinions of Nestorius (condemned at the council of Ephesus in 431) and threatened
Church unity in the East. They were all involved in the Three Chapters schism.
164. Gregory is sending his Regula pastoralis to John, bishop of Ravenna, showing what sort
of pope he should be. The letter is in MGH, from two manuscripts, one in Ivrea, Biblioteca Capi-
tolare (seventh century) and the other in Berlin, Deutsche Staatsbibliothek (ninth century).

BOOK ONE
147
And that book has its argument divided into four parts, so that the mind
of the reader may also progress with orderly links, step by step as it were. For
one must think hard about how each man should attain to the pinnacle of
power, when the necessity of affairs demands this, and duly reaching it, how
he should live his life, and living it honestly, how he should teach others, and
teaching rightly, with how much consideration he should recognize his own
weakness, -.eaCh day, so that his humility does not flee from accession to
power, nor his life speak against his reaching it, nor his learning forsake his
life, nor his self-assurance applaud his learning. And so let fear first temper his
appetite. But afterwards, let his life recommend him for high office, which is
undertaken by the person who does not seek it. Then the pastor's goodness,
which is shown by the way he lives his life, must also be spread by the way
he speaks. But at the end, it remains that a consideration of one's own weak-
ness should depreciate all of one's achievements, so that puffed up pride does
not extinguish them before the eyes of the hidden judge.
But since there are many men similar to me in their inexperience, the sort
who are eager to teach what they have not learnt, not realizing that they are
being judged, men who reckon the burden of rule all the lighter, as they are
ignorant of the impact of its magnitude, let them be restrained from the very-
start of this book, so that, as they seek to occupy the citadel of learning while
ignorant and headstrong, they are forced back from their audacious haste, as
if at the very front door of our literary work. 165
1.25 Gregory to Anastasius, ex-patriarch of Antioch I February 591
1 found the letter of your Beatitude like a tired man finds rest, a sick man
health, a thirsty man a fountain and an overheated man shade. 166 For those
words did not seem to have been expressed by an earthly tongue, as it so
revealed the spiritual love it bore, it was just as if your mind was speaking on
its own. But what followed was extremely harsh, because your love ordered
me to carry earthly burdens, and though you loved me before in a spiritual
way, loving afterwards, in my view, in a temporal way, you forced me right
down to the ground with the burden placed upon me. Thus losing totally all
the rectitude of my mind and giving up the sharpness of my contemplation,
1 may say not in the spirit of a prophesy but through experience 'I have been
165. An epilogue to Gregory's Regula pastoralis was put at the end of his letter to
Bishop John by the editors of MGH: 'Behold, good sir, compelled by the necessity of the
criticism directed at me, while I am intent on showing what sort of priest he ought to be,
I have painted a beautiful person, although I am a lousy painter, and I direct others to the
shore of perfection while I am still buffeted by the waves of my sins. But in the shipwreck
of this life, I beg you, support me on the plank of your prayer, so that as my own weight
presses me down, the hand of your worthiness may raise me up.' The 'lousy painter' is
typical of Gregory's humorous self-depreciation. The final appeal is to Leontius, to whom
he dedicated his Regula. In Ep 1.4, he ends likewise 'stretch forth the hand of your prayer.'
166. See Ep 1.7 for almost the same opening with the same four brief similes.

148
THE LETTERS OF GREGORY THE GREAT
cast down and humiliated everywhere.'167 Indeed so great are the occupa-
tional burdens which press me down, that my soul cannot in any way raise
itself to things above. I am shaken by many waves of affairs, and after those
quiet hours of peace, I am so afflicted by the storms of a tempestuous life that
I can rightly say: 'I have come into the depth of the sea; and a tempest has
overwhelmed me.,168 Stretch out the hand of your prayer to me, therefore,
in my time of peril, you who stand firm on the shore of virtues. But when
you call me the mouth of the Lord, and his lamp, and suggest that I help
many by preaching and can give light to many, I must confess you have
brought my self-estimation into the greatest doubt.
For I consider who I am and I find no proof of this goodness in myself.
Then I consider who you are, and I am sure that you are incapable of lying.
And so although I want to believe what you say, my weaknesses speak against
me. Although I want to dispute what is said in praise of me, your Sanctity
speaks against me. But I beg you, saintly gentleman, let us agree on something
from this contention of ours, so that, although what you say is not so, it may
yet be so because you say it.
Furthermore, I sent a synodical letter to you, just as I did to the other
patriarchs, your equals. For to me you are always what you have accepted to
be by the gift of almighty God, and not what you are thought to be, by the
wishes of humans. I have imposed on the bearer of this letter, Boniface, my
Church defender,169 something for him to pass on to your Sanctity with
more secrecy.170 I have also sent you the keys of your beloved and blessed
apostle, Peter. When the;; are placed over the sick; they normally produce
many brilliant miracles. 1 1
1.26 Gregory to Anastasius, archbishop of Corinth 172 I February 591
The more inscrutable the judgments of God are, the more they should be
feared by human minds. And so, because mortal reason cannot comprehend
them, it must subjugate itself before them, by humbling the heart's neck, so
that wherever the Lord's will leads the reason, there it follows with the
obedient footsteps of the mind. But considering that my infirmity could in no
way attain to the pinnacle of the apostolic see, I preferred to decline this
burden, to avoid succumbing to a charge of unjust administration in pastoral
rule. But because it is not possible to oppose the decision of the Lord who
167. Ps 118 (119):107.
168. Ps 68 (69):2. The same nautical imagery and quotation were used in Ep 1.7.
169. Mentioned by Gregory in his Dialogi 3.20.2: 'Our Deacon, defender of the
Church.' He also appears in Epp 1.26; 5.40; 8.16; 9.111; 11.58; 13.39,41,43,44; 14.2,8. In
608 he became Pope Boniface IV.
170. Not for the emperor's eyes, it seems.
171. For the miraculous powers of these holy keys, see the Introduction, p. 74.
172. Anastasius was condemned four years later (Epp 5.57, 62), and was succeeded by
John.

BOOK ONE
149
disposes, I have obediently followed what the merciful hand of the Lord
wished to be done concerning me. For it was necessary for your Fraternity to
be informed that, even if an occasion did not eventuate at the time, the Lord
had deemed me worthy of presiding over the apostolic see, although unworthy
of it. And so since the case both demanded that this be done, and since the
occasion had presented itself in the form of the bearer of the present letter
whom we sent; that is Boniface our Church defender,173 we took care not
only to offer prayers of love in our writings to your Fraternity, but also to
inform you about our ordination, which we believe was desirable to you. For
that reason, may your love delight us concerning the unity of the Church, in
a reciprocal letter, and in a desirable report of your good health, so that the
corporeal absence which the separation of our two places makes us endure,
may be reversed through our exchange of letters. 174
We also make the following request. We have sent the above-mentioned
bearer of this letter before the feet of our most merciful prince, for the sake
of some necessary cases, and the uncertainty of these times is accustomed to
generating many impediments to a journey. And so, may your priestly affec-
tion contribute whatever he needs, either in provisions for his journey
overland, or even in procuring a ship, so that he can complete his destined
journey all the more quickly, with the Lord's pity.
1.27 Gregory to Sebastian, bishop of Resini 175 I February 591
Although I have not deserved to receive any letter from your Beatitude, yet
I too do not forget my forgetfulness, I spurn my negligence and I awaken my
torpor with incitements of love, so that he who is unwilling on his part to pay
his dues, may learn to pay back what he owes on pain of being spurned.
Furthermore I inform you that I have made a suggestion before the most pious
of princes, filled with most earnest of prayers, that he ought to send over the
ex-patriarch Lord Anastasius, a most blessed gentleman, allowed the use of the
pallium, to the Church of Saint Peter, the prince of the apostles, to celebrate
the solemn rites of the Mass with me, so that, if he were not allowed to return
to his own see, he might at "least live with me, his honor intact. 176 But the
bearer of this letter will notify you what reason stopped me from sending that
same letter to you. However, get to know the thoughts of this same Lord
Anastasius, and indicate to me in your letter what would please him concern-
ing this matter.
173. See Ep 1.25 above. .
174. This is a good, concise expression of Gregory's theology of ecclesiastic communion.
175. Resini on the gulf of Cattaro, in Dalmatia (Rhizinium in Roman times). Its bishop
Was a friend of Romanus, Byzantine exarch of Ravenna. When driven from his see due to
barbarian activity, he was offered a vacant see in Sicily by the pope (see Ep 5.40).
176. See Ep 1.7. That letter may never have been dispatched, however. For more on
Lord Anastasius, see Ep 7.25.

150
THE LETTERS OF GREGOR Y THE GREA T
1.28 Gregory to Aristobulus, ex -prefect and imperial secretary I February 591
My tongue does not suffice to express my feelings fully, I admit, but whatever
I feel about you, your own feelings can describe to you better. Yet I have
heard that you labor under some adversities. But I am not all that distressed
over this. For very often a ship, able to reach the open sea after a period of
good weather, is checked at the very start of its sea-voyage, with the wind
against it, and driven back, it is recalled to port.
Furthermore, if it should happen by chance that you receive a prolix letter
of mine for translation, I beg you translate it not word for word but following
the sense of each passage, because very often the force of the meaning is lost
while the correctness of each word is observed. 177
1.29 Gregory to the illustrious Andrew 178 I February 591
May almighty God inform your most charming heart that, even absent in
body, I have not withdrawn from love of you in my mind. For I cannot forget
your goodness even if I wanted to. But as for your knowing that I have
obtained an episcopal rank, if you love me, weep for me. 179 For here the
occupations of this world are so great that I see that I have almost been sepa-
rated from the love of God by this episcopal rank. I bewail this incessantly,
and I ask you to pray to the Lord on my behalf.
Furthermore I have sent over a very sacred key from the body of Saint
Peter the apostle, which when placed over the sick, normally produces many
brilliant miracles; 180 for it also has inside it some links from his chains.
Therefore, may the same chains which hung on him, holding that sacred neck,
sanctify your neck.
1.30 Gregory to John ex-consul, patrician and quaestor I February 591
Having experienced the goodness of your Excellency, I am bound by such
great love towards you, that your memory could in no way be abolished from
my heart. But despite my love, I am very much saddened, because you know
that I sought quiet and you have forced me into disquiet. Indeed may almighty
God reward you with eternal goodness, as you did this with good intentions.
Yet may he release me from the very great danger of this place, as he may
wish, because just as my sins deserved, I have been made bishop not of the
177. The secretary (avT£'Ypal/xJ) would translate important letters from Latin into
Greek. In 597 (Ep 7.27) Gregory complains about the incompetence of the translators at
Constantinople. We cannot identify the letter to which he refers, but this passage is quite
significant, as it gives us an insight into how he perceived the task of a translator. The letter
underlines the divide between the Latin West, and Greek East. For Gregory's knowledge of
Greek, see the Introduction, pp. 102-103.
178. A close adviser to the Emperor Maurice (see Ep 7.23,26), Andrew was executed on
7 June 605, with others of Maurice's circle, following Phocas' successful palace coup.
179. The unexpected plangite (1rapa1rpooOc"<lav) is typical of Gregory's ironical wit.
180. See the Introduction, p. 74 for the keys of Saint Peter. Andrew was honored to
receive one.

BOOK ONE
151
.
Romans but of the Lombards, whose treaties 181 are swords and whose grati-
tude is revenge. Just see where your patronage has led me. Each day I groan
and oppressed by occupations, I cannot breathe any more. But you who are
still able to do so, flee from the occupations of this world; because the more
someone has made progress in it, the more fully, as I see it, he shrinks from
the love of God.
FurtherlllC:1te I have sent over a very sacred key from the body of Saint
Peter, the prince of the apostles, which when placed over the sick, normally
produces many brilliant miracles; 182 for it also contains inside it some links
from his chains. Therefore, may the same chains which held that sacred neck
suspended, sanctify your neck. 183
1.31 Gregory to Philip, count of the imperial guard I February 591
The more a person is incapable of discussing and investigating heavenly
decisions, the more he ought to subject the neck of his heart to them. And so,
because he does not know by what judgment what is attributed to him is
arranged, he ought neither to persist shamelessly in seeking after a position,
nor be found insolent in rejecting one. Wherefore, I was not worthy to take
on the burdens of the episcopate, yet I subjected myself to the command of
almighty God and to your wishes, you who wanted me to preside over this
office more through the generosity of your kindness than by the reckoning of
your judgment. For God, because of whom you love me, unworthy as I am,
has the power to recompense you for ever for this payment, so that you can
find the kindness which you bestow on his unworthy servants repaid by Him
many tImes over.
As for the affairs of Italy, may I recommend them to your Excel-
lency,184 I pray, so that as you freely reward those who ask you for help, you
may obtain all the more quickly all that you seek from God.
181. Gregory's sinthiciae transcribes the Greek word av,,8"La, meaning 'pacts' or
'treaties,' its only use in the letters. The spatae (or spathae) were in fact broad, two-edged
swords without a point, popular with the German warriors. As bishop of the 'Lombards'
Gregory uses hyperbole in a humorous manner.- The antithesis of treaties/swords and
gratitude/thanks, with a double oxymoron, is most effective.
182. See Epp 1.25 and especially 1.29. The almost identical formulae suggest that
Gregory's scribe added the words after Praeterea, when told to include these relics.
183. This letter was sent to John, quaestor of the holy palace, a onfidant of the em-
peror, and perhaps treasurer of his private purse. He was killed when Phocas seized power,
whose treasurer, Beator, left for Italy to grab what he could from rich friends of Maurice;
see Ep 13.24.
184. Philip played a major part in the war against the Persians, but was suspected of
treason after the army revolted. After Maurice's death, he became a priest, under duress. The
cubitores were the elite of the imperial guard. Their commanders (tribunes) were second
In command to the emperor, some becoming emperors (for example, Justin I and Maurice;
see Ep 3.61). See Theophylact Simocatta, Historia 1.13-14 and 8.13.2.

152
THE LETTERS OF GREGORY THE GREAT
1.32 Gregory to Romanus, patrician and exarch of Ital y 185 I February 591
Even if no reason at all were to crop up for writing to your Excellency, yet
we with paternal love should be worried about the condition of your health,
making us keen to learn through the frequent exchange of messengers what we
desire to hear from you.
Furthermore, it has come to our notice that your Excellency has already
detained Blandus, the bishop of the city of Ortona, in the city of Ravenna for
a long time. 186 And it happens that a church without a bishop, and its
people, just like a flock without a shepherd, disperse, and in that place infants
die without baptism for the remission of their sins. Again, because we do not
believe that your Excellency would have held him, unless for some likely case
of aberration, it is necess that a synod be held and the matter be brought
out into the open, if any18 charge should be brought against him.
If such a fault is found in him as to lead as far as a degradation of his priest-
hood, then we must inquire into another consecration, so that a church of God
does not remain unattended and destitute of those persons, without which our
Christian religion does not allow it to exist. But if however your Excellency per-
ceives that things concerning him are different from what they are said to be, then
let him return to his church, to fulf1l1 his office for the souls entrusted to him.
Month of March, ninth indiction
1.33 Gregory to Venantius, patrician ex-monk l88 I March 591
Many foolish men thought that, if I were elevated to the rank of bishop, I
would refuse to communicate and exchange letters with you. But it is not so,
because I am compelled now by the duty of my position itself, that I ought
not to keep quiet. In fact it has been written: 'Cry aloud, unsparingly, lift up
your voice like a trumpet,,189 and again it has been written: 'I have made
you a watchman for the house of Israel. When you hear a word from my
mouth, give them warning from me.,190
Of course, what befalls the watchman or listener from this announcement,
depending on whether it is withheld or made public, is suggested at once: 'If
185. The patrician, Romanus, had become exarch of Italy, based in Ravenna, at the
beginning of 590 (see Ep 5.19). See also Epp 2.38; 5.36, 40.
186. Blandus died before August 594 (see Ep 4.39), succeeded in 599 by Calumniosus.
Ortona was a town in Samnium, on the Adriatic coast. The bishop's detention was probably
due to his stance in the controversial Three Chapters schism.
187. Reading si quid ('if any'), for the sense, rather than si quod in manuscripts and edi-
tions. The quod/quid confusion is conunon in the MSS (found with quod dicitur six lines below).
188. The reading in r].C (exmonacho patricio). Norberg has patricio ltaliae (can. ltaliae in Rl),
which may be right. A Venantius appears in ten other letters: Epp 2.49; 3.57; 6.42; 9.232, 236;
11.18, 23, 25, 59; 13.12, but which Venantius is unclear. There is confusion as to the identity of
Gregory's addressee, whether it was an ex-monk in Syracuse, married to Italica, with daughters
Barbara and Antonina, or a patrician of Palermo. Both may have received letters from Gregory.
189. Is 58:1.
190. Ezek 3: 17.

BOOK ONE
153
I say to the wicked man, you will surely die; and you do not warn him or
speak out to dissuade him from his wicked life, to save his life; the same
wicked man shall die for his sin. But I shall hold you responsible for his death.
If, on the other hand, you warn the wicked man, but he does not turn from
his evil nor from his wicked conduct, then he shall die for his sin, but you
have saved your ife.'191 On this Paul also says to the Ephesians: 'This day
I am not respenS1ble for the blood of any of you. For I did not shrink from
declaring to you the entire plan of God.,192 He would therefore have been
responsible for their blood if he had been unwilling to announce the plan of
God to them. For when he refuses to reprimand sinners, the priest without
doubt kills them with his silence. Compelled therefore by this consideration,
I am going to speak, whether you wish it or not, because with all my power
I both want you to be saved, and myself to be freed from causing your death.
For you consider what habit you have worn, and postponing the threat
of divine punishment, you recognize how far you have fallen. Therefore weigh
up your fault, while there is time; shudder at the punishment of your future
judge, while you can, so that you do not think it harsh then, when you can
no longer evade it with any tears. Consider what has been written: 'Pray that
your flight be not in winter or on the Sabbath.' 193 Indeed, in winter the
numbness of the cold stops one from walking, and to walk on the Sabbath is
not allowed according to the instructions of the Law. And so a person who
tries to escape in winter or on the Sabbath, aims to escape then from the anger
of the strict judge, when it is no longer legal for him to walk. While there is
time, therefore, while it is allowed, flee from such a terrible threat.
Consider what has been written: 'Any thing you can turn your hand to,
do it with what might you have; for there will be no work, nor reason, nor
knowledge, nor wisdom in the grave, where you are going.,194
For with the evangelist as witness, you know that divine judgment will
condemn us for idle talk, and will examine our reason for useless words with
great care. 195 Consider therefore what this judgment will do concerning a
perverse deed, if it will condemn some in its court for their words. Ananias
had solemnly promised to give money to God, but afterwards he withdrew it,
overcome by the persuasion of the Devil. But you know with what death he
was punished. 196 If therefore he who withdrew from God the money he had
given deserved the danger of death, consider how great a danger you will deserve
before the divine tribunal, you who have withdrawn from almighty God not
money, but you yourself, after devoting yourself to Him in your monk's habit.
191. Ezek 3:18-19.
192. Acts 20:26-27.
193. Mt 24:20.
194. Eccl 9: 10.
195. As in Mt 12:36.
196. See Acts 5:1-10 for Ananias, who dropped dead when he kept part of his profit
from a land sale, and was condemned for it by Peter.

154
THE LETTERS OF GREGORY THE GREAT
Wherefore if you listen and follow the words of my reproof, you will
finally learn how pleasant and sweet they are. 197 But look, I am speaking
tearfully, I admit it, and bound by the sadness of your deed, I am scarcely able
to speak; and yet your mind, conscious of its action, scarcely suffices to bear
what it hears, and you blush, you are confounded, you turn your head away.
If therefore you cannot endure the words of one who is but dust, what will
you do before the tribunal of our Creator? But because I believe that the
compassion of heavenly grace is very great, I admit that it sees you escaping
from life, and yet still preserves you for life; I admit that it sees you being
arrogant, and tolerates you; that through its unworthy servants it administers
words of reproach and advice to you. It only remains that you ought to
consider carefully what Paul said: 'We exhort you our brethren not to receive
the grace of God in vain. For he says, "In an acceptable time have I heard you,
and on the day of salvation have I helped you." Behold, now is the day of
salvation.' 198
But I know that once my letter is received, friends at once gather, literary
clients are called together, and over the case of your life, counsel is sought
from those favoring death, who while they love not you, but your goods, say
nothing to you except for what gives temporary pleasure. For your counselors
formerly, as you yourself remember, were such as to lead you even into the
commission of so great a sin. So that I may quote something from a secular
author for you: 'You should discuss everything with your friends, but first
(assess the men) themselves.'199 However if in your case you seek a person
to give you advice, take me as your adviser, I beg you. Nobody could be more
faithful to you in giving counsel than he who loves not your things but you
yourself. May almighty God show that my heart embraces you with so much
affection, with so much love, but only as far as divine grace is not offended.
For I pursue your sinfulness in such a way that I may love your person. I love
your person in such a way that I do not embrace the fault of your sin. If,
therefore, you believe that you are loved by me, present yourself to the
apostolic see and use me as your counselor. But if I am believed to be going
too far perhaps for the sake of God, and I am suspect over the ardor of my
zeal, I am employing at the same time the whole Church to give counsel in
this debate, and whatever thy all agree is done beneficially, I myself in no
way oppose, but whatever is decided in common, I shall joyfully fulfill.
May God's grace protect you, while you implement what I advised.
197. The future cognasces. (read by Rl and RJ) is needed to balance the two futures secuturUS
audieris; 'finally' suggests futurity. This confusion of tenses is very common in the manuscripts.
198. 2 Cor 6:1-2. Gregory alters adiuvantes ('as workers together') into vas fratres.
199. Seneca, Epistles 1.3. No doubt quoted from memory. With his frequent moralizing,
Seneca well suited the writings and sermons of the Church.

BOOK ONE
155
1.34 Gregory to Peter, bishop of Terracina 200 I March 591
The Jew, Joseph, bearer of this letter, has informed us, concerning a certain
place in which the Jews residing in the castle of Terracina had been accus-
tomed to meet together, to celebrate their holy festivals, that your Fraternity
had expelled them from it, and that they had migrated to another place to
carry out their religious festivities in a similar manner, with your knowledge
also, and wyour consent. And now they complain that they are being
expelled once again from the same place. But if that is so, we want your
Fraternity to avoid that sort of complaint, and we want them to be allowed
to gather together as their custom was, at that place which they obtained for
their meetings with your consent, as we said above. For one must bring those
who disagree with the Christian religion to the unity of the faith, with
clemency and kindness, by making suggestions and being persuasive.
Otherwise, they may be repelled by threats and terrors, when they could be
invited to believe in Christ through the sweetness of preaching and the coming
terror of the future judge. Therefore, it should be seen to that they come together
to hear the word of God from you in a friendly manner, rather2° 1 than be
scared off by harshness that is extended beyond moderation. 202
1.35 Gregory to John, bishop of Ravenna 203 I March 591
If we are attentive to the promise of our order, and to the office that we
administer, we should help those afflicted as far as we can, with the support
of justice. And so, since we have learnt that the slendid gentleman and ex-
prefect, Maurilio,204 is residing in Fossa Sconii,2 5 I want your Fraternity
to help him at once, as far as is possible. Not because we have any doubt, Hea-
ven forbid, about the justice of that most excellent gentleman, the prefect Lord
George,206 or think that he is in some way turning from the path of rea-
son, a man whom we have got to know in all good ways, even before the
administration of this high office. We ask this so that the splendid gentleman
and ex-prefect Maurilio might expose his accounts without suspicion of oppres-
200. Bishop Peter died before November 592 (Epp 3.13, 14). This letter shows that the Jews
in Sicily were able to get the pope's support when being victimized. Yet Bishop Peter continued
to treat the Jews unjustly, despite the pope's stem warning (see Ep 2.6).
201. Manuscripts rl, Rl and R3 (super5cr.) and MGH read magis, expected in compari-
sons with quam.
202. This well illustrates Gregory's missionary policy, used afterwards with such success
in Sardinia and Britain, discussed in the Introduction, pp. 50-61.
203. Born in Rome, in his early days John had been very close to Gregory (he dedicated
his Regula pastoralis to him), but when he became bishop of Ravenna, he claimed special pri-
vileges for his see, to which the pope objected strongly (see Epp 3.54; 4.37).
204. Gregory's attachment to him is shown in Ep 9.64 (when Maurilio was in Sicily).
205. The manuscripts read sco[s], rightly interpreted as Fossa Sconii by Ewald in his note
in MGH, a branch of the river Po, where the church of Saint Eusebius stood, a bishop's see,
where Maurilio had asked for asylum (see Ep 9.4). Norberg leaves seas, marking it with daggers.
206. See note on Ep 1.22.

156
THE LETTERS OF GREGORY THE GREAT
sion, and that aforesaid most excellent gentleman, the prefect Lord George,
may examine Maurilio's accounts without damaging his own reputation.
1.36 Gregory to Malchus, bishop of Dalmatia I March 591
John, a most eloquent gentleman and counselor of that most excellent
gentleman, Lord George, prefect of Italy, has suggested to us that he has some
controversial matters to sort out with Stephen, bishop of the city of Scu-
tari,207 and he has asked that a judgment should be settled between Stephen
and himself. For that reason we have taken care to advise your Fraternity with
the present injunction, to compel the aforesaid bishop to come and select a
tribunal. And whatever is determined by the judgment of those elected,
between the aforesaid splendid gentleman John and the oft-mentioned bishop,
you must not fail to make it effective. Thus may both the plaintiff give thanks
that justice has resulted, and the defendant, when his case is brought to trial,
make no complaint over a miscarriage of justice against himself.
1.37 Gregory to Sub-deacon Anthelm 208 I March 591
As you were leaving, I gave orders (and I remember enjoining you afterwards
with instructions which went back and forth) that you should take care of the
poor, and if you knew any there who were in need, you should indicate that
to me in a letter in reply. And you have taken care to do so for hardly any of
them. But  for my aunt, Lady Pateria,209 as soon as you receive my pre-
sent command, I want you to offer forty gold coins as 'shoe-money,210 for
her children, and twenty gold coins and three hundred measures of wheat to
Lady Pateria, and for Lady Viviana, widow of Felix, twenty gold coins and
three hundred measures of wheat. All eighty of these gold coins are charged
together to your account. But hurry here with all speed with the sum to be
paid, by Easter Day even, with God's help.211
1.38 Gregory to Felix, bishop of Messina I March 591
Weare confident that it is welcome to you, if the travel burdens of your
brother, that venerable gentleman Bishop Paulinus, were to be relieved, and
under his rule, at common expense, the monastery of Saint Theodore founded
207. Malchus administered the Church's patrimony in Dalmatia,- dying in 594, but his
episcopal see is uncertain. See Epp 2.19, 38; 3.22 and 5.6 (on his death). Stephen is not
mentioned elsewhere. He was succeeded in March 602 by Constantine (Ep 12.11).
208. See n89 above on Anthelm (Ep 1.23).
209. Pateria, not mentioned elsewhere, was a sister of Gregory's mother. He had three
aunts on his father's side, Tarsilla, Gordiana and Emiliana, all of them nuns. The scribe of
r2 C wrongly chose amitae (a father's sister). Normally matertera denoted a mother's sister,
while thia (used here, from the Greek Seta) was used for an aunt on either side.
210. Not to be taken literally. By Gregory's time it was just an allocation of silver.
211. Easter was on 15 April in 591.

BOOK ONE
157
in your city, were to serve almighty God with more zeal. We have also learnt
from a report of his that you already wanted to do this. 212
And for that reason, we gave' orders to our manager Peter to seek out and
bring together as one the monks of the monastery of the aforesaid bishop, nor
should he put off locating them in the same monastery with those who are
there now, so that they; take might care of their souls in a manner more
worthy of that1>ishop. 13
We foresaw that this matter should be made known to your Veneration,
in case you might be upset at something being arranged in your diocese,
without you being notified.
1.38a 214 Bishop Gregory, servant of the servants of God, to his sub-dea-
con, Peter I 16 March 591
As you set out for Sicily, the ordinance 215 which I gave you should be read
again and again, stating that bishops should show maximum care not to
involve themselves in secular cases, except as far as they are compelled to do
so by their need to defend the poor. But as far as the monks and clerics are
concerned, in my opinion, directions included in the same ordinance should
not be removed in any way at all. But let your Experience look after this with
as much observance as can satisfy my wishes concerning this matter.
Furthermore, it has come to my attention that from the time of the
defender Antoninus, and up now in this ten year period, many members of
the Roman Church have suffered certain acts of violence, such that some are
complaining publicly that their properties have been invaded violently, slaves
stolen and even movable property carried off, and by force, not by any legal
decision. In all of these cases, I want your Experience to make a thorough in-
vestigation, and whatever you find was removed violently during this ten year
period, or unjustly retained in the name of the Church, restore it to its
212. Felix also received Epp 1.64 and 2.6. By September 595 he was already being
replaced as bishop by Donus (see Ep 2.6). Paulinus was bishop of Taurum in Calabria, north
of Reggio (no longer there); he was at risk from hostile incursions (see next letter). Later he
became bishop of Lipari (Epp 2.15, 16).
213. The bishop here, it seems, unlike Peter above. For rector, see the Introduction, p. 92.
214. This letter was written as Peter set out for Sicily, and it seems far better to include
it here, rather than in an appendix, as in Norberg 2: 1092-1094.
215. 'The pact of Saint Gregory, pope of Rome, given to the bishops of Sicily.' The title
of a legalistic ordinance in H1 and MGH. It is almost a summary of the letter. (1) Bishops
mUst not get involved in secular cases, except only in defense of the poor. (2) With regard
to the properties of others occupied by Church defenders, which need to be restored by
Some objection. (3) Slaves possessed by others, even if they were owed to Church control
and subjected themselves to the rule of the Church of their own accord, must first be
restored, and only then taken back through a court order. (4) For Church properties also,
the truth must be upheld in court cases without any favoritism. (5) That which conforms
to Church law, should be judged with reason, not with force. (6) What sort of person a
clergyman ought to show himself to be towards secular powers and the lay nobility.

158
THE LETTERS OF GREGORY THE GREAT
rightful owner, in your view, with the authority of my order herewith, so that
anyone who has suffered violence is not forced to come to me and undertake
the strain of such a long journey, when it could not be decided here in my
presence whether he is telling the truth. And so consider the majesty of the
coming judge, and restore all things removed illegally, knowing that you
return a great profit for me, if you collect income rather than riches.
We have learnt, however, that most people complain about their loss of slaves,
saying that if anyone's slave has perhaps fled from his master, and has claimed that
he is under Church law, the Church authorities have at once kept him as a slave
under Church law, acting without any judicial authority, but defending the slave's
claim with force. This displeases me as much as it is at variance with true justice.
So I want your Experience to correct whatever you find done in this way, as
quickly as you can. H there are some such slaves being held in accordance with
Church law, as well as those removed with legal authority, it is proper that they
be restored before a court, in such a way that if the Holy Church has any
legitimate claim on them, then their owners might be prosecuted in a formal trial.
Correct all of these matters irrevocably, because you will then be a true
soldier of the blessed apostle, Peer, if in court cases you keep guard over that
truth, even when it is not accepted. 216
But if you see anything that can justly comply with Church law, be
careful in case you are ever keen to protect it with force, especially as I have
also issued a decree with anathema added to it, that our Church should never
place titles on estates in the city or in the countryside. But whatever supports
the poor with reason, should be defended also with reason, so that, when
something good is not being done well, what we justly complain about, even
before almighty God, is not unjustly refuted.
However the noble laymen and the glorious praetor should love you for
your humility, and not shrink from you due to your arrogance. And yet when
you realize that those men are perhaps doing some unjust deeds against any
destitute people, then turn your humility into pride at once, and always
present yourself as their subject when they behave well, but as their enemy
when they behave badly. But act in such a way that your humility is not
remiss, nor your authority rigid, so that rectitude adds spice to your humility,
and your humility adds sweetness to your very rectitude.
Furthermore, as it was customary for them to come together for the birth-
day of the pope, prohibit them from doing so on the day -of my ordination,
because that unnecessary vanity gives me no pleasure. But if it is necessary for
them to come together, let them meet for the birthday of Saint Peter, the
prince of the apostles, so that they can discharge their acts of gratitude to him,
through whose bounty they are priests.
FarewelI'. Dated the sixteenth March, in Maurice's ninth year as emperor
(591).
216. Litrally, 'even without its acceptance,' that is by other claimants.

BOOK ONE
159
1.39 Gregory to Sub-deacon Peter I March 591
The venerable gentleman Paulinus, bishop of the city of Taurum, in the province
of Calabria, 217 has told us that his monks were dispersed by barbarian incur-
sions, and are even now wandering through the whole of Sicily, and being without
a bishop, are neither taking care of their souls nor maintaining the discipline of
their habit. On this matter, we order you to search out those same monks with
all care and cem, to bring them together as one, and locate them with the
aforesaid bishop and their ruler in the monastery of Saint Theodore, set in the city
of Messina. Thus those who are there now, whom we have found to lack a
bishop, and those from his community, whom you will fmd and bring back, can
with his leadership serve the almighty Lord in unity.
Know that we have also reported this matter to that venerable gentleman,
Felix, bishop of the same city, so that he will not be upset at something being
arranged in the diocese entrusted to him, without being notified.
Month of April, ninth indiction
1.40 Gregory to Sub-deacon Anthelm I April 591
Our brother and fellow-bishop John, directly through his chief secretary
Justus, is known to have announced this to us, among several other matters,
that some monks from monasteries located in the diocese of Sorrento are
changing their abodes from monastery to monastery.218 With the desire for
secular things, they are abandoning the rule of their own abbot. Moreover,
individuals are applying themselves to their personal gain, which is known to
be illegal. For that reason we command your Experience with the present
order not to allow any monk to move his abode from monastery to monastery
any further, nor to permit anyone of them to have any personal interests. But
if anyone should presume upon this, he must be returned with due coercion
to the monastery where he became a monk, and back under his abbot's rule,
from which he has fled. Otherwise, if we leave such great sin uncontrolled and
unamended, the souls of those perishing may be examined by the soul of their
superiors. If however someone should happen to have been converted to monk
from being a cleric, he should not be allowed to return once more of his own
volition to the same or another church, of which he was a former soldier.
That is, unless he was a monk leading such a life that the bishop, for whom
he had fought the good fight earlier on, should see him worthy of a priest-
hood, so that he should be selected by him and ordained in whatever place he
decides is the best for him .219
217. For the Bruttii, the original inhabitants of the mod Calabria.
218. For Anthelm, see Ep 1.23. John was bishop of Sorrento in Campania. He partici-
pated in the Council of 5 July 595, and appears in Epp 9.45 and 62 (October-December 598).
He died before March 600 (Ep 10.6).
219. This passage is again illustrative of a concept current in the Church of Gregory's
day, that of a clerical militia.

160
THE LETTERS OF GREGORY THE GREAT
And because we have learnt that some of the monks have even sunk to
such great wickedness, as to obtain wives publicly, you should search for them
with all vigilance, and finding them, you should take them back to the mona-
steries in which they had been monks with due coercion. But also do not fail
to complete your treatment of clerics transferring to monkhood, as we have
discussed it above. For in this way you will please the eyes of God and will
be found a participant in full recompense.
1.41 Gregory to Leander, bishop of Spain 220 I April 591
Gregory, servant of the servants of God, greets our very reverend and very
saintly brother, Bishop Leander. 221
I should have liked to have replied to your letters 222 with total applica-
tion, if the hard work of my pastoral care were not wearing me out in such
a way that I would prefer to weep than say anything. Your Reverence with
your vigilance understands this even in the very text of my letter, when I
speak without care to the person whom I love so dearly. For in this position
I am being shaken by such great waves of this world, that I can in no way
direct my ship into port, a ship old and rotting, which I undertook to control
through God's hidden plan. Now waves crash into me from the front, now
foaming waves swell up in the sea on my side, now a storm attacks me from
the rear. And in the middle of all this I am confused, and I am forced now to
direct the rudder into the same adversity, and now to deflect threatening waves
away to one side, with the ship's curving flank. I groan because I know that
through my negligence, a bilge water of vices is rising, and that the tempest
violently accosts me, and at this very moment the rotten planks give the sound
of shipwreck. Weeping, I recall that I have lost the placid shore of repose, and
I look with sighs at the land that I nevertheless cannot reach, as the winds of
duties blow against me. So if you love me, my very dear brother, stretch out
the hand of your prayer to me in these waves, so that as you aid me in my
troubles, you may stand stronger in your own troubles also, by way of pay-
ment in exchange. 223
220. Leander, bishop of Seville 579-600, had lived with Gregory in Constantinople.
Gregory dedicated his major work, his Moralia in lob, to his old friend. See Epp 5.53 and 53a
and Dialogi 3.31, and the pope's brief biography in the Introduction, pp. 4-8.
221. A fuller introduction appeared in H1 and H2, but was omitted by all other manu-
scripts. For this and for the separate Spanish manuscript tradition for this letter, see the
notes at Norberg, 1: 52 and 56.
222. A Spanish collection of Church canons sheds further light on this point. Bishop
Leander had written to Gregory concerning baptism. See Isidore, De viris illustribus 51, and
Gregory's letter (Ep 5.53a) prefixed to his Moralia in lob.
223. This is one of Gregory's longest shipwreck similes, and is very skillfully composed. It
is framed with foaming waves and the impossibility of reaching port, then the old, rotting ship
balances rotten planks, and in the middle, it is first battered by a storm on all sides, and then rides
against the swell, deflecting the waves. His confusion leads to groans and weeping, while the rising

BOOK ONE
161
But I can in no way express my joy with words, as I know that our
shared son, the most glorious King Reccared, has been converted to the
Catholic faith with the most. sincere devotion. 224 As you describe his
character to me in your letters, you have made me even love someone I do not
know. But because you know the snares of the old enemy, and since he
proposes a fiercer war against those who have defeated him, let your Sanctity
watch morarefully now over the same son of yours, so that he may
complete what has begun so well, and let him not boast of the good works he
has completed, so that he may also hold on to the faith he has got to know,
as well as to the merits of his life. And let him show by his works that he is
a citizen of the eternal kingdom, so that after many years have rolled by, he
may pass from one kingdom to another.
However, concerning the triple immersion of baptism,225 no truer
reply can be made than what you yourselves feel, that in one faith, a different
custom is in no way harmful to the Holy Church. But as we are immersed for
the third time, we signify the sacraments of the burial that lasted three days,
so that, while the infant is lifted out of the water for the third time, the
resurrection of a three-day period is expressed. But if perhaps someone should
also think that it happens for the sake of the veneration of the supreme
Trinity, no objection is made to this, immersing in the water just once for
baptism, because, while there is one substance in three substances, it can in no
way be reprehensible for an infant to be immersed either three times or once,
when there is both a trinity of persons in three immersions, and the singular-
ity of the divine can be signified in one. 226 But if until now, an infant was
immersed three times in baptism by heretics, I do not think that this should
be done among you, in case they divide the divine while counting the immer-
sions, and boast that they have defeated your custom, while doing what they
used to do. 227
I have sent codices to your Fraternity, so very dear to me, and I have
inserted a note below about them. But those things which had been said in my
Exposition on the blessed Job,228 and which you write should be sent to
bilge-water is a central threat to his Church. The shore he cannot quite reach is like Odysseus'
Ithaca (Odyssey 10.29-31). The rescuing hand of prayer is usually his final request. For similar
shipwreck imagery, see Epp 5.53a and 9.228 (both to Leander), and Epp 1.4 and 24a (to John of
Constantinople), and Ep 9.142. For real shipwrecks on the Sicily run see Epp 1.42 (com-ships) and
9.74 (Azimarchus); for the Constantinople to Rome run, Ep 3.50 (Maximian); for Spain to Rome,
Ep 9.229a (Reccared's abbots); and finally for St Peter's shipwreck, Ep 9.229b.
224. Reccared converted from Arianism in 586 or 587: see John of Biclar, Chronicon and
Isidore, Historia de regibus Gothorum, Vandolorum, et Suewrum. The Third Council of
Toledo notes it in a decree of 8 May 589 . Yet Gregory makes no acknowledgment before
April 591, an indication of how drawn-out the process of communication could be at that time.
225. What follows was accepted at the Spanish Council of 633 (foledo IV).
226. An example of how flexible Gregory could be in liturgical matters.
227. His discussion appeared in the acts of the council of Toledo IV (633), can. vi.
228. Gregory's Moralia in lob, sent to Leander four years later (see Ep 5.53).

162
THE LETTERS OF GREGORY THE GREAT
you, because I had made these remarks with words and senses that flow2 29
through my Homilies, I was keen anyway to change them into the form of
books, which are now still being written down by the copyists. 230 And if
the haste of the letter's carrier had not restricted me, I should have wanted to
send all of it to you without any reduction. Most of all because I wrote this
work itself for your Reverence, so that I might seem to have worn myself out
on my work, for him whom I love before all others.
Furthermore, if you know how to allow yourself some time from your
ecclesiastical occupation, you know how it is now. Although still absent in
body, I always see you present before me, because I carry an image of your
face imprinted in the depths of my heart.
May God guard you in safety, my most dear and reverend brother. 231
Month of May, ninth indiction
1.42 Gregory to Peter, sub-deacon of Sicily I May 591
We have been slow in sending back your messenger in reply, because we have
been tied up by the demands of the Easter festival and have been quite unable
to release him more quickly. But as for the cases about which you took care
to give an indication, you will learn below how we have arranged them, after
examining them all in great detail. 232
We have learnt that the farmers of Church land are greatly burdened by
the prices of corn, in as far as the purchase price fixed for it is not preserved
even in a period of abundance. We want the purchase price to be kept to at
all times, whether more or less corn is produced, in line with the public
prices. 233 But as for corn lost through shipwreck, we want it to be included
in general expense, but in such a way that negligence does not arise on your
229. Accepting repentibus in H 1 and H2 ('flowing through ') rather than tepentibus in PL,
MGH and Norberg ('warming' or 'cooling'), not the right sense here.
230. Gregory continually revised his literary works, including most of his letters.
231. The final, heartfelt prayer comes from H (Deus te incolumem custodiat dulcissime
mihi et reverendissime), and Norberg rightly included it in his text. Leander seems to have
been the closest friend of Gregory, with a similar life, and similar literary and theological
interests, and both ended up as Saints.
232. This letter to his main agent in the Church's immense domain in Sicily, sub-deacon
Peter (there 590-592, then in Campania a year, afterwards in Rome), is an important
document, especially from the point of view of provincial administration. The pope shows
commendable concern for the poorer members of his Church (as in Ep 1.1). His patrimony
in Sicily appears in 74 letters, two long ones to Peter (this and Ep 2.50). A responsalis was
a messenger (or apocrisiarius) bearing a reply on Church matters, or an emissary (papal,
usually), but it was also used for a 'letter in reply,' or a procurator answering a law case on
another's behalf. As mentioned in n211 above, Easter in 591 fell on 15 April. Gregory sent
Peter's messenger back soon after Easter, writing his letter before the end of April, although
it was dated May.
233. The Sicilian corn merchants were charging the locals more than the price in Rome,
where most of Sicily's corn was exported.

BOOK ONE
163
part in transporting it, so that a loss is not caused, due to your fault, while the
best time for its transportation is neglected. 234 But we have noted that it is
most unjust and unfair that the farmers of Church land pay an amount as a
maritime tax,235 so that they are forced to pay at a higher rate than is applied
in the granaries of the Church. Therefore with the present admonition, we order
that com should never be paid for by the farmers of the Church at a rate of more
than eighteeeenth parts, unless there is perhaps something extra which the
sailors normally receive, which they themselves attest was lost on board ship.
We have also learnt that in some Church domains an extremely unjust tax
exists, so much so that up to seventy three half gold coins each are exacted,
shocking to say, and so far not even this suffices, but they say a certain
amount is exacted in addition, from a practice which has already lasted for
many years. 236 We detest this practice in every way and want it to be com-
pletely cut out of our patrimony. But let your Experience consider whether
this tax is paid at a higher rate per pound, or with other very small charges,
and what is paid by the farmers way beyond a fair rate, and reduce all of them
to a total pension, so that, as the farmers' resources suffice, they may pay a
comflete pension adding up to seventy two half gold coins each, and not a
cent 37 should be exacted beyond the allotted pounds, nor an extra pound,
nor charges on top of the extra pound. Thus with your estimation, let the
lump sum grow to the total payment, as its capacity allows, and thus avoid
any unfair charge.
But after my death,238 so that these self same added charges, which we
are withdrawing and have made grow into the lump sum, are not added to
again in some way or another, nor new ones found, with the total of the pen-
sion being increased and farmers being compelled to pay extra charges for an
additional tax, we want you to keep secure accounts of their payments so as
to stamp them, saying thereon how much tax each farmer ought to pay, with-
out any extra cents, charges or grain taxes. 239 But as for what accrued from
these very small taxes for the bishop's usage, by our present order I want this
to come from the lump sum, for your usage.
234. Gregory prohibits merchants from adding extra charges for the corn, due to the
risks at sea, at a time when shipwrecks were far from uncommon, especially in winter.
235. The sextari4ticum was like a tithe, a tax of a sixteenth of a modius (a 'measure' or
'peck' of 16 sextarii of corn), to cover all maritime risks, and very profitable for the
merchants. It appears only here in Gregory's works.
236. The stewards' tax was in gold coins, but the 12-ounce pound (72 gold coins) had
been augmented to 14 ounces (74 coins) by imperial command (Codex Theodosianus 12.7.1),
a pound being revalued to 74 gold coins for tax purposes.
237. Twenty-four siliquae made up a solidus (gold coin); thirty six extra had been added.
238. The pope's arrangement for 'after his death' is surprising, and may point to the
Stomach illnesses which dogged him, partly due to the damage he did to his own body.
239. The word granaticis is only found here in Gregory's works, for 'grain taxes,' in the
Context. Other authors used granaticum for 'granary' or 'grange.'

164
THE LETTERS OF GREGORY THE GREAT
Before all else we want you to attend to this with care, see that unjust
burdens are not being placed on them in exacting taxes. But if you discover
such burdens anywhere, relieve them and establish new and fair ones, because
my son, the Deacon Servusdei, has also already found such cases, which
displeased him, but he did not have a license to change them. 240 And so in
addition to their just taxes, we want nothing else to be exacted from the
farmers of Church land other than exceptional taxes and bailiff fees. 241
Furthermore we have learnt that the first payment of the produce
tax 242 is putting great pressure on our farmers, so much so that they are
compelled to pay taxes before they can sell their labors. While they do not
have the money to pay them from their own pocket, they accept loans from
public accountants, and pay heavy rates of interest for this benefit. From this
it comes about that they are oppressed by the heavy costs. Wherefore with
this present command we order that the whole sum, which they could receive
as a loan from strangers for this selfsame reason, is handed over in the public
treasury by your Experience, and that it is received by the farmers of Church
land that they might have it little by little, so that while they are hard pressed
for the moment, they do not sell. more cheaply beforehand under compulsion,
what could be sufficient for them afterwards for paying their tax, and they do
not fail to satisfy the granaries.
It has also come to our notice that in the case of the farmers' marriages,
immoderate taxes are being collected. 243 On this matter we order that no
marriage tax should ever exceed the sum of one gold coin. If some are poor,
they ought to pay even less, but if some are rich, they should never pay more
than the sum of the aforesaid gold coin. We in no way want this marriage tax
to be credited to our account, but rather to augment the profits of the tenants.
We have also learnt that as certain tenants are on their deathbeds, their own
parents are not permitted to have access to them,244 but their property is
dragged off for Church use. On this matter we advise that the parents of those
dying who live on a Church property, ought to have access to them as their heirs,
and that nothing else should be subtracted from the fortune of those dying. 245
But if someone leaves poor young sons, until they reach such an age that they can
control their own property some sound people should be selected, and the pro-
perty of the boys' parents should be handed over to them to watch over.
240. The deacon, Servusdei, was in charge of the patrimony of Sicily under Pelagius II.
241. The vilicilia were fees paid to their vilicus ('steward'), only used here in Gregory.
242. The unique word burdatio denotes a tax on cultivated property exacted by the
public treasury, on the 1 January, May and September. The first is at issue here, on olives.
243. The marriages of peasant farmers and of servile couples were subject to strict laws.
They were oni y allowed to marry on the domains to which they were bound by law and
by their condition of service. Again Gregory, an expert on taxes, attacks exploitation.
244. In the context of inheritances, parents could hardly be kept from the deathbeds of
their children, but legal wills were another matter.
245. The tenants were not slaves, who were not allowed to make a will.

BOOK ONE
165
We have also learnt that, if someone from our family246 commits a
crime, he is punished not in his own person but in his property. On this
matter we advise that whoever commits a crime should be punished in his
person, as is proper. However, one should abstain entirely from his goods,
unless perhaps some small sum, which could reimburse an executor who has
been sent to him.
We haveo learnt that, whenever a steward has unjustly removed
something from a farmer, this is actually extracted from the steward, but not
returned to the person from whom it was stolen. On this matter we instruct
that, whatever has been removed violently from anyone of our family, should
be restored to the person from whom it was stolen, and it should not be
credited to our advantage, so that we ourselves do not appear responsible for
this violence.
Furthermore we wish that, whenever you send over those who owe
allegiance to your Experience, in various cases that do not involve patrimony,
they should certainly accept some small payments for them, but in such a way
that the gain is for them to use; because we do not want the Church's treasury
to be defiled by filthy lucre.
We command also that your Experience should guard against this most of
all, that tenants should never be appointed in the realms of the Church
through bribes, to prevent the tenants from being frequently changed, while
payments are being sought. From this changing of tenants, what else is
achieved except that the Church domains are never cultivated? But also let the
property taxes themselves be regulated like a total tax. 247 We do not want
you to accept more reserves and provisions from the domains of the Church,
beyond what is customary. But let your provisions, which we have ordered to
be bought, be purchased from foreigners.
It has come to our attention that the steward, Peter of Subpatriana,
unjustly purloined three pounds of gold. Carefully examine the defender Fan-
tinus 248 about this case, and if the gold was clearly removed unjustly and
improperly, restore it without any delay.
We have also learnt that the farmers have again paid the property tax that
had been exacted from them already and had not been paid back by Theodo-
sius, so that they have been taxed twice over. This has happened because his
fortune was insufficient for the Church debt. But because we have been in-
formed through our son, Deacon Servusdei, that this loss itself could be suffi-
ciently restored from the proceeds of his fortune, we want five hundred and
seven gold coins to be repaid to the same farmers without any reduction, so
246. In this context, the Christian farmers on Church property.
247. The libel/atica, were property taxes levied on returns presented by farm stewards,
rnanagers and contractors. The word only appears here in Gregory's letters.
248. The layman Fantinus was an administrator of the Church's patrimony at Palermo,
and 13 letters were sent to him. On the defenders, see n2 above.

166
THE LETTERS OF GREGORY THE GREAT
that they do not appear to have been taxed twice over. But if in addition to
the losses of the farmers, forty gold coins still remain from the goods of
Theodosius, which you say you still have at your place, we want them to be
paid to his daughter, so that she should receive her goods that she had given
as a pledge. We also want her father's bowl 249 to be restored to her.
Campanianus of glorious memory has left twelve gold coins annually to
his notary, John, from the Varronian estate. 250 We instruct you to give this
each year without any hesitation to the niece of the steward Euplus, although she
has received all the furniture of the same Euplus, simply excluding his gold coins.
We wish you also to give her twenty five coins out of that man's gold coins.
A silver plate 251 is said to have been deposited, as a surety for one gold
coin, and a goblet, as a surety for six gold coins. After interrogating the secre-
tary Dominic, or others who could know about this, recover the debt and
restore the above mentioned holy vessels.
We are grateful to your Solicitude, because in my brother's case,252 I
did advise you that you should have sent back his silver, and you consigned
this to oblivion, just as if one of your lowest slaves had said it to you! Now
or very soon make sure that not your Experience but your Negligence 253
is keen to carry this out, and whatever you find belonged to him at the house'
of Antoninus, send it back to him with all speed.
In the case of the Jew, Salpingus, some letter has been found, which we
have had sent back to you. Read it and carefully get to know the case of the
Jew and a certain widow who is said to be implicated in the same business.
Then give us a reply as far as it seems just to you, concerning the fifty one
gold coins which are known to be due for repayment,254 so that another's
property is in no way unjustly defrauded by creditors.
Half of the legacy of Antoninus has been given to his family, half
retained. This half of his common estate we want to be paid in full to them,
and not only to them, but also to our defenders and resident foreigners, to
whom he left something in the title of his will, and we want a legacy to be
249. A bacca was a 'water dish,' the diminutive baciola only appears here, a valuable
'chalice' perhaps, or else a 'lavabo,' the bowl used by the priest to wash his fingers.
250. Given to Saint Peter by legacy.
251. Unique in Gregory for the silver plate (patera or iJ1r6lh,,.,.a), under a chalice, it seems.
252. Gregory's own brother, which explains his outburst. We know little else about
him. But see Ep 9.201, where a second brother, unnamed, sees a slave-of his, an expert baker,
purloined from him by the pope. That brother was living in southern Italy, not Rome.
253. After five flattering usages of the honorific 'Your Experience,' Gregory's move
from 'Your Solicitude' to 'Your Negligence' (with 'customary negligence' at the end) is
typical of his irony. Gregory uses every device he can to make his at times uncooperative
or overworked friend carry out his very long list of commands.
254. The manuscripts, MGH and Norberg all read red[h}iberi ('are being returned'). The
case of Salpingus is uncertain, but 'defrauded' implies hanging on to money. Gussanvillaeus
and PL read reddi debere ('be due for repayment'). Gregory very often used debere, and it
makes sense here.

BOOK ONE
167
paid to his family,255 which nonetheless concerns us. And so collect the
sum due to us, that is three quarters of the total, and make that payment.
Concerning the gold coins of the church of Canusium, we want you to
make some gift to the clerics of the same church, so that these who now suffer
poverty may have some sustenance, and if God should want a bishop to be
consecrated there, so that he might have something to live on. 256
On the subject of priests and chaplains and any other cleric who has
lapsed, we want you to take care that you are involved in none of the
contamination of their affairs. But look for the very poor regular monasteries,
which know how to live according to God's will, and hand over the lapsed
priests to the same monasteries, for them to repent, and let the goods of the
lapsed priests benefit that place where they are handed over to do penance, so
that those who take care over their reproof can get support from their goods.
But if they have parents, their goods should be given to their legal parents, but
in such a way that a sufficient stipend ought to be procured for those who
have been handed over for penitence. But if some priests or chaplains or
monks or clerics or any others have lapsed from the Church family, we want
them to be handed over for penitence, but not for their goods to be taken
from them by ecclesiastical law. However, let them receive them for their own
usage, to live on while achieving repentance, in case, if they are stripped bare,
they might be burdensome for the places to which they are handed over. If
some have parents in their charge, their goods should be handed over to them,
so that they are preserved by them, in accordance with ecclesiastical law.
Three years ag0 257 the sub-deacons of all the churches of Sicily had
been forbidden from sleeping at all with their wives, according to the custom
of the Roman Church. I think that it is harsh and inappropriate that one who
has not become accustomed to this continence and had not proposed chastity
beforehand, should be compelled to be separated from his wife, and because
she is absent, thereby turn out the worse. For which reason I think that from
this day on, all bishops should be told that they should presume to make
nobody a sub-deacon, except for one who has promised to live chastely, in so
far as things in the past, which were not sought purposely with the mind,
should not be forcibly required, and the future should be guarded against with
caution. But those who have lived chastely with their wives after the same
prohibition, which was made three years before, should be applauded and
remunerated, and exhorted to persist with their goodness. But we do not want
those who were unwilling to abstain from their wives, after the prohibition
Was made, to take holy orders. For nobody ought to approach the ministry of
the altar, unless his chastity has been proved before he is ordained.
255. His Church family, in both cases. Half, plus about half of the remainder went to
the Church (in Latin 9/12 ounces or three quarters).
256. Like the Church of Rome and of Milan, that of Canusium in Apulia seems to have
enjoyed a patrimony in Sicily (see Ep 1.51 for the same church).
257. That is: in 588.

168
THE LETTERS OF GREGORY THE GREAT
For the businessman Liberatus, who has entrusted himself to the Church,
and lives in the Cincian estate, we want you to provide him with an annual
pension. Estimate how much the amount of the pension should be, so it can be
charged to your account, once it has been reported to us. But for the present 15
year period he has already obtained it from our son, Deacon Servusdei.
A certain monk, John, while dying, left the defender Fantinus 258 as
heir to six ounces of gold. Hand over to him this amount clearly left to him,
but ask him not to presume to do this a second time. Yet decide what he
should receive for his work, so that his work should not prove vain for him.
And he will remember that whoever lives on a Church stipend should not
aspire to profits of his own. But if something accrues to the Church without
sin, without a desire for profits, through those who look after the interests of
the Church, it is proper that they themselves should not be unpaid for their
hard work. But let it be kept for our judgment to determine how they ought
to be remunerated.
Concerning the silver of Rustica,259 look into the case with great care
and do whatever seems just to you. Advise that magnificent gentleman
Alexander, that he ought to settle his case with the Holy Church. If by chance
he fails to do so, then pursue the same case as best you can with the fear of
God, while preserving his honor. In this matter, we want you even to give
some gifts, and if it is possible, let what is to be given to others be allowed to
him also, provided he gives up the case which he has brought against us.
As for the donation of the nun, who has lapsed and has been placed in the
convent of Monosteos,260 restore it, putting off any delay, so that the same
place, as I said earlier, which receives the revenue from its goods, bears the
labor of its care. But whatever of her fortune is being held by others, collect
it again and hand it over to the aforesaid convent. Send us the revenues from
the hostelri 61 on Via Nova, the amount you indicated to me that you had
at your place. But as for the accountant whom you appointed in the same
patrimony, give him whatever payment seems right to you.
As for the nun who was with Theodosius, called Extranea, I think that
you should pay her a pension, if you consider it useful, or certainly renew the
donation that he made. Restore without any delay the house that Antoninus
had taken from the monastery, for the price of thirty gold coins, using the
258. See above for this defender of Palermo, a friend of Gregory. Monks were only
allowed to make wills with special permission. The other 6 ounces (half gold coin) went to
the Church of Rome.
259. So Norberg, but the manuscripts ascribed the silver to a man (Rusticiant). See Ep
3.58 for the monastery built with money from her will. She was described as 'once an
illustrious woman' in Ep 9.165, where her son-in-law Alexander is her heir. Her husband
Felix (a scholastic) lived in Naples (Ep 9.54).
260. The same monastery is named in Ep 2. 50, at the beginning of the letter.
261. A Greek loan, in a letter to Greek-speaking Sicilians, from €POOOX€'ioP ('a receiver
of strangers). See Ep 9.36 on its use then. Via Nova ('New Street') is a road, presumably.

BOOK ONE
169
money it had received. Send back the jugs of onyx262 that I sent to you
through the bearer of this letter, after carefully examining their true worth.
If Saturninus 263 has time for it and is not occupied at your place, send
him to me. Felix, a steward of Lady Campana, whom she had left free with
orders not to be examined, said that seventy two gold coins had been stolen
from him by the sub-deacon, Maximus, for the payment of which he asserted
that he had eith{r sold or pawned all of his goods which he had in Sicily. But
the lawyers 264 have said that he could not avoid examination over fraud.
But while returning to us from Campania, a storm arose and he died. We want
you to look for his wife and children, and whatever he either pawned or sold,
to payoff the deposit, to restore the value of what he sold, and to provide
some maintenance as well, because Maximus had sent him to Sicily and there
had robbed him of what he was claiming. Find out what was stolen, therefore,
and restore it to his wife and children without any delay.
Read all of this again with great care, and put aside all that customary
negligence of yours. See that the writings I have sent about the farmers are
read throughout all the Church domains, so that they know how they should
defend themselves through our authority against violent acts done to them,
and let them be given either originals or copies of my writings. See that you
pay heed to them all, without omitting anything, because I myself am absolved
concerning these matters about which I write to you, for the preservation of
justice, and you are under obligation if you neglect them. Consider the terrible
Judge who is coming, and as you consider his arrival, tremble now before it,
in case you fear him, with good cause, then when the sky and earth shall
tremble before Him. You have heard what I want. See what you must do.
1.43 Gregory to all the bishops throughout Illyria 265 I May 591
We recognize that our son, that most excellent gentleman Jobinus,266
praetorian prefect throughout Illyria, indicated to us in his letter that it had
been ordered b holy decrees addressed to him that the bishops, whom the
enemy's furr 6 had expelled from their own places, should be joined to
26. Precious jugs Gewel encrusted) used to hold the wine and water for the Mass. The
diminutive amula ('jugs')is from (h)ama, a 'water-bucket.'
263. Not known elsewhere.
264. The scholastici were 'scholars,' 'teachers of rhetoric' or 'advocates' (as here).
265. The prefecture of Eastern myria was established in 395, attached to that of Italy, then
Odoacer attached Dalmatia to Italy and Theodoric attached the 5 other provinces of Eastern myria
likewise. When Justinian recaptured Dalmatia from the Gauls in 538, he annexed it like Sicily.
It was only attached to the prefecture of Eastern nlyria between 579 and 592.
266. From 592 to 602, the Emperor Maurice, at peace with Persia, was resisting
invasions over the Rhine, with the help of his general, Jobinus.
267. For the invasions of Illyria, see Epp 9.155 and 10.15. Dalmatia was most at risk,
with the loss of Alessio (near Durazzo/Durres, on the Adriatic Sea, see Ep 2.31) and Risano,
near Cattaro; its bishop had found refuge in Constantinople (Ep 1.27). Salona was soon

170
THE LETTERS OF GREGORY THE GREAT
those bishops who are now still living in their own places, in the interests of
their sustenance and income for this present life. And although the Prince's
order exhorts your Fraternity to do this, yet we have a greater command than
this from the eternal Prince. We are thereby compelled more fearfully to bring
it about that we love not just our brethren and fellow bishops, but those also
whom we endure as contrary to us, when occasion demands it, in subsidizing
their material necessities. 268
You should therefore show yourselves obedient in this matter, and first
of all to the heavenly Prince, and you should consent to the emperor's orders
also, that is, you should freely undertake to console our brethren and fellow
bishops, who are oppressed also by the difficulties of captivity and of diverse
shortages of life, and to have them live with you with Church support. The
dignity of the episcopal throne should certainly not be divided through this
communion, but they should be allowed to receive sufficient sustenance from
the Church, as far as is possible. Thus, we are shown to love both our
neighbor in God and God in our neighbor. For although we have attributed
no authority to them in your churches, yet we encourage you most strongly
to support them with your consolation.
Month of June, ninth indiction
1.44 Gregory to Sub-deacon Peter I June 591
The commandments of God exhort us to love our neighbors as ourselves, and
when they order us to love them with this charity, how much more ought we
to help them with subsidies for their bodily necessities, so as to relieve their
shortages in these, if not in all ways, at least with a few provisions! Since,
therefore, we have seen that this Filimuth, son of a most worthy gentle-
man,269 suffers need not only through the loss of sight but also from a
shortage of provisions, we have thought it necessary, as far as possibility allows
it, to provide him with a decision. Therefore, with this present order we
instruct your Experience to supply him with twenty four measures of wheat
each year, and twelve measures of beans also and twenty casks 270 of wine,
for the maintenance of his life. This could be charged to your account after-
wards. Do so therefore, so that the bearer of this letter sustains no delays in
receiving the gifts of the Lord, and you may be found sharing a reward for a
generous payment.
threatened (Epp 10.15; 11.29). For a detailed account of this conflict, see Michael Whitby, The
Emperor Maurice and His Historian (Oxford, 1988).
268. He alludes to the Three Chapters schism in I1lyria that led to some of its bishops
opposing his authority; see the Introduction, pp. 86-87.
269. A Gothic name; he is only mentioned here. We know nothing about his worthy
father, either, but Gregory's attention to detail in his charitable works is noticeable here.
270. Reading decimatas (as in r2 c , MGH and PL). A decimata was a cask 60 pounds in
weight. The. other manuscripts and Norberg read decimat[os] ('tithe-payers'?).

BOOK ONE
171
1.45 Gregory to Virgil of Aries, and to Theodore, bishop of Marseilles, in
Gaul I June 591
Although neither time nor persons have given me a chance of writing to your
Fraternity and addressing you with the greeting you deserved, it has been done
so that I might at one and the same time both render what was fitting, due to
the love of a clo.se, brotherly relationship, and yet not keep quiet about a
controversy atrf()'ng certain people which came to our attention, about how the
souls of those in error should be saved. 271
In fact a lot of men of the Jewish faith who reside in that province, and
often travel in parts of Marseilles on various business, have brought to our
notice that many of the Jews living in that district have been brought to the
baptismal font more by force than by preaching. For it is my opinion that the
intent of this sort of act is certainly praiseworthy, and I acknowledge that it
derives from a love of our Lord. Yet unless this same intention is accompanied
by a suitable display of Holy Scripture, I am afraid that either no reward may
come from there, or else losses may follow in terms of some of the souls ('God
forbid!'), which we want to be saved.
For when anyone approaches the baptismal font not due to the sweetness
of preaching, but under constraint, he returns to his former superstition 272
from where he seemed to be reborn, and dies in a worse state.
Therefore, let your Fraternity call people of this sort to God with
frequent preaching, so that they desire to change their old way of life more
due to the sweetness of their teacher. For thus what we intended is correctly
accomplished, and the soul of the convert dos not revert again to its former
vomit."273
So words should be directed at them, to burn away the thorns of error in
them, and by preaching, illuminate what is dark within them, so that your
Fraternity may be rewarded for its frequent admonition and may lead as many
of them as are accepted by God, to the rebirth of a new life.
271. Theodore was bishop of Marseilles from 575-594, but is not mentioned elsewhere
by Gregory. By July 596 Serenus was the bishop there (Ep 6.52). Virgil was bishop of ArIes
from 588-610, where he received the pallium from the pope, and the title of metropolitan
for all of Gaul (Epp 5.58; 6.54), thus representing Gregory among all the bishops of Gaul.
Several other letters were written to him by the pope. It seems that the letter was written
to 'Your Fraternity' Theodore, and a copy sent to Virgil. His title of A relatensi was added
by Gussanvillaeus and PL, but was not in the manuscripts or Norberg.
272. Gregory uses superstitio here (Tacitus' word in Historiae 14.44 for Christianity, to
him an exitiabilis superstitio). This is Gregory's usual term for Judaism, although he also uses
sacrilegia for their 'misguided' religion, and haeresis for Christian heresy.
273. This powerful image appeared in Pry 26: 11 ('as the dog returns to his vomit, so the
fool repeats his folly'), later used in 2 Pt 2:22.

172
THE LETTERS OF GREGORY THE GREAT
1.46 Gregory to Theodore, duke of Sardinia27 I June 591
The justice that you bear in your mind you ought to demonstrate before
people with the light of your works. For Juliana, abbess of the convent of
Saint Vitus, which Vitula, of worthy memory, once constructed, has suggested
to us that the legal possession of the aforesaid convent is being held by
Donatus, an official of yours. While this gentleman sees that he is surrounded
by the protection of your Excellency, he does not deign to submit to being
examined in court. But now your Glory must order this same official to
appear before a court of arbitration, with the aforesaid nun, so that whatever
is decided by the verdict of the judges over such a dispute as theirs, may be
put into effect. In this way whatever he sees himself either losing or retaining,
it must be ascribed to the justice of law and not to an act of man.
Likewise Pompeiana also,275 a reli¥ous lady, who is known to have
founded a convent in her own house, 76 has complained that a mother
wanted to make the will of her deceased son-in-law null and void, so that the
final bequest to his son might be reduced to nothing. On this matter we have
thought it necessary to exhort your Glory with paternal love to accommodate
yourself freely to pious causes, safeguarding justice, and whatever the decision
of the law grants them, to order him to preserve it. We pray to the Lord that
he may direct the path of your life favorably, and may dispose with prosperity
the dignity of the administration that you have undertaken.
1.47 Gregory to Deacon Honoratus 277 I June 591
We have taken on the role of government, although undeservedly, so we are
obliged to fight for the requirements of our brethren, as far as opportunity
arises. Therefore, our brother and fellow-bishop Januarius, metropolitan of
Cagliari, coming here to the city of Rome, has informed us that the glorious
military commander Theodore, who is known to have taken on the dukedom
of the island of Sardinia, is carrying out many things there contrary to the
orders of his most holy emperor, by which they removed very many burdens
on proprietors and citizens of his realm with due clemency and gentleness. For
this reason, we want you to inform our most holy emperor at an appropriate
time about what the provincials of the aforesaid island justly and properly
demand. For already in the seventh indiction, an imperial decree addressed to
274. This duke, a military commander (Epp 1.47, 59), showed such injustice and violence
towards the clergy and population of Sardinia (see Ep 9.27) that Gregory complained about
him to the emperor (Ep 1.47) and to the governor of Africa (Ep 1.59), whose province
included Sardinia.
275. Recommended by the pope to Januarius, bishop of Cagliari (Ep 1.61), and to
Sabinus, defender of Sardinia (Ep 3.36). See also Ep 14.2, where her son-in-law Epiphanius
and daughter Matrona are mentioned.
276. The Saint Hermes convent (Ep 14.2).
277. For Honoratus, the pope's emissary in Constantinople, see also Ep 2.49.

BOOK ONE
173
that glorious gentleman Edantius, then duke of Sardinia, had arrived ordering
all the troublesome sections to be removed, so that its orders, proceeding from
the generosity of His Holiness, might be obeyed, unchanged by any dukes
who happened to be in charge at the time, and so that their reward should not
be dissipated by costs of administration. Thus they will pass a quiet life under
the merciful command of their emperor, and at the arrival of the eternal judge,
they will re, with increased recompense, the consideration peacefully
bestowed by them upon their own subjects.
1.48 Gregory to Sub-deacon Anthelm 278 I June 591
Just as we have taken up the office of government, as arranged by God at his
pleasure, even so we should be worried about the souls entrusted to us. But we
have discovered that on the island which is called Eumorfiana,279 on which
it is known that an oratory of Saint Peter, the prince of the apostles, has been
built, many men have taken refuge with their wives, coming there from va-
rious patrimonies under the duress of barbarian savagery.280 We have judged
this unsuitable. For while there are other places of refuge nearby, why should
women live there with the monks? We therefore instruct your Experience
with this present order, from now on not to allow any woman to live or
remain there any longer, whether they are under ecclesiastical law or any other
law, but let them provide a refuge for themseives wherever they wish, since
there are so many places nearby, as has been said, that all intercourse with
women should be removed from there. Otherwise if we desist from showing
the care that is in us and from opposing the snares of the enemy, if any
disaster should arise (Heaven forbid!), we ourselves may thereby be at fault.
And so without delay please give the bearer of this letter, Abbot Felix,
1,500 pounds of lead, from what is known to be stored on that same island,
and afterwards when the cost of the whole amount is known, let it be charged
it to your account. Therefore see that you investigate it personally, if it can be
weighed properly in the forge on the same island.
Because on the islands the cohabitation of monks is rough, we also prohibit
boys from being brought into the same monasteries before their eighteenth birth-
day. Or if there are some there now, let your Experience remove them and
transfer them to the city of Rome. We want you to guard against this in every
way on the island of Palmaria and on all other islands. 281
278. As controller (rector) of the Church's patrimony in Campania, he was responsible
for all the small islands off the coast around Ponza.
279. Near the island of Ponza, off the Campanian coast, opposite Gaeta.
280. The usual words for Lombard incursions. They had controlled much of Campania
since 572, besieging Naples in 581 and attacking Monte Cassino in 591.
281. Gregory realized that the morals of the monks on the small islands off sunny
Campania were very much at risk, with women and young boys in their monasteries.

174
THE LETTERS OF GREGORY THE GREAT
1.49 Gregory to all the monks settled on the island of Montecrist0 282
I June 591
It has come to our attention that you observe none of the precepts of the
monastic rule. For which reason we have been compelled to send to you
Abbot Orosius, bearer of the present command, to inquire carefully into all
of your activities, and to settle whatever seems just to him, and to report back
to us whatever was arranged by him. We advise you, therefore, to show full
obedience to him, and whatever he arranges, observe it with due reverence, as
if it were arranged by me myself.
1.50 Gregory to the defender Symmachus 283 I June 591
My son Deacon Boniface 284 has said to me that your Experience had
written that the monastery once founded by Lavinia, a religious woman, exists
fully prepared and that monks ought to be ordained therein. I have certainly
applauded your forethought. But I wish that another place should be provided,
besides that place which has already been freed for this purpose. However, I
want this to be done in such a way that a place should be sought over the sea,
considering the uncertainty of the time, a site which is either protected by the
disposition of the place, or could certainly be fortified without any great labor.
Thus we can send monks there, whereby the island itself, which has not had
a monastery until now, ought to be improved even in the following of this
Christian way of life.
To implement and provide for this establishment, we have sent Abbot
Orosius, bearer of the present order, with whom your Experience may go
around the coast of Corsica. And of whatever private person such a place can
be found, we are ready to pay a just price for it, so that we can make some
lasting establishment.
We have ordered the aforesaid Orosius to travel throughout the island of
Gorgona, and your Experience must go with him likewise. And all the sins
that we discover committed there, punish in such a way that through your
punishment the aforesaid island remains corrected even for posterity. Let the
oft-mentioned Abbot Orosius put the monasteries of this island, in order and
thus hurry to return to us. And so let your Experience act in such a way that
in both cases, that is whether providing for a monastery in Corsica or correct-
ing the monks on Gorgona, you quickly obey not our wishes, but the wishes
of almighty God.
282. The island was about 25 miles SOUUl of Elba.
283. This letter was sent to Synunachus in Corsica, via Abbot Orosius, who had been
entrusted with the task of enforcing monastic discipline in the various island monasteries. In Ep
1.49, he was in Montecristo, near Elba, and now he appears in a similar capacity in Corsica.
284. His very useful and much loved deacon reports elsewhere to Gregory on Milan (Ep
4.2), Ravenna (Ep 6.31), and Sicily (Ep 9.73), and became Pope Boniface IV (608-615). In this
case he tours Corsica and Gorgona with the local magistrate, Symmachus. The small island
of Gorgona lies in the Ligurian Sea, about 20 miles southeast of Livorno.

BOOK ONE
175
We wish furthermore that the priests who are staying in Corsica should
be prohibited from living with women, except of course a mother, sister or
wife, whose chastity should be preserved. But as for the three priests 285
about whom your Experience wrote to the aforesaid son of mine, Deacon
Boniface, saying that they were very greatly in need, spend on them whatever
you think is sufficient. We shall enter this in your account afterwards.

Month of July, ninth indiction
1.51 Gregory to Felix, bishop of Siponto 286 I July 591
It has come to our attention that the church of Canusium is so destitute of the
office of priesthood that the dying cannot receive penitence there, nor infants
baptism. Most disturbed therefore by the importance of something so holy and
so necessary, we order your Beloved to go and visit the above mentioned
church, supported by the authority of this injunction, and you should ordain
two parish priests at least,287 but only those whom you have seen as worthy
of such an office through the holiness of their life and gravity of their morals, and
men subject in no way to the rules of canon law, so that Canusium is provided
with the worthy safeguard of a sacred church.
1.52 Gregory to John, bishop of Sorrento 288 I July 591
It is easy to give one's consent to religious desires, so that faithful devotion
achieves a rapid outcome. And since Sabinus, abbot of the monastery of Saint
Stephen on the isle of Capri, has advised us that he has long since held at his
place the relics of the martyred Saint Agatha, as agreed to, and since he wants
these holy relics themselves to be located in his monastery, for that reason we
bid you to visit the aforesaid monastery and, if it is agreed that the body of
no one has been buried there, you will place the aforesaid holy relics there
with due solemnity, to achieve the purpose of her devotion. 289
1.53 Gregory to Sub-deacon Anthelm 290 I July 591
I remember having warned you quite often not only with frequent injunctions,
but also face to face, to administer our office there not so much for the sake
285. The gender is uncertain, but priests are far more likely than women (the three
would need to be specified with mulieribus if the women were in need).
286. Siponto was a town on the Adriatic coast near Foggia in Apulia, modern Manfre-
donia. The bishop appears again in Epp 3.41, 42 crune 593), 4.17 (December 593) and 8.8
(November 597). The church of Canusium in the letter was near Cannes.
287. Other clerics are suggested by the vel (not in Ep 1.15). PL and MGH proposed a
lacuna before the two priests, based on Ep 1.15, which has virtually the same text and
includes an incardinated priest and two deacons (unum cardinalem illic presbyter-um et duos
diqcones), but the specifics were not necessarily identical for both churches.
288. For this bishop of Sorrento, see Ep 1.40.
289. For this formula, used in letters similar to this one, see Epp 9.45, 59, 182; 11.19, 57.
290. For this important controller of the pope's patrimony in Campania, see Epp 1.23, 48.

176
THE LETTERS OF GREGORY THE GREAT
of Church interests as for alleviating the needs of the poor, and more for
protecting them against the oppression of whoever it may be. Now the bearer
of this letter, Gaudiosus, has suggested to us that violence has been inflicted
on him, by agents of the holy Roman Church, over which we preside with
the authority of God. He asserts that they wanted to free their sons from the
power of the aforesaid Church. For receiving documents from him, we have
perceived that Sirica, wife of the letter carrier, had been left by Aetia, once of
glorious memory, to a certain woman Morena, by a title of gift, and that she
had been manumitted by the same Morena in a letter. 291 And we therefore
believe it improper that sons born from a free woman should be reduced to
slavery.292 For that reason with this present authority we instruct your
Experience to examine these same documents with care, just as we too have
studied them. Free your mind from worries, so that if there are no documents
on the Church's side that might contradict the documents of this gentleman,
you should stop causing him trouble, without any hesitation.
For it is harsh that some who buy their freedom for the due price are reduced
to slavery once more by the Church, that should have protected them against it.
And so we find it necessary to advise your Experience again and again that if some
questions arise there between poor people and the holy Roman Church, you must
discuss them with total integrity of mind, and pursue the interests of the
patrimony in such a way that you do not withdraw from merciful justice.
1.54 Gregory to Sub-deacon Peter I July 591
Applying ourselves to the festivals of the saints with great enthusiasm, we have
considered it necessary to send a letter to your Experience with our present
instructions. We indicate to you that with our Lord's help we have decided
that in the month of August,293 the oratory of the blessed Mary, which was
recently built in the monastery of the brethren where the abbot Marinianus
is recognized as the superior, 294 is to be dedicated with the greatest care.
Thus what we set in motion is to be brought to a conclusion, with the assist-
ance of God. But because the poverty of that monastery demands that we
must cooperate with you on the festival day itself, for that reason in celebrat-
291. It was Aetia who had died, leaving her slave Sirica to Morena. Minard erroneously
attributed the 'glorious memory' to Morena.
292. This sentence has a judicial sense. The Church is shown to endorse slavery, and
with less compassion than the State. It seems that Sirica was freed after the birth of her sons,
who thus obtained their freedom, according to the laws of Gaius (1.82), but the Church
went back to the slave status of the parents. A child's freedom depended on its having a free
mother, whether the father was a slave or a free man at its birth.
293. The festival of the Assumption (15 August), it seems.
294. One of the six monasteries founded by Gregory in Sicily before he became pope.
It was probably situated at Palermo, where the abbot Marinianus was called 'brother' by the
pope in Ep 2.50; see also Ep 11.27. Besides his 'brothers' here, he refers to his own 'setting
in motion' f the shrine, as the monastery's founder. See the Introduction, pp. 8-9.

BOOK ONE
177
ing the dedication, we want you to give ten gold coins to relieve the poor, and
thirty amphorae of wine, two hundred sacks of corn, two large jars of olive
oil, twelve rams and a hundred chicken. This could all be charged to your
account afterwards. Therefore, arrange for this to be done at once, with no
intervening delay, so that our prayers may achieve a rapid outcome, with the
guidance of our ord.

1.55 Gregory to Bishop Severus 295 I July 591
A letter from your Fraternity has informed us that some of you have agreed
on the election of Ocleatinus as bishop. But, as we do not accept him, they
ought not to waste time on his person. 296 But proclaim to the inhabitants
of that same city that, if they find someone in the same church 297 who is
worthy of this office, they should all change their minds and elect him. Other-
wise the bearer of this letter will indicate a person whom we have discussed
with him, and a decree should be made over his election.
As for you, be wise and concerned in your visitation of that same church,
so that its property is preserved undiminished, and its services are carried out
in the usual manner under your guidance.
1.56 Gregory to Duke Arsicinus, the clergy, the senate and the people of
Rimini I July 591
The text of your Beloved's reply to us shows how ready your devotion is in the
expectation of your bishop. But because it is very proper for the one authorized
to ordain to be consulted over these matters, at least let the concern of our
deliberation keep an eye on this matter of ours. And for that reason we advise
your Charity with the present letter that nobody ought to tire himself out before
us over the person of Ocleatinus. 298 But if someone is found in that same city
capable of this office, to the extent that we could not' find fault in him, let your
election follow accordingly. However, if nobody is found worthy of this office,
we have told the bearer of this letter about the person upon whom equally you
should bestow your decision. But you must pray unanimously and faithfully that
whoever is consecrated as bishop, can both become useful to you and can show
a priestly service worthy of our God.
1.57 Gregory to Sub-deacon Anthelm I July 591
If we confront the necessities of those nearest to us with customary com-
passion and kindly intent, without doubt we find the Lord merciful to our
295. Bishop of Cervia (then Ficulum), that lay between Ravenna and Rimini. As visitor
of the church at Rimini, he controlled its election of a bishop. For the sequel, see Ep 1.56.
296. Ocleatinus was probably from the Roman clergy, and only appears in Epp 1.55, 56.
An earlier Ocleatinus was a defender for Pope Pelagius I. This case provides evidence that
Gregory reserved to himself, as consecrating prelate, the right of veto over candidates selected
for the episcopate by any of the local or regional churches.
297. As a reversal of the norm, r2 reads in eandem ecc/esiam. Here it is 'in,' not 'into.'
298. See the letter before this. Gregory is certainly determined to exclude this priest.

178
THE LETTERS OF GREGORY THE GREAT
requests. Indeed, the ill ustrious lady, Palatina, has suggested to us that she is
subject to a great many needs, due to the continual hostilities. For that reason
we instruct your Experience with the present authority not to delay in giving
her thirty gold coins per annum for her maintenance, which could be charged
to your account afterwards. And so do this in such a way that you both receive
a reward for a service well rendered, and bring our orders into effect. 299
1.58 Gregory to the clergy, senate and people, living in Perugia 300 I
July 591
We are wondering, dearest brethren in Christ, why you look at a church of
God without a priest for such a long time, without thinking at all about your
own guidance or that of the whole population. For it is well known that a
flock of sheep, left without the shepherd's care, wanders from the true path,
and for that reason falls more easily into the insidious snares of the enemy.301
For this reason, it is necessary for you to search for one of those who are soldiers
of the Church, with the fear of God before him, one who can take on the
ministry of pastoral care in a worthy manner and in that role, with the protection
of the Lord, can act as a steward of the divine mysteries. Thus he may offer each
day the sacrifice of a pure mind on behalf of the sons of the Church, and show
his flock the path whereby it may reach the heavenly fatherland.
1.59 Gregory to Gennadius,302 patrician and exarch of Africa I July 591
The submission of the enemy's neck bears witness to the fact that you have
the fear of God before your eyes and pursue justice incessantly. But so that the
grace of Christ protects your Glory with the same prosperity, whatever
wrongdoings you know are being committed, check them with a swift prohibi-
tion, in your customary manner. Thus, protected by the armor of justice, you
may overcome the enemy's attacks with the virtue of faith, all the sooner. For
Marinianus, our brother and fellow bishop of the city of Porto Torres,303
has informed us tearfully that the poor of his city are totally distraught and
badly hit by the cost of commodities. Furthermore even religious members of
his church are enduring heavy molestation and suffering bodily injuries at the
299. Gregory's financial assistance to Lady Palatina is very generous, but typical of his
great concern over women in distress, whether over their sustenance or religious needs. The
Lombard incursions clearly ruined many of Italy's aristocrats, and other citizens in general,
including many clerics and nuns. -
300. Perugia had not yet been captured by the Lombards, it seems.
301. The similes of the sheep, and of the true path, were frequently used by Gregory,
with variants (see the Introduction, pp. 107-109). The 'enemy' is the devil, of course.
302. Gregory wrote several letters to Gennadius, often praising him for his military
glory (see Epp 1.72, 73). This is another example of Gregory interceding on behalf of the
poor who are suffering oppression. For more on Gennadius, see Theophylact Simocatta,
Historia 7.6.6.
303. The town of Porto Torres (the old Colonia Turris Libyssinis) was in north-western
Sardinia, which was part of the civil diocese of Africa (see Ep 1.46).

BOOK ONE
179
hands of the men of Theodore,304 their military commander. It has reached
such a point, he says, that they are being thrown into prison, dreadful to
relate. Indeed, even in cases concerning his church, he is being seriously im-
peded himself by the aforesaid glorious gentleman.
If these facts are really true, you know how contrary they are to the law and
order of the republic. And since it is proper for your Excellency to rectify all of
these abuses,-Kalute your Eminence and request you not to let it happen any
longer. But from that law, order him to arrange to remove himself from hanning
the Church, and to ensure that none of the poor are burdened in their menial
services or taxes beyond a reasonable allowance. And if there are some cases in
dispute, they should be completed not through fear of power, but by legal process.
Therefore I beg you, with the Lord inspiring you, to correct all of these
abuses with the threat of your intervention. Do this in such a way that the
glorious Theodore and his men abstain from such actions, if not through the
contemplation of righteousness, at least through fear of your command, so that
justice can flower with libert05 in the regions entrusted to you, which
may add to your glory and reward.
1.60 Gregory to Januarius, archbishop from Cagliari in Sardinia 306
July 591
If our Lord himself, by the witness of Hol Scripture, declares he is the
husband of widows and father of orphans,30 . then we also, as members of
his body,308 ought to strive to imitate his head, with the greatest effort of
our will, and preserving justice, we must defend orphans and widows.
It has been suggested that Catella, a religious woman (whose son is fight-
ing here for the Holy Church of Rome over which we preside, with God's
authority), is being troubled by the forced entries and disturbance of certain
men. We have thought it necessary concerning this matter to encourage your
Fraternity with the present letter, to provide protection for the same aforesaid
woman. To preserve justice, your Fraternity should not decline, knowing that
from deeds of this sort it may both make the Lord its debtor and bind our
love around it the more tightly.
For we want the cases of the aforesaid woman, whether they are here now
or are in the future, to be terminated by your judgment, so that her legal
disturbance should be removed and yet she should in no way be denied the
justice of a judgment.
304. See Ep 1.46.
305. Gregory contrasts the emotive words libertas, iustitia and respubliea to barbarian
'masters of slaves.' He ends with iustitia, a ringing clausula, cretic plus anapaest.
306. The second section of this letter is identical to that in Ep 1.62, except for four
words: fiJium huic for hie, fraternitatem tuam for vestram, sOens quia for quod and Causas
for Causae. For Januarius, see the Introduction, p. 101.
307. See Ps 67 (68):6.
308. See 1 Cor 12:27 ('Now are you Christ's body').

180
THE LETTERS OF GREGORY THE GREAT
But I pray the Lord to direct your path towards him with a prosperous
course, and once appeased, Himself to lead you to the kingdoms of coming
glory. 309
1.61 Gregory to Januarius, archbishop of Cagliari in Sardinia I July 591
Although your Fraternity devotes yourself quite appropriately to justice with
enthusiasm, for the defense of all sorts of people, we believe that you are more
ready certainly to relieve those people who are commended to you by our
letter. Pompeiana therefore, a religious woman,310 has suggested through
a person of hers that she is continually suffering many troubles from certain
people, without any reason, and she is known to have begged us to commend
her to you by our authority because of this. For that reason, while saluting
your Fraternity with a due feeling of love, we have necessarily thought that
the aforesaid woman should be commended to you. Thus, with the accompani-
ment of justice, your Fraternity might prevent her from being unfairly bur-
dened in any way, or from inadvisably suffering any losses.
But if it shouJd happen that she has any legal cases, let the dispute be aired
in a trial before elected judges through cross-examination. Whatever things
should be decided, let them be brought into effect with tranquility, while you
provide consolation, so that a reward may attach to you for such good works,
and she may rejoice to have found justice when recommended by our letters.
1.62 Gregory to Januarius, archbishop of Cagliari in Sardinia 311 I July 591
We are forced by the needs of our pastoral government to pay more careful
attention to the cases of orphans and widows than to the care of others. 312
And since it has been suggested to us that Catella, a religious woman,
(whose son is fighting here for the Holy Church of Rome over which we pre-
side, with God's authority), is being troubled by the forced entries and distur-
bances of certain men, so we have thought it necessary concerning this matter
to encourage your Fraternity with the present letter to provide protection for
the same aforesaid woman. To preserve justice, your Fraternity should not
decline, knowing that from deeds of this sort it may both make the Lord its
debtor and bind our love around it more tightly.
For we want the cases of the aforesaid woman, whether they are active
now or in the future, to be terminated by your judgment, so that her legal dis-
turbance should be removed. Yet she should in no way be denied the justice
of a judgment.
309. The letter ends with a mellifluous cretic plus spondee clausula.
310. For Pompeiana, see Ep 1.46.
311. See Ep 1.60 above.
312. This brief summary of the introduction to Ep 1.60 suggests a second version
perhaps copid just for the benefit of the bishop and his fraternity.

BOOK ONE
181
But I pray the Lord to direct your path towards him with a prosperous
course, and once appeased, to lead you himself to the glory of the coming
kingdom.
1.63 Gregory to Sub-deacon Anthelm I July 591
Just as we ought not to lose possessions rightly belonging to the Church, even
so we judge-iYDo less unjust to covet the possessions of others. And since we
have been informed that some time ago the house of Petronius, a secretary of
the holy Roman Church, over which we preside with God's authority, was
claimed unreasonably by Constantius, a defender at that time, so we demand
your Experience, by this letter's order, to avoid any excuse or delay and to lay
aside the title, without delay restoring the same house to the bearer3 13 of
this letter, Theodora, widow of the aforesaid Petronius, in case disadvantage
should arise for widows (God forbid!), from where they ought to find the
comfort of consolation.
1.64 Gregory to Felix, bishop of Messina 314 I July 591
In our opinion we should give up customs which are known to cause trouble for
churches, in case they are forced to import some practices there, when they ought-
rather to expect them to be introduced on their own initiative, if indeed you
ought to preserve a custom of the clergy and others unaltered, sending what is
customary for them each year. As for the rest, we are opposed to your being
obliged to send anything extra to us. And since we are not pleased by pre-
sents,315 the palm-embroidered robes 316 which your Fraternity sent we have
received with due thanks, but we have sold them at a good price and have sent the
proceeds to your Fraternity as a single payment, so that you cannot suffer any loss
therefrom. But since we have learnt that your Charity wishes to come to us, we
warn you with this letter that you should not take on the trials of the
journey.317
But pray for us, that the more the distance of the journey separates us, the
more we are joined together in our minds with mutual love, with Christ's
assistance, so that, by helping each other with an exchange of prayers, we may
return the office undertaken by us to our coming Judge in a blameless condition.
313. Gregory regularly uses latrix for the usuallator ('bearer') when it is a woman.
314. For Bishop Felix, see Ep 1.38.
315. Such gifts were never welcomed by the incorruptible pope (see Epp 5.16, 6.63),
unlike most men in positions of authority. His quick sale and refund made his point very
clear. Gregory uses exeniis, a very rare alternative for xeniis (in PL).
316. 'Church vestments embroidered with gold and palm-leaves,' quite valuable, it seems,
rather than 'palm branches' or 'palm grapes.' Palmatianae appears here only.
317. The journey of over 300 miles by sea would have been very tiring and dangerous,
and would have removed the bishop from his office for far too long (see Ep 1.70, written a
month later, stressing the dangers of a return voyage from Sicily).

182
THE LETTERS OF GREGORY THE GREAT
1.65 Gregory to Peter 318 I July 591
If we confront the needs of our neighbors with customary compassion and
kindly intent, without doubt we find the Lord merciful to our requests. Indeed
we have learnt that Pastor, who has a wife and slaves and suffers from an
extreme weakness of vision, and who served with Jonathas, once of glorious
memory, is subject to a great many needs, For that reason we order your
Experience with the letter bearing this instruction not to delay in giving him
annually enough measures of corn, and enough measures of beans also to sus-
tain him, and these costs could be charged to your a<;:count afterwards. And
so do this in such a way that you both receive the reward for a service well
rendered, and bring our orders into effect. 319
Month of August, ninth indiction
1.66 Gregory to Sub-deacon Anthelm I August 591
The chief physician 320 Fuscus, provoked by the ardor of his faith, is pouring
out prayers in which he says that the deacon Qpilio, as well as Servusdei and
Crescent ius, clerics of the church at Venafro,321 having forgotten their fear of
the coming judgment, have sold holy treasures 322 from the aforesaid church to
some Jew, dreadful to relate. They consist of two chalices in silver, two crown
lamps on dolphins,323 and lilies from other lamps, along with six larger and
smaller hangings. For .that reason your Experience will soon receive the present
order, suggesting that you should make the above-mentioned priests come to you
quickly without delay. After you have found out the truth, if it turns out as has
been suggested, ensure that the aforesaid Jew, who presumed to buy the sacred
treasures, forgetting the force of the law, is summoned by the provincial judge, and
is compelled to restore the aforesaid holy items without any delay. In this way
nothing out of them may be lost from the oft-mentioned church. As for the
aforesaid deacon and priests, who committed such a deadly sin, please do not delay
in binding them in penitence, so that with their tears they can wash away an
offence so evil and so great.
1.67 Gregory to Peter, sub-deacon of Sicily I August 591
Just as it is fitting that it is part of our desire to remove monks from the state's
legal system, so that they may piously and wisely pay attention to divine
318. The pope's right-hand man in Sicily, asked again to help locals in need. Gussanvilla-
eus and PL added his usual tide subdiacono.
319. The whole of this letter follows a formula (see Ep 1.57), adapted in each case to the
person in need, and with different allocations of cash or food or both.
320. Gregory uses archiater (for apXLQTplx;), the 'chief doctor' or 'surgeon.' It normally
denotes a private physician of the emperor, or of the pope.
321. A small town in Campania.
322. Gregory transliterates the Greek word I(€LIlALQ (cymelia) for a church's precious
objects, its furnishings, treasures, chalices etc, on three occasions.
323. It seems that the crowns held a ring of candles, supported by dolphins, or lilies
(silver, presumably). The hangings or tapestries would have depicted biblical scenes. The
Jewish buyer received no compensation from the Church-controlled law.

BOOK ONE
183
ministries, even so it is necessary for us to arrange with our foresight how their
businesses should be settled, so that a mind over-strained through various worries
over legal cases should not break down and become dull and weak in the cele-
bration of its usual offices. And thus the bearer of this letter, the abbot JoOO,324
has asserted that he has a great deal of business at his monastery. For this reason
we ask your Experience with the order in this letter, that you should speak with
Faustus, was court secretary to Romanus,325 a magnificent gentleman and
ex-praetor. If you find that he feels favorable to this matter, you ought to
commend the businesses of that monastery to him generally, and to arrange a
salary. For it is expedient that the servants of God should live in peace, with
little trouble, free from the racket of court cases, so that the useful occupations of
the monastery are not lost through negligence, and the minds of the servants of
God have more freedom for the work of our Lord.
1.68 Gregory to all the bishops of Sicily I August 591
The devotion of your Fraternity, long proven by now, compels us to look
after you carefully, just as much as it makes you get together eagerly at
hearing the name of our Church. We know some men on the island of Sicily
who are pretending to be defenders of the apostolic see,326 but are causing
you trouble over transport payments 327 and other matters. We have
thought it necessary to put a stop their falseness with the present letter. For
that reason we salute your Fraternity with the love owed to it, and warn you
very strongly that hereafter no chance at all should be left to such men to
commit fraud. But whoever that person is, whether in fact a notary or a
defender of our see, unless he bears a specific letter from us to you or that of
a ruler of our patrimony, he is not to take control of any transport payments
in the name of our Church, nor must you let him impose any burdens on
you. Rather, let him arrange his known journey with his own means and at
his own expense. Do not allow anyone to be troubled by him in those places.
For indeed these acts, which we are known to have prohibited by our
letter, for the sake of your peace and that of your people, must be watched
out for by you so much more constantly, so that you are freed of this burden
and can be found devoted and better prepared for your services to God.
1.69 Gregory to Sub-deacon Peter I August 591
We ought to provide assistance with kindly intent, as far as reason permits, for
those in need, with the help of our recommendation. For that reason we
thought that Cyriacus and his wife, Joanna, bearers of this letter, should be
recommended by our instruction to your Experience, so that you do not allow
324. An expert in law, to be identified with the John in Epp 3.3 and 7.36, abbot in Syracuse.
325. The cancellarius introduced cases to court. Faustus only appears here, it seems..
326. For these bogus defenders, see Ep 9.22. Their fraudulent claims for transport and
for accommodation at the Church's expense now needed documentary evidence.
327. The angariae were payments for draught-cattle and wagons over a direct route.

184
THE LETTERS OF GREGORY THE GREAT
them to be oppressed and burdened by anybody, contrary to what is just.
Rather, when it is necessary, let them enjoy your consolation, with the
approval of justice, so that they may rejoice that our recommendation aids
them in all ways, with your support, and equity is preserved. Indeed the
above-mentioned woman is said to be suffering some trouble for the reason
that she has converted to the Christian religion from Judaism, after accepting
betrothal money.328 They assert also that the same law case has been heard
and decided. Therefore your Experience should look into the matter carefully,
and if you acknowledge that the case has been judged, do not allow any
complaint thereafter to spread against the above-mentioned woman, in any
way at all. But let the judgment be preserved in every way, so that she is not
shaken by the slanders of evil people, on the grounds that she is known to
have chosen a good portion. 329
1.70 Gregory to Sub-deacon Peter I August 591
You found out in our previous letter that we wanted our brethren and fellow
bishops staying on the island of Sicily to come together for the festival of the
blessed apostle Peter. 330 But since that legal case which is being argued with
the magnificent gentleman and praetor, Justin,331 has delayed their journey
for the moment, and because by now the weather does not allow comin f and
going, we do not want them to wear themselves out before winter. 33 But
we certainlr want Gregory of Agrigento,333 Leo of Catania 334 and Victor
of Palermo 35 to set out for your place before winter.
But for fifty pounds of gold, buy new corn from foreign traders and store
it in Sicily, in places where it will not perish, so that in the month of
February we may send as many ships there as we can, to bring that same corn
back to us. 336 But if we are slow in exporting it, provide ships yourself, and
with the help of the Lord, transport this same corn to us in the month of
328. The word arrha came from the Hebrew word 'to give security,' used for the money
given to seal a contract, here of a betrothal.
329. For 'Mary has chosen the better portion,' see Lk 10:42.
330. The letter was Ep 1.38a, 16 March. The 'birthday' was celebrated on 29 June.
331. The praetor Justin governed Sicily in his own right, independent from the
oversight of any exarch. For Justin see Ep 1.2. He was not an ex-praetor at this stage, a
mistake in the manuscripts (he was succeeded by Libertinus early in 593).
332. Sea voyages were hazardous during the equinox, and in winter (in December and J an-
uary especially). The Sicilian bishops were not at all keen to travel to Rome (see Ep 7.19).
333. Sent to Rome in late 591, falsely charged with adultery (Ep 3.12), he was
incarcerated until his trial late in 593. In 594 Bishop Peter of Triocala was the visitor (Ep
5.12), but Gregory returned to his see in 595. See nn64-65 to Ep 13.20.
334. Leo appears in Ep 14.16 (March 604) and several other letters. On 29 June 592 he
came and stayed in Rome, where he was cleared of false accusations (see Ep 2.29).
335. Victor, often mentioned in Gregory's letters, was dead by November 602 (Ep 13.14).
336. For the corn-supply from Sicily, see Ep 1.42. The granaries in Rome could not hold
such a large amount (see Ep 5.36). It seems that with free storage and a low-season purchase,
Gregory was ble to make a good profit for his Church.

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February, except of course for the corn which we expect to be exported now,
in the month of September or October, following our normal custom. And so
let your Experience do this in such a way that the Church's corn is brought
together without annoying any of the farmers. For here the crop was so very
small that, unless corn is brought in from Sicily, with God's help, a serious
famine threatens. But in every way guard the ships that have always been
entrusted to-ihe Holy Church. The letters sent to you by the glorious
gentleman and ex-consul Leo agree with this also. 337
But many come here who demand that some land or island lefally belong-
ing to our Church be given to them for long-lease farming. 33 In fact we
say no to some, but to others we have already conceded land. But let your
Experience consider the best interests of the Holy Church, while remembering
that you accepted the control of its patrimony before the most sacred body of
the blessed apostle Peter. And although letters might flow from here, which
impede the best interests of the patrimony, in no way allow this to happen.
For even we neither remember having given something without a reserve-
clause,339 nor are we arranging to do so.
1.71 Gregory to Sub-deacon Peter in Sicily I August 591
The more other churches show reverence to the apostolic see, the more it
ought to be concerned over their protection. And they say that houses and
properties and possessions which legally belong to the rights of the church of
Taormina have been occupied by agents of our Church,340 against all rea-
son. Therefore, with the letter bearing this instruction, we charge your Exper-
ience to find out the truth, and if it is so, to restore to the former rights of the
aforesaid church all that you have found occupied.
But because it has come to our attention that the money of the same
church was lost when Bishop Victorinus was still alive,341 for its recovery,
we want you to provide relief for our brother and fellow-bishop Secundinus,
and to give any assistance that is necessary in the interests of the same church,
preserving justice. And indeed hurry to bring into effect everything contained
in this letter of instruction, in such a way that we are informed by reports
coming back that the aforesaid bishop's rights have been preserved.
337. It is probable that the ex-consul Leo was already residing in Rome (see Ep 1.3).
338. The word emp/ryteusim (from the Greek J.LCPVTEV(JL) meant a long-lease tenure of
land in return for proper cultivation and a stipulated rent.
339. The post-classical noun reservatio had a technical sense of a papal rescript, reserving
benefices for personal largesse, but here 'reservation' or 'reserve-clause.'
340. Taormina lies between Catania and Messina. The agents looked after secular affairs.
341. Victorinus is not mentioned elsewhere, but was presumably replaced by
Secundinus, who is written to later in 603 (Ep 13.20) and outlived Gregory.

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1.72 Gregory to Gennadius, patrician and exarch of Africa 342 I August 591
Just as the Lord has made your Excellency shine in this life with the
brightness of your victories in wars against our enemy, even so you should
oppose the enemies of his Church with all the force of your mind and body,
so that from both triumphs your fame shines forth more and more, as you
both earnestly resist adversaries to the Catholic Church in public wars, for the
sake of the Christian people, and bravely fight ecclesiastical battles like a war-
rior of the Lord. For it is known that men of heretical religion, if they are given
the license to do harm (Heaven forbid!), rise up strongly against the Catholic faith,
so as to transfuse the limbs of the Christian body with their own poisonous
heresy, to pollute them if they can. For we know that they are raising their heads
against the Catholic Church, with the Lord opposing them, and want to bring
down the faith of the Christian name. But let your Eminence check their attempt,
and press down their arrogant necks with the yoke of rectitude.
But instruct the council of Catholic bishops to be advised that a pri-
mate 343 should be appointed, but not from the priests of the see, disregard-
ing the merits of his life, since before God no grade is more elegant than
another, but the actions of a better life are what is approved. But the primate
himself should reside in one city chosen by them, not in towns allover the
place, as is the present custom, so that a possibility of resisting the Dona-
tists 344 is provided, with a better spirit from the dignity acquired. But if any
member of the council of Numidia desires to come to the apostolic see, allow
him to, and oppose any of those who decided to speak against their jour-
ney.345 The glory of your Excellency increases with great success in the
eyes of our Creator, if the union of scattered churches can be restored by
it. 346 For when he sees that gifts bestowed are credited to the glory of His
342. See Ep 1.59.
343. Traditionally the primate of the North African Church occupied the see of
Carthage. From evidence contained later in this letter, it would appear that Gregory is
referring to the election of a primate for the subordinate ecclesiastical province of Numidia,
rather than for the see of Carthage itself.
344. Gregory notes the activity of Donatists in North Africa on several occasions (see Epp
1.75; 2.39; 4.32; 5.3). This is surprising, for many scholars thought that their activity had been
extinguished by the Vandal invasion of the province. The situation was clearly more complex than
at first thought. Donatism began during the persecutions as a 'church of the pure.' Its members
dissociated themselves from priests and laity they judged to have lapsed from the faith. Maintaining
the invalidity of sacraments performed by such priests, they were condenmed in 314 at the synod
of Aries, and persecuted thereafter by Christian emperors and priests (including Saint Augustine
of Hippo), with no success. For more on Africa, see the Introduaion, pp. 32-42. .
345. The bishops of Numidia met in council (see Ep 1.75), probably mainly to elect
their primate, in consultation with the pope. Each district had its primate (either an
archbishop or a senior bishop).
346. Some bishops in Numidia were clearly not living at a fixed address then. Gregory
was keen to restrict them to a specified city, except in special cases (war etc).

BOOK ONE
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name, he distributes them all the more freely, as he sees the dignity of his
religion increased through that glory.
Furthermore, showin the affection of paternal love, we pray our Lord to
make your arm strong34 for overwhelming the enemy, and to sharpen
your mind with the zeal of faith, like the point of a quivering sword.
1.73 Gregwyio Gennadius, patrician and exarch of Africa I August 591
If the great success of your Excellency's acts of war were not the result of the
merits of your faith and the grace of Christian religion, it would not be so
wondrous, as we know that these successes had been conceded to the ancient
leaders in warfare also. But when you anticipate future victories, the gift of
God, not by earthly foresight but rather by your prayers, it comes about that
this turns to amazement, seeing that your glory derives not from earthly
counsel, but from God bestowing it from above. For where does loquacious
praise of your merits not spread, which would speak of wars you frequently
rush into, not from a desire to pour out men's blood, but for the sake of
extending the republic's domain,348 in which we see the worship of God,
so that the name of Christ spreads in every direction through the subject _
nations, by preaching the faith. For just as external works of virtue make you
distinguished in this life, even so internal moral distinctions, proceeding from
a pure heart, glorify you in a future life with a heavenly participation in joys.
For we have learnt that your Excellency has been responsible in many
ways with your services for pasturing the sheep of the blessed Peter, prince of
the apostles, in such a way that you have restored some large sections of his
patrimony, stripped bare by their own farmers, the prisoner-of-war ten-
ants 349 to whom it had been granted. And whatever benefits you confer
upon him here with that most Christian mind, you ensure compensation for
them in terms of hope, with our future judge. We have therefore decided that
this letter's bearer also, our papal secretary, Hilary, 350 should be recom-
mended to your Eminence, so that in these matters which he has suggested are
necessary for him, though the requirements of justice are foremost, you may
show him your usual affection.
But completing this expression of paternal love, we pray our Lord and
Savior to protect your Eminence with compassion for the relief of our holy
347. Readingfortem in r1 and Rl, needed with 'make'; forte ('by chance') is found in
MGH and Norberg.
348. Again Gregory uses the emotive 'republic.' To ancient Romans, glory very much
consisted in winning wars against foreigners, to spread Roman peace, law and baths; for
Gregory, the sequel is the spread of Christianity.
349. These datitii (or dedititit) were enslaved barbarian captives of the Romans, who
cultivated plots of land (datitia) in return for taxes on produce, more profitable than the free
farmers' contributions. The word only appears here in Gregory.
350. Hilary, the pope's notarius ('papal secretary') or chartularius ('archivist' or 'private
secretary'), sent to Africa to relieve the poor, was twice sent under Pope Pelagius II (Epp 1.74, 75).

188
THE LETTERS OF GREGORY THE GREAT
republic, and to greatly strengthen you with the firmness of his arm, so as to
spread His name more and more through neighboring peoples.
1.74 Gregory to Gaudiosus, a general in Africa 351 I August 591
Just as the light of a lamp spreads through the areas bordering it wherever it
shines, even so the honesty of some person's good actions is recognized not
only in the place where he spends his time, but also through various provin-
ces, spread by his fame. And so since no sign of his presence can exist therein,
the circulation of good report effects what the truth of the matter could have
shown, if he were present. For we have learnt that various judges, sent out to
take administer the province of Africa, admire your Glory with a very great
affection. This would not result, unless the sincerity of your mind were
apparent among the same judges, so that they arranged the administration
received by them with the participation of your counsel. For this we give very
great thanks to the Lord, as when we realize that the provinces have such fine
inhabitants of their own, who are strong with innate nobility and stick close
to men in power, and provide a remedy for their provincials, while making
use of opportunities as they arise.
And so completing the expression of our paternal love, we recommend to
your Glory the bearer of this letter,352 whom we have sent there to arrange
the affairs of the poor, so that you may provide them 353 with solace wher-
ever necessary, upholding justice. But I pray to the Lord to guard your life in
all goodness and to direct your actions by the gift of his compassion.
1.75 Gregory to all the bishops of Numidia I August 591
Whenever, dearest brethren in Christ, some unwanted mass of tares starts
growing among verdant crops, the farmer's hand has to remove it by the roots,
to stop it destroying next harvest's coming crop. So let us also, who have
taken on the cultivation of the Lord's field, although unworthy of it, hasten
to make the crop entirely free from all damage by tares, so that the field bears
fruit for our Lord with a more abundant return.
For through our personal recorder, Hilary, you requested from our
predecessor of blessed memory that all the customs of previous times should
be preserved for you, which he preserved over a long past, from the very first
regulations of Saint Peter, the prince of the apostles, right up to now. And we
indeed, in accordance with the sequence of your review, allow any custom to
remain unchanged, provided however that it is known to employ nothing
351. There is no other reference to this Gaudiosus in Gregory's letters.
352. That is, the papal notary, Hilary.
353. Reading eis, as in the manuscripts and MGH. PL and Norberg read ei ('him'), but
Gaudiosus needs no 'solace,' a word regularly linked with the poor; his justice and compassion
are needed to help them. Gregory's genuine interest in the plight of the poor is very noticeable.

BOOK ONE
189
contrary to the Catholic faith, whether about the election of primates 354
and the other chapters, except for those which affect the episcopate from the
Donatists, whom we prohibit in every way from being promoted to the rank
of primate, even though their clergy might raise them to this position.Rather
let it suffice for them just to take care of the common people entrusted to
them, but not even to go before those bishops whom the Catholic faith has
taught in tosom of the Church, and has brought forth for the culmina-
tion, which is becoming a primate.
You therefore, dearest brethren, anticipate our admonitions with the zeal
of your love for the Lord, knowing that a very strict judge is going to be
brought down to examine all that we are doing, and he will approve of each
one of us not for the privilege of a more sublime rank, but for the merits of
our deeds. I therefore beg you, love yourselves, each the other in turn, with
a mutual peace in Christ, and resist heretics and enemies of our Church with
an united heart. Be concerned about the souls of your neighbors, and persuade
whom you can to accept the faith with the message of love, and even by
putting before them the terror of the future judge. For you have been
appointed as shepherds and the Lord of the flocks expects the fruit of a _
multiplied flock from these to whom he has entrusted it as his shepherds.If he
observes an increase in his flock, through more diligent care being taken, then
he will certainly honor us with the multiple gifts of his heavenly kingdom.
Furthermore, completing my expression of fraternal love, I pray to God
to make you, whom he has chosen to be shepherds of souls, worthy in his
presence, and to direct your actions here himself, that he might give them
worthy acknowledgment in your future life.
1.76 Gregory to Leo, bishop in Corsica 355 I August 591
Pastoral care obliges us to help a church bereft of a priest's guidance with con-
cerned care. And since we recognize that the church of Saona 356 has been
totally destitute for many years, since the death of its bishop, we have thought
that the task of visiting it should be imposed on your Fraternity, as far as it,s
usefulness can be completed by your arrangements. And in that church also
and its parishes, we grant you the freedom to ordain deacons and priests. But
with regard to them, be keen to examine them quite diligently, to ensure that
none of them should be rejected by the sacred canons.
But those whom your Fraternity sees as worthy of such a great ministry,
recognizing their morals and actions as being in accord with this ordination,
let it freely promote to the aforesaid office, with the permission of our
354. The council of the Numidian bishops was responsible for electing its own primate.
355. Gregory often appoints temporary visitors to churches whose bishops have either
moved away or died. His formula here is unlike that in Epp 1.15, 51, but closer to that in
Epp 2.13; 6.21; 9.140-141.
356. This town on the west coast of Corsica, south of A;accio, has long-since vanished.

190
THE LETTERS OF GREGORY THE GREAT
authority. Therefore, we want you to make use of all the goods of the church
mentioned above, as if its own bishop, until our second letter arrives.
So be diligent and be careful in all of these matters, in such a way that
under your management, the church's affairs can be settled altogether profit-
ably, with God's authority.
1.77 Gregory to Martin, bishop in Corsica I August 591
We ought to lend a kindly ear to those asking for justice, so that those seeking
remedies find what they hoped for, and the pastor's concern does not fail the
Church. The church of Taina, in which your Fraternity had long been decked
with riestly honor, has been so occupied and torn apart by the enemy's fero-
city,3 7 due to our sins, that no hope remains of returning there any more.
So with this authority we have appointed you without hesitation as incardin-
ate priest to the church of Aleria,358 that has long since been destitute of
the support of its bishop, in line with the manner of your request. Therefore,
dispose and organize these things in accordance with all the precepts of the
Church canons, with vigilant care and in the fear of God, so that your Frater-
nity is glad to have obtained its desires, and that a church of God is filled with
the reciprocal joy, seeing that you have become its incardinate bishop.
1.78 Grefory to the clergy, senate and people residing by the church of
Bevagna 35 I August 591
Whenever some matter is entrusted to several people to deal with, while each
has a different view from the others, the door is opened to losses of money,
rather than to profits. Foreseeing this, and so that it cannot happen at your
church, we have decided that the church's care and profits should be entrusted
to the priest Honoratus, for the present, so that the goods and services of the
church can be looked after and guarded in every way by him. And for that reason
we exhort your Beloved with the present letter, for a priest to be ordained by you,
the assent of your wish must accordingly agree with a worthy choice of just one
man, and do not allow a church of God to be without the office of its priest any
longer. But in as far as a priest should be ordained by the church itself, we have
entrusted all care of that concern to the priest mentioned above, as we have said.
Therefore may your Beloved hasten in all these matters to show that the devotion
of a ready mind might reveal the love you feel for the Church.
357. The words suggest an attack by the Lombards, rather than a peasant uprising.
There is no other evidence for such an invasion, but Sardinia nearby was facing its second
invasion in 599 (see. Ep 9.196) and advised to fortify; perhaps Corsica likewise.
358. Aleria is half-way up the east coast of Corsica. In 596 it had a bishop called Peter
(Ep 6.22) but had lacked one for some time by 601 (Ep 11.58).
359. Bevagna (then Vivania) lay on the river Clitumnus in Umbria, not subject to the
Lombards, it seems. In June 599, the bishop of Spoleto, Chrysantus, was visitor to the
church of Bevagna (see Ep 9.167). For the 'clergy, senate, people' formula, adding to the old
SPQR (Senat populusque Romanus) see Ep 1.58.

BOOK ONE
191
1.79 Gregory to the clergy and nobility of Corsica Two equalietters 360
I August 591
Although you yourselves are not upset that a church of God has been without
a bishop for a very long time now, yet the care of the office we have under-
taken compels us to think about its governing, and our affection for your
Beloved selves very much obliges us to do so, knowing that the good of your
souls depent the same time on its proper guidance. For if the flock lacks
a shepherd's care,it easily falls into the snares of the one lying in wait. On that
matter, since the church of (Aleria) Saona has long been destitute of the help
of a priest, we have thought it necessary (that our brother and fellow-bishop
Martinus, be appointed incardinate priest there) to enjoin our brother and
fellow-bishop Leo, to take on the task of being its visitor. In that church and
its parishes we also allow him the freedom to ordain priests and deacons, and
we permit him to use its goods, as long as he is there, as if he were its proper
bishop. And for that reason we advise with the present letter that your
Beloved selves should accept the aforesaid visitor with all your devotion, and
show reasonable obedience to him in these matters, as is proper for sons of the
Church, so that supported by your devotion, he can implement all those_
things which you know affect the interests of the above-mentioned church.
1.80 Gregory to Laurence, bishop of Milan 361 I August 591
Receiving the letter of your Fraternity, I offered thanks to almighty God for
relieving me with a longed for report of your good health. But you tell me
that a certain quantity of money has been raised from the revenue of the
patrimony of the Sicilian province, by the right of the sacred church oyer
which you preside 362 with God's authority, for the reason that at that time,
the revenue of the patrimony of your church was being collected by agents of
the holy Roman Church. And so it was necessary, you said, in accordance
with the tenor of the letter sent by you, to examine the sum of money
received and entered, and to track down the value of the whole account with
care. After examining this, it has been alleged that nothing was refunded to
your church from the holy Roman Church. But while your deacon, Constan-
tius,363 has alleged something different to what had been argued by our
360. There are two separate letters combined (with necessary variants) in this one,
concerning two churches, Aleria and Saona (see Epp 1.76, 77). It seems likely that they were
prepared by the pope's copyist. Sections on Aleria are in brackets. This is one of many such
routine letters, which only required the pope's signature. But most were clearly written, or
dictated, by him, in his inimitable Latin style.
361. Laurence was bishop there from 573 to 592, but the letter had to be sent to Genoa,
where the bishop of Milan had resided with most of his clergy since the Lombard invasion
in September 569 (see Ep 3.30).
362. For the Sicilian revenue to Milan's church, see Ep 11.6.
363. Possibly the successor to Laurentius (see Ep 3.29).

192
THE LETTERS OF GREGORY THE GREAT
people, the examination of the business became doubtful, and it could be aired
more precisely if there were a person who could settle something firmly.
Therefore, it is necessary for your Sanctity to nominate a person over this
matter, with whose help the Roman Church should settle something defin-
itely. So that if it owes nothing, it should be clear from the judgment, or if it
owes something, it should repay it, and the person whom you appoint should
produce the customary security.
1.81 Gregory to ]anuarius,364 archbishop of Cagliari in Sardinia
I August 591
You are known to have delighted our heart with your letter, because you
attested that you had remembered our orders. And as we retain in our
memory those things that you recall us ordering your Fraternity, we reply
briefly with the present letter how things should be settled, when the
authority of our wish is expected. Therefore Liberatus, about whom your
Fraternity has spoken to us, and who is said to hold the office of deacon, if
he was not incardinated 365 by your predecessor, ought not to be put in
charge of the deacons appointed by you for any reason, in case you seem to
be critical of those whom you are known to have approved of by consecrating
them, by somehow putting them under him. And so at every instant restrain
the aforesaid Liberatus from the depravity of his intention, as a spirit of
ambition inspires him and he is in need of a reprimand. Arrange for him to
stand last among the deacons, in case while he strives illegally to put himself
above them, he is judged undeserving of the rank which he now holds. Yet if
you were to be attracted by his obedience, and you wanted to incardinate him
after this, remember that you must abstain from his incardination, unless he
has earned the agreement of his bishop, as is the usual custom. For you do not
hesitate to embrace justice, so you do not delay observing for others what you
yourself would like to be observed for you.
1.82 Gregory to Hilary, notary of Africa 366 I August 591
Felicissimus and Vincent, deacons of the church of Lamigenum,367 present-
ing a petition that can be seen below, suggested that they had suffered a
serious injustice at the hands of Argentius, bishop of the same city. In return
for bribes, they said, Donatists had been put above them in their churches, and
they recalled that amongst other wrongdoings, the bishop had committed
another, serious crime, which it would be wrong to mention. For that reason
364. For Archbishop Januarius, see Ep 1.60.
365. From diaconus cardinalis ('incardinate deacon,' or 'archdeacon,' except at Rome).
366. For Hilary, see Ep 1.73, where his title varied between notary and secretary (but not
m01'ZlJ£ho 'monk,' as in the manuscripts here); the text in MGH reads notario. Hilary was
Gregory's controller of the Church's patrimony for Africa.
367. The two bishoprics in Numidia were under Lamigginensis and Lamiggigensis: see
the note in MGH.

BOOK ONE
193
we thought that with the letter bearing this instruction, we should enjoin your
Experience to commit the aforesaid bishop to a suitable pledge without delay.
Through your initiative a council should be formed according to the local
custom and, with a thorough investigation, all things should be looked into,
in line with the text of the petition presented, according to canon law and
before both parties. Whatever is decided by their judgment should be carried
out in every-de(ail, with you seeing it through. And so we want you to pro-
vide urgency to this case, with all vigor, so that no delay may be added. For
you will know that you are risking a serious offence, if any sort of excuse has
slowed down our instruction.

BOOK TWO
Month of September, tenth indiction
2.1 Gregory to his notary Peter 1 I September 591
We have learnt that the monastery of the Holy Archangel which was built at
T ropeae, 2 haS a shortage of provisions, as is indicated by the bearer of this
letter. For that reason, your Experience should keep a careful watch over this
matter, and if you find that the monks of the same place are conducting them-
selves well, and it proves abundantly clear that there are those in need among
them, then you will hurry in every way to assist them, supported by this
authority, knowing that whatever you provide at our request is to be charged
to your account. But inquire also about our church's little property beside it,
which they assert pays rent of one and two-thirds gold coins. If that is so,
allow it by certified 3 contract to pay a sum of just one and a third. 4 And so
be keen to complete all of this in that way, if the monks of that place, as we
said, are active in their service to God, as is proper.
2.2 Gregory to his Bishop Praejectus 5 I September 591
It has come to our attention that in your city, that is N arni, the sins hanging
over it are causing a deadly epidemic everywhere. This matter has been all too
distressing for us. 6 Therefore, in greeting your Fraternity, we persuade you
most emphatically not to cease for any reason from admonishing and exhort-
ing those Lombards or Romans who live in that place, and especially the pa-
gans and heretics among them, so as to convert them to the true and righteous
Catholic faith. For in this way maybe either heavenly compassion will help in
their conversion even in this life, or if they happen to be carried off, they
cross over absolved of their sins, which is even more desirable.
1. For this Roman notary, see Ep 5.9. He looked after Church affairs in Calabria.
2. A town in Calabria, near the promontory of Vatican, close to Vibo Valentia (modern
Monteleone, in the archdiocese of Reggio).
3. From libellarius, an adjective from libel/us ('certificate'), used four times by Gregory.
4. The Pope suggested a reduction of a third (tremissis) of a gold coin.
5. Praejectus, bishop of Narni in Umbria, is not mentioned elsewhere. The pope
mentions his predecessor in the time of T otila, Bishop Cassius, in DUtlogi 3.6. By 595 Prae-
jectus had been replaced by Constantius. It seems that considerable change was going on in
Narni at the time, with the plague mentioned here, and its capture by Lombards in Septem-
ber 591.
6. The addixit in the manuscripts, MGH and Norberg for 'favored' or 'gave me up'
makes no sense, but the afflixit, noted in MGH as read by Gussanvillaeus, makes good sense,
the adfli easily read as addi. Norberg omits the verb, often used for mental distress (Epp 5.4,
36; 13.32). The modern versions are too free (Minard: 'nous a donne une grave leon';
Recchia: 'ha chiamato vivamente in causa').

BOOK TWO
195
2.3 Gregory to the clergy, nobility, senate and people living at Naples I
September 591
Although the sincere devotion of its spiritual sons towards their mother
Church might need no exhortation, nevertheless, to prevent it from thinking
that it should be neglected, this devotion ought to be stimulated with an
epistolary exhortation. Because of this I approach your Beloved with a warning
of fatherly lave; that we should give thanks unanimously to our redeemer with
tears in our eyes, as he has not allowed you to go astray under such a corrupt
preacher, but has made public the sins of an unworthy priest. For Deme-
trius,7 who had not earned the name of bishop beforehand, has been found
to be implicated in business dealings 8 of such magnitude and of such a kind,
that if he had been judged without pity, in accordance with the nature of his
crimes, he should have been punished without doubt by divine and human
laws with an extremely cruel death. But because, reserved for penitence, he has
been deprived of his episcopal office, we do not allow a church of God to be
vacant for long without a preacher, because it has also been established by
canonical rules that, when a priest has died or has been removed, the church
should not be deprived of a priesthood for long.
For that reason I have thought it necessary to warn your Beloved with the
present letter that, in electing a bishop, neither should any delay arise, nor any
discord, which normally causes temptations. But search with great care for
such a person for yourselves, in whom the unanimous agreement of all can
rejoice, and who can in no way be rejected by the holy canons.
Thus whoever has been consecrated with the grace of Christ, and with his
full support also, may be able to fill the office, which that most wicked of
men has polluted with his evil-doing, with a worthwhile administration.
2.4 Gregory to Velox,9 military commander, on the persecution of
Ariulf I 27 September 591
We certainly told your Glory some time ago 10 that soldiers were ready to
go there. But since your letter had signified that enemy troops had collected
here also, and were on the move, that was the reason why we kept ours here.
But now it seems useful for some soldiers to be transported there, and your
Glory should be keen to advise and encourage them to be prepared for hard
work. And if you have a chance, have a talk with our glorious sons, Maurice
and Vitalian, and do whatever remains for you to do for the good of the
Republic, with the help of God. If you learn that the unmentionable Ariulf
7. For a more neutral attitude towards this bishop, see Ep 1.14.
8. Such mercenary bishops (see Ep 11.22) were seen by Gregory as unworthy of office.
9. This is the only appearance of Velox. From Epp 2.27, 28, the Roman army stood
united against the duke of Spoleto, Ariulfus, near his city, commanded by Maurice and
Vitalian, with Velox as their junior officer. Their main task was to guard the Via Flaminia
between Rome and Ravenna.
10. There was a lacuna here, filled by the edd with Et pridem quidem expressimus.

196
THE LETTERS OF GREGORY THE GREAT
is escaping, either here or in the region of Ravenna, then take action at his
rear in such a way as is fitting for brave men, so that the fame you get from
the quality of your hard work may bring greater benefits for the republic,
with the help of God.
We recommend this however before all else, that you release without any
delay or excuse the family of Aloin and Andobin, and that of Ingildus Gru-
singus, who are known to be with the glorious Maurice, our military com-
mander, so that the family of the aforesaid man can come here and walk
around with them without any obstacle.
Dated the twenty-seventh of September, tenth indiction.
Month of October, tenth indiction
2.5 Gregory to Maximian, bishop of Syracuse 11 I October 591
We carry out the laws of Heaven more effectively if we share our burdens
with our brethren. 12 And so we decree that you, Maximian, a most reverend
man, my brother and fellow-bishop, should be in charge of all of the churches
in Sicily, 13 representing the apostolic see, so that anyone there rated as clergy
should be subject to your Fraternity, on our authority. Afterwards it would
thus not be necessary for them to come to us for trivial reasons, by sailing
over such great expanses of sea.
But if perchance difficulties are arising anywhere, which can in no way be
settled by a judgment of your Fraternity, let these and these alone demand our
judgment, so that when we are freed from minor cases, we can occupy our-
selves more effectively in solving major ones. This office you see we have
attributed not to a place but to a person, as we have learnt from the life that
you have led what we can also expect from your subsequent way of life.
2.6 Gregory to Felix, bishop of Messina, 14 on constructing a church I
5 October 591
J anuarius, deacon of the church of Messina, has informed us in the notification
of a petition, which appears in an appendix,15 that as a mark of his own
devotion, he has founded a basilica in the city of Messina, which he wants to
be consecrated in honor of Saints Stephen, Pancras and Euplus. For that rea-
11. Maximian had been a monk and abbot of Gregory's monastery of Saint Andrew on
the Clivus Scauri, it seems, and lived for a year in the pope's palace, accompanying him to
Constantinople, before he became bishop of Syracuse. As the pope's friend and delegate in
Sicily (relieving sub-deacon Peter) he had jurisdiction over all the clergy. He died before
November 594 (see Ep 5.20). Gregory wrote a dozen or more letters to him.
12. From Gal 6:2: 'help carry one another's burdens, in that way you will fulfill the law
of Christ.'
13. In Ep 1.1 the pope gave this position to the sub-deacon Peter, but he was recalled
to Rome a year or so later (see Ep 2.45).
14. For this Bishop Felix, see Ep 1.38.
15. The "petition was not added to this letter, possibly formulaic.

BOOK TWO
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son, my dearest brother, if this place legally belongs to your city, and it is
certain that no corpse is buried there,16 first of all receive the legitimate
donation, that is to say from today, ten gold coins a year free of imperial tri-
bute, and from the rest of his property let him just retain the usufruct. 17
Inquire carefully into all of this, to see that the amount of that income which
is offered, or what he will leave at the time of his death, is sufficient for the
repair of buildH{gs, for the lighting, and also for the sustenance of servants,
from an annual payment, the generous gift itself being registered with the
municipal administration. 18 But if what we have said is not implemented
through your Solicitude, you should not doubt that you or your heirs will
satisfy the church's requirements from your own property, for any difference.
And so with these provisions, let this prayed-for benediction proceed. But do
not talk about the gift of dedication before the above mentioned order of the
donation has been fulfilled, soon to announce in due manner that nothing
there is now owed to the founder by law any more, except the gratitude of a
procession which is owed to all Christians in common. You will however take
up his sacred relics and place them therein with due reverence.
Dated the fifth of October, tenth indiction.
Month of December, tenth indiction
2.7 Gregory to Candidus, bishog of Orvieto 19 I December 591
When a bodily apoplexy occurs,2 whether for purging or for punishment
(God's judgment is not recognized in this), we ought not to add affliction on
to those tormented, in case displeasure over their failing (Heaven forbid!)
should fall on us. The bearer of this letter, Cal umniosus, asserts that, because
of this seizure that he suffers, those goods customarily given to him by your
church are being denied to him. And so we encourage your Fraternity with
the present letter, to ensure that this sickness should not impede him at all in
receiving what is customary for him, because with very different people in our
Church fighting for God, various infirmities often arise, as you well know.
And if they are deterred by this example, you will no longer be able to find
anyone to fight for the Church. But in accordance with that place's status, let
your Fraternity contemplate divine judgment, and not cease to provide for him
as a sick man, with what whatever could be provided for him, if healthy, from
16. Minard adds 'consacre cette basilique' (from similar letters), which is possible, but
not needed.
17. The Latin word ('use of the fruit/income') survives in legal English, denoting the
right of temporary use or enjoyment of property not one's own.
18. This formula, repeated in Epp 2.11; 8.5; 9.59, 181; 13.16, suggests the continuance
of municipal administration in Sicily and Italy, registering deeds, donations, wills.
19. Bishop Candidus appears with the same title in Ep 6.27. See Ep 1.12 for his
predecessor, John. For Gregory's attitude to sick priests, see Ep 4.13.
20. With corpora/is, percussio ('shaking') has the medical sense of 'apoplexy,' but with
capitis it is a headache, and on its own it is usually a 'blow.'

198
THE LETTERS OF GREGORY THE GREAT
the church's meager income. For you seem to prefer to convert to charity,21
in the administration of this matter, what is customarily paid out for the sick.
2.8 Gregory to the clergy, senate and people living at Naples I December 591
The report sent by you has made very clear how your Charity judges our bro-
ther d fellow-bishop Paul. 22 We congratulate you for having tested him
out so thoroughly, during just a few days, that you desire to have him incar-
dinated as a bishop. But because in very important matters a decision ought
not to be hasty, we shall determine presently what should be done, with
mature deliberation and the help of Christ. As for you, it will become clearer
to you after a period of time what sort of person he shows himself to be. And
for that reason, most beloved sons, obey the aforesaid man, if you truly love
him, and come to him with devoted minds and in a peaceful meeting. Thus
the affection of mutual love may bind you to each other, in such a way that
t4e enemy, flying around to do harm, cannot find in any of you a way by
which to infiltrate and break up your unanimity.
We also sense that the aforesaid bishop is producing the fruit of souls,
which we desire for our God, with the support of our Lord himself also. Yet
let us do hereafter whatever divine inspiration ministers to our heart, with
regard to his person and your desire.
2.9 Gregory to Paul, bishop of Naples I December 591
If we administer the priestly office undertaken by us fearlessly, we shall with-
out doubt receive both the help of God and the love of our spiritual sons. On
account of this, let your Fraternity be keen to reveal yourself in all affairs, in
such a way that the opinion which the clergy of the city of Naples has of you,
like that of the nobility and people, may be reinforced by an increase in your
goodness. And so you ought to restrict your occupation to an assiduous en-
couragement of the aforesaid people. Thus the divine farmer may collect in his
granaries the fruit of your word, which you have harvested from them. But
as far as we may determine, with the revelation of our Lord, with regard to
those things which our aforesaid sons ask us to do for them, we allow you to or-
dain priests from the laity,23 and also to celebrate manumissions in your see with
due solemnity,24 in the same church. But we want you to settle without delay
the clerical stipends for the above-mentioned church, and the priests' donatives. 25
21. The Latin word eleemosyna, from the Greek E'A€lI,."oa6,,,,., ('mercy, charity'), used very
frequently by Gregory.
22. As successor to the disgraced Demetrius (Ep 2.3), Paul was moved from Nepi (in
Etruria, near Rome: see Epp 2.10, 23) and put in charge of the church at Naples (Epp 3.1,2),
but had many critics, and often wanted to return to Nepi (Epp 2.14; 3.35), finally there in
May 593. At a synod in July 595, he appears as bishop of Nepi.
23. Literally, 'priests to be ordained' and 'manumissions to be celebrated.'
24. On the manumission of slaves in bishops' courts, see Codex JustinUtnus 13.1.2.
25. The 'donatives' came from bishops, especially at their inauguration, a not uncom-
mon sense of presbyterium (see Epp 2.50; 5.27). .

BOOK TWO
199
Pay careful attention also in instructing the clergy, so that they abstain from
all things unsuitable or illegal and, with your encouragement also, that they
are constant in their service of our God, in their due ministry of obedience.
Month of January, tenth indiction
2.10 Gregory to the clergy, senate and people living in Nepi I January 592
We have entruSted the care and concern of your city to the very famous man
Leontius,26 bearer of this letter, to show vigilance in all matters and to ar-
range by himself what he recognizes as pertinent to your advantage and to that
of the Republic. For that reason we advise your Beloved with the present
letter that you should show obedience to him in every way, nor should any-
one among you think that he may be scorned, since he handles things for your
advantage. For anyone who opposes his harmonious arrangements is consi-
dered to be resisting our command. Yet whoever listens to him in these mat-
ters mentioned above, will be listening to us. But if anyone thinks that he may
be scorned after this warning of ours, which we do not think likely, he should
know that it would most certainly place him in danger.
2.11 Gregory to Castor, bishop of Rirnini 27 I January 592
Themotea, an illustrious lady, has informed us with the notification of a petition
(which is appended hereto) that she has founded an oratory within the city of
Rimini in a place owned by her, for the sake of her own devotion, and she desires
it to be consecrated in honor of the holy cross. 28 For that reason, dearest
brethren, if the aforesaid construction is consistent with your city's regulations,
and it is certain that no corpse has been buried there, you will solemnly consecrate
the aforesaid oratory, without public masses. But first receive the legal donation,
that is eight twelfths of her whole property, all goods movable and fIXed and self-
moving (slaves excepted),29 their usufruct retained by her for all the days of her
life, as registered with the municipal administration. Let it be done in such a way
that no baptistery is built in the same place, at some future date, and you do not
incardinate a priest there. And if by chance she should prefer masses to be held for
her, let her know that she must seek a priest from your Beloved, so that nothing
like this is taken on by some other priest, in any respect whatever. But you will
take up her sacred relics and place them within with due reverence.
26. Probably an aristocrat (not the exconsul from Sicily). Normally a civil commander
would be appointed by the exarch, but with the Lombard threat, the pope selected a suitable
ruler for Nepi, which had just lost its bishop.
27. For the recently elected Bishop Castor, see Ep 1.56.
28. As with Ep 2.6, much of this letter follows a legal formula. This foundation came
to be known later as the monastery of the Holy Cross of Saints Cosmas and Damian.
29. The usual Latin division, out of twelve. Property consisted of movables, immovables
and self-moving (slaves); the last third was excluded from her donation.

200
THE LETTERS OF GREGORY THE GREAT
2.12 Gregory to Bishop Importunus 30 I January 592
We believe that your Fraternity readily welcomes those things that are
arranged carefully. And because we know that the church of Saint Mary,
which is called Piso's, lying in your parish, is without a priest, we have
certainly appointed the bearer of this letter, Dominic, to be in charge as priest
in that same church. For that reason your Fraternity should see to it that the
profits of that church are provided to him without delay, and see that the
revenues of the tenth indiction already received are restored to the man
mentioned above, without delay, so that with God's help he can carefully
obtain the benefits of the same church, from which his profits derive.
Month of February, tenth indiction
2.13 Gregory to John, bishop of Velletri I February 592
The nature of this time warns us to transfer the sees of bishops, established in
certain cities long ago, to other places in the same diocese, which we think
more secure, where the inhabitants might now be sent and the barbarian
danger might be more easily avoided. For that reason we have ordered you,
John, our brother and fellow-bishop, bishop of the city of Velletri, as well as
your see in the place called Arenata, to be moved from there to Saint Andrew
the apostle, so that you can live with more freedom from hostile incursions,
and also arrange festivals there with customary solemnities.
2.14 Gregory to Bishop Paul 31 I February 592
I have appointed your Fraternity to be in charge of the church of Naples at
the present time, so that you might convert to God all those you could with
your persuasive preaching. And while you ought to be carrying this out with
total attention, you are in a hurry to return home before harvesting this crop
for God, and you request that I should quickly regulate the same church,
although my mind is not idle over this matter. But because I desire to defend
its interests with maximum firmness, I think it necessary to handle this with
a lengthy deliberation, so that I can arrange an ordination worthy of that
church, as revealed by Christ. And so let your Fraternity be keen meanwhile
to attend to the harvest of souls, so that the opinion I have of you is con-
firmed by the result of your operation.
But with regard to the person of Peter the deacon,32 all that you wrote
about him has been passed on to me by that most famous rp.an Theodore. For
that reason, after I learnt from your testimony that he is attached to you and
30. Importunus is thought to have been bishop of Aversa (then, Atella) lying in
Campania between Naples and Capua.
31. For this bishop of Nepi, reluctant visitor to Naples, see Epp 2.8, 9.
32. A 'Peter the deacon' was elected bishop by the clergy and nobility of Naples in Ep
10.19 over 8 years later, but rejected by the pope as simple-minded and guilty of usury.
Theodorus was the pope's very eloquent and noble counselor in Naples (see Epp 3.18; 9.11).
Possibly a magistrate there in 598 (Epp 9.47, 76).
. .....---.........

BOOK TWO
201
zealous for the good of the Church, he should not fear the opposition or
enmity of anyone. Yet the more he considers that others envy him, the more
vigilantly he should persevere in the interests of the Church and in the service
of God, so that they cannot harm him at all. But your Fraternity ought not
to be suspicious about his person after this, because no insinuation will find
a place here with me.

2.15 Gregory to Maximian, Bishop of Syracuse I 29 February 592
A church established in fortified places ought not to be without the office of
a pastor. Since therefore the church of Lipari is known to lack a bishop, for
that reason Let your Fraternity decide that Paulinus,33 bishop of the church
of Taurum, should be in charge of the aforesaid church of Lipari,34 to show
the administration of his office with vigilance in that same church, and not
cease to arrange whatever he learns to be suitable for its benefits. And please
exhort all of the clergy to obey him in all ways according to the canons, in so
far as advantage can be bestowed on the aforesaid church, with the help of
Christ, under the government of our aforesaid brother and fellow bishop.
Dated the twenty-eighth of February, tenth indiction.
2.16 Gregory to Bishop Paulinus I 29 February 592
We want you to know that we have written to our brother and fellow-bishop
Maximian,35 to put your Fraternity in charge of the church of Lipari on our
authority, and it is necessary for you to obey him in all ways. We bid you to
devote yourself properly to the interests of that church, and we want you to
complete without delay everything which you recognize as needful for its
benefits. But you will visit the church of Taurum whenever you believe it an
opportune time. And so let your Fraternity be quick to complete all of this,
so that your presence may settle the church of Lipari advantageously, and so
that, with the enthusiasm of your visitation, you do not cease to bring
together and cherish the church of Taurum.
Month of March, tenth indiction
2.17 Gregory to Natalis, bishop of Salona 36 I March 592
I have learnt from many people coming from your city, dearest brother, that you
have abandoned your pastoral care and are busy with nothing except for banquets.
But I would not believe what I heard, without the proofs that your actions
33. For Paulinus, bishop of Taurium in Calabria, see Epp 1.38; 2.16.
34. To judge from Ep 3.53 Guly 593) the church on Lipari, the very small island north
of Sicily, lost its bishop, Agatho, for various abuses.
35. See Ep 2.15. For Maximian, bishop of Syracuse, see Ep 2.5.
36. In Ep 2.44, Gregory replies to Natalis' defense to this letter. Between March and
August, their envoys made three trips. In Ep 2.38, the Pope suggests that the arrogant Natalis
has modified his behavior, but he could only relax at his death (Ep 3.22). For Salone's
location (near Split), and the strife between deacon and bishop, see Ep 1.10.

202
THE LETTERS OF GREGORY THE GREAT
provide. For it has been proved that you in no way study the holy text, in no
way pay attention to preaching, but rather ignore even the very custom of the
ec.clesiastical order, because you do not know how to show reverence to those
placed over you. For you were prohibited by a letter from my predecessor, of
holy memory,37 from nurturing in your heart the pain of such a long resent-
ment against your archdeacon, Honoratus, and you were strongly forbidden by
me also from doing this. 38 For you both neglected the commandments of God
and despised what we wrote, trying to degrade the aforesaid Archdeacon Honora-
tus, under the clever pretext of promoting him to a higher rank. Thereby it has
turned out that, with his removal from the position of archdeacon, you invited
someone else who could comply with your way of life, when the aforesaid man
displeased you in no way, except that he prohibited you from giving sacred vessels
and garments to your parents. Both I now, and my predecessor of holy memory
then, wanted to examine this case with a meticulous investigation. But you,
conscious of what you have done, have put off sending a person with instructions
for the trial. Therefore let your Fraternity recover from the error of your
wrongdoing, especially after so many repeated warnings, and as soon as you re-
ceive my letter, replace the aforesaid Honoratus in his office. But if by chance you
put it off, know that your use of the pallium, granted to you by this see, is
removed from you. And if, even after your loss of the pallium, you still persist in
the same obstinacy, you will know that you are deprived of participation in the
body and blood of our Lord. After this, you must realize that we are now investi-
gating your cases more minutely, and are deciding with extremely great care and
inquiry whether you ought to continue as bishop. But the man who consented to
being promoted to another person's position, contrary to the rule of justice, we
depose from the same archdeaconship. And if he presumes to minister any longer
in the same position, he will know that he has been deprived of participation in
Holy Communion.
You therefore, dearest brother, do not provoke us further in any way, in
case you find us very hard in our severity, after despising us when compliant
in our love towards you. 39 And so with Honoratus restored to his position
as archdeacon, send over a person quickly with instructions, who can prove
to me by his affirmations that this matter should have a reasonable outcome.
For we have ordered the same archdeacon to come to us, so that we can decide
whichever is just, whichever pleases almighty God, once we know the asser-
tions of each party. For we do not defend anyone because of personal affec-
tion, but uphold the rule of justice, with God's authority, disregarding our
acceptance of any individual.
37. Pelagius II, whose letter to Natalis has not survived.
38. In Ep 1.19.
39. One of many examples of a neatly balanced antithesis (va/de duros / erga te positos,
in asper-itate ( in caritate, sentias / contemnis); see the Introduction, pp. 111-112.

BOOK TWO
203
2.18 Gregory to all the bishops appointed in Dalmatia I March 592
Although we would like to visit your Fraternity frequently through an ex-
change of letters, it is especially true when a matter demands it, and we are
keen to deal with two affairs on the occasion of just one, so that we may both
comfort brotherly spirits by a visit, and explain more precisely what is
additional, so that a lack of knowledge cannot confuse your mind.
And so when our brother Natalis, bishop of the city of Salona, wanted to
promote Honoratus, archdeacon of his see, to the rank of a priesthood, and
next Honoratus refused to rise to a higher position, he had asked my pre-
decessor of holy memory, with a supplication he sent, not be promoted to this
rank against his wishes. For he asserted that this was being done to him not
for the sake of a promotion, but because of resentment. For this reason then
our predecessor of holy memory had already written to our brother and fel-
low-bishop Natalis, forbidding him from promoting the aforesaid Archdeacon
Honoratus against his wishes, and from keeping in his heart the pain of
resentment which he had conceived. And when he was strongly forbidden
from doing so by us also, not only neglecting the commandments of God, but
also despising what we wrote, he cunningly tried to degrade the aforesaid
archdeacon, by promoting him as it were to a higher office, contrary to what
is said to be normal. The result of this is that he removed Honoratus from the
position of archdeacon, and was calling in another man, to minister in the
place of the deposed archdeacon. Of course we think that this Honoratus
could have displeased his bishop because he prohibited him from giving sacred
vessels to his parents.
Both my predecessor of holy memory at that time, and now I myself
wanted to examine this case with a meticulous investigation. But he himself,
conscious of his interests, has put off sending a person for a judgment, in case
the truth should appear when his actions were discussed. We have already
warned him with so many letters, but so far he has remained persistently
obstinate. Therefore we have taken care with another letter directed to him,
to advise him through the bearer of this letter to replace his Archdeacon
Honoratus in his former position, as soon as the bearer of this letter joins him.
If his heart is still obstinate, perhaps, and he arrogantly puts off recalling him
to the same rank, because of his repeated displays of arrogance, we have
ordered him to be deprived of the use of the pallium, which was conceded to
him by this see. If however even after losing the pallium, he still perseveres
with the same obstinacy, we have ordered that he be removed from participa-
tion also in the body and blood of our Lord. For it is fair that he should feel
us harsh in our justice, given that he has despised us when compliant towards
him from affection. We therefore do not even now deviate from the path of
justice, which the above-mentioned bishop has despised. But once that man
whose fault was not at all clear to us, has been restored to his proper position,
We have ordered that Bishop Natalis should send a person to us with instructions,
who with allegations of proof might show us that his intention was right.

204
THE LETTERS OF GREGORY THE GREAT
For we have also made the same archdeacon come to us, so that we can
decide whichever is just, whichever pleases almighty God, once we know the
assertions of each party. For we do not defend anyone because of personal
affection, but uphold the rule of justice, with God's authority, disregarding Our
acceptance of any individual. 40
2.19 Gregory to Sub-deacon Antoninus 41 I March 592
Honoratus, archdeacon of the church of Salona, had demanded from my predeces-
sor of holy memory, with a supplication he sent, that he should in no way be
forced to be promoted by his bishop to a higher grade rank against his wishes,
contrary to the normal custom. For he asserted that this was being done to him
not for the sake of a promotion, but because of his resentment. For this reason
then our predecessor of holy memory in a letter to our brother and fellow-bishop
Natalis, had already forbidden him from promoting the aforesaid Archdeacon
Honoratus against his wishes, and from keeping in his heart any longer the pain
of resentment which he had conceived. Since he had been strongly forbidden from
doing so by me also, not only neglecting the commandments of God, but also
despising what we wrote, he cunningly tried to degrade the aforesaid archdeacon,
by promoting him as it were to a higher office. And so it happened that, with
him removed from the position of archdeacon, he called in another person, who
could comply with his way of life. We think that this Archdeacon Honoratus
could not have displeased his bishop in any other way, except that he prohibited
him from giving sacred vessels to his parents.
Both my predecessor of holy memory at that time, and now I myself have
wanted to examine this case with a meticulous investigation. But he himself,
conscious of his own actions, has put off sending a person for a judgment.
Therefore we have thought that your Experience should be supported by the
authority of the present command, so that when you join our brother and
fellow-bishop Natalis in Salona, you might at least be keen to exhort a man
who has in fact been warned by so many letters, to replace the above-men-
tioned archdeacon in his own position at once. If perchance he has with his
usual arrogance put off doing this, forbid him from the use of the pallium,
which was conceded to him by this see, with the authority of this apostolic
see. If you should see that he is still persisting with the same obstinacy, after
losing the pallium, you will deprive this same bishop also from participation
in the body and blood of our Lord. And we order the person who has con-
sented to be promoted to the other man's position, contrary to the rule of jus-
tice, to be deposed from the rank of the same archdeaconship. If he should
presume to minister in the same position any further, we deprive him of parti-
cipation in the Holy Communion. For it is fair that he should feel us harsh
40. The letter mostly repeats what was in the pope's private one to Natalis (Ep 2.17).
41. In Ep 3.32 (April 593) Antoninus is named as sub-deacon and defender of the
Church patrmony in Salona. The pope writes to him also in Epp 3.9, 22.

BOOK TWO
205
in our justice, given that he despises us when compliant towards him with
charity. And so once Honoratus has been reappointed archdeacon, the above-
mentioned bishop, compelled by you, should send a person to us with instruc-
tions, who with allegations of proof could show me that his intention is or
was Just.
But we also order the same archdeacon to come to us, so that we can
decide whichev€r is just, whichever pleases almighty God, once we know the
assertions of each party. For we do not defend anyone because of personal
affection, but preserve the rule of justice, with God's authority, disregarding
our acceptance of any individual.
You will however take care to entrust Malchus,42 our brother and fel-
low-bishop, to a person providing surety, so that he can come to us as quickly
as possible, and putting aside all delay and postponement, can give an account
of his actions and then return home with full security.43
2.20 Gregory to Jobinus, praetorian prefect of IDyria 44 I March 592
Although the rarity of letter-carriers, due to the enemy's occupation of the route,
prevents us from delivering our offices of paternal love, yet whenever the occasion
arises, we do not hesitate to visit your xcellency with exchanges of letters, so that
those whose appearance we cannot see in our presence, we are able to look at to
some extent with alternating correspondence. And so we rejoice that our Lord has
been willing to take ccu:e of an afflicted province, through the government of your
Eminence, so that what He ulcerates on the one hand with the scourge of the bar-
barian devastation, on the other hand he may cure through your Eminence, as if
through some added good health. Pay attention therefore to the dignity bestowed
on you from the gift alone of the Giver, and from the very administration of the
rule granted to you, make your Creator more easily appeased towards you. Thus
when He Himself sees that what he bestowed is returned to His own glory by the
merits of your good deeds, He may both make you more famous in this life, and
allow you the rewards of His heavenly kingdom. And so we recommend to your
Excellency the bearer of this letter,45 whom we sent there for the administration
itself of a miniscule patrimony.46 For we, closely linked with your Beloved,
entreat our Lord to so direct your actions in this life, that he may lead you to his
eternal kingdom, thanks to their merit.
42. Malchus was a bishop in Dalmatia, and controller of the Dalmatian patrimony,
before Antoninus took over (see Ep 1.36). His 'home' was now in Sicily. For his refusal to
give the pope a full account of affairs in Dalmatia, see Epp 2.38; 3.22; 5.6.
43. Except for this paragraph, most of the letter repeats the previous two, but for some
special commands for Antoninus.
44. The prefecture of Illyria included Dalmatia, its troops busy protecting towns and
roads (as here) against the invading Slavs.
45. For Sub-deacon Antoninus and Bishop Natalis (below), see the three previous letters.
46. The diminutive of patrimonium (patrimoniolum), was used by Jerome Ep 45. The
diminutive is often used for self-criticism and modesty, here understating an income.

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But as for our brother and fellow-bishop Natalis, your Glory must not
give any help to him contrary to justice. For the more necessary it is for him
to .feel the rod of canonical punishment, the more ignorant he is of the canoni-
cal rule itself.
2.21 Gregory to Maximian, bishop of Syracuse 47 I March 592
Felix, a most distinguished man, who bears this letter, has informed us that there
is a priest in those parts who appears worthy of promotion to the rank of bishop,
due to the merit of his upright life. Therefore let your Fraternity arrange for him
to be brought before you, and examine him diligently over the danger to his soul,
of which I am certain. H you perceive that he deserves to be promoted to this
rank, take care to send him to us, so that we can consecrate him bishop over a
place that we shall provide for him, with the Lord's disition.
We recommend the bearer of this letter, Felix, a most distinguished
man and my private secretary, to your Fraternity, with justice observed, so
that he can find your paternal good-will in what he will justly demand.
2.22 Gregory to Benenatus, bishop visiting Cumae 49 I March 592
Since it is known that Liberius, once bishop of the church of Cumae, has
departed from this life, for that reason we solemnly delegate to your Fraternity
the task of visiting his destitute church. 50 It is appropriate for you to carry
out this task in such a way that nothing about promotions of clergy, about
revenue, about ornaments and holy vessels, or anything whatsoever, should be
assumed by anyone of that church. And for that reason your Beloved will
hurry to go to the aforesaid church, and we want you to advise the clergy and
people of the same church with continual exhortations that they should put
aside partisanship, and with one and the same consensus, seek out a priest to
be appointed over them. He must be found both worthy of such an important
ministry, and must in no way be rejected by venerable Church canons. At
such a time as he should be accepted, let him come to us to be consecrated,
with the solemnity of a decree corroborated by the subscriptions of all the
clergy, and by the testimony of your Beloved's letter.
We warn your Fraternity also that you should not permit anyone to be
elected from another church, unless perhaps no one can be found from among the
clergy of that same city, in which you fulf1l1 the office of visitor, who is worthy
of a bishopric, which we believe unlikely . You will take car before all else that
47. See Ep 2.5.
48. His normal title is 'glorious.' He owned properties in Sicily. See Epp 9.41, 91, 92.
49. Cumae was in the neighborhood of Misenum. Benenatus, bishop of Misenum (see
Epp 2.37; 9.122, 164) was found guilty of serious faults, some time before December 598, and
demoted by Gregory (see Ep 9.81).
50. One of many such formulaic letters on the appointment of a visitor or new bishop,
similar to Epp 2.32; 5.21; 6.21; 7.16; 9.81, 100; 13.14, 19.

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they do not presume to support the merit of a layman, whatever his way of life,
or you too must face the danger for your position, Heaven forbid!
2.23 Gregory to John, bishop, visitor to Nepi 51 I March 592
Although we have imposed the task of visiting the church at Naples upon
Paul, our brothr and fellow-bishop, your Fraternity should not for that
reason desist-ffu'm undertaking the visitation of the church of Nepi,52 so that
when the Easter festival requires it, whatever the solemnity of the sacred rites
demands may be fully implemented, with your assistance. So until we can
decide what should be done about the person of our aforesaid brother and fel-
low-bishop, your Fraternity should be keen to show yourself wise and vigilant
in all things, so that the absence of the aforesaid man is not felt at all.
Month of April, tenth indiction
2.24 Gregory to Rusticiana 53 I April 592
In receiving your Excellency's letter, I was relieved by the report of your good
health, for I had prayed that the Lord in his mercy would both protect and
determine your life and actions. But I was very surprised as to why you have
put off your intention of making the journey you planned, to the holy lands,54
as well as your vow of a good deed, when it is necessary to complete an act
of devotion quickly, if ever a good deed is conceived in one's heart as a gift to
the Creator. Otherwise, while the cunning entrapper strives to ensnare a soul,
he at once suggests various obstacles by which one's mind is debilitated, and
does not let one's desires reach fulfillment. 55 For this reason it is necessary
for your Excellency to anticipate all the obstacles obstructing the path of holy
causes, and to aspire to the rewards of a good deed with every effort of one's
heart, so that one may both live with tranquillity in the present age, and may
in the future possess a heavenly kingdom.
But as for your report that Passivus 56 has concocted some calumnies
against you, and that our most pious empero7 has not only been unhappy
51. The episcopal see of this John is not certain, but he may be the bishop of Squillace
in Calabria, appointed visitor to Croton (Ep 2.33).
52. Paul was the bishop of Nepi. See Epp 2.8, 9, 10, 14.
53. The patrician Rusticiana was a long-time friend of Gregory. She had lived in Rome,
but by 592 was in Constantinople, and very influential at court. Married to a noble Egyp-
tian, Lord Appio, she had three children, Eudoxius, Gregoria and Eusebia, mentioned here
and in Epp 4.44; 8.22 and especially 13.24. She owned properties in Sicily and Italy, adminis-
tered by a 'very illustrious viceroy.' Eusebia's son, Strategios, appears in some later letters
(see Ep 13.24). Gregoria was chambermaid to the empress.
54. She had planned a pilgrimage ('good deed') to Mount Sinai (see Ep 4.44, August 594).
55. This is a typical expression of Gregory's, who often uses the same ideas in his Moralia
to explain the devil's activity in tempting souls to sin: see Moralia 1.36, 51, 53; 23. 35, 60.
56. Nothing else is known about this offensive character.
57. Gregory uses the plural, as usual, for the Emperor Maurice, applauded by him.

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to hear them, but has also received them with bitterness, think carefully whose
gift this was,58 and turn all the hope of your mind to him who with his
power opposes men of this world, so that they do not do as much harm as they
would like to do, and who with the opposition of his arm can rebuff men's
depraved desires, and himself shatter their attempts with pity, as is his custom.
I pray you to greet on my behalf your glorious Lord Appio and Lady
Eusebia and Lord Eudoxius and Lady Gregoria.
2.25 Gregory to John, bishop of Ravenna I April 592
Weare ordered by our Lord's commandments to love our neighbors like our-
selves, 59 and to feel for their weaknesses as if our own infirmities. Mindful of
this, your Fraternity showed your compassion, keen before to visit our brother
and fellow-bishop, Castor,60 suiting your convenience, and also to receive him
afterwards in the city of Ravenna, because of the growing sickness of his body.
Wherefore you have without doubt indebted not just us, for the charity given by
you, but God as well. For you have proved that you felt compassion over a
brother's illness, and have not only visited him when sick with bodily pains, but
also received him at your home. In fact I myself refused totally to consecrate him
there, because of his simple-mindedness. But the insistence of his supporters
brought it about that I could in no way speak against him. But if it can be done,
you will greatly benefit me and yourself if you send him down to me even via
Sicily, provided you judge that the journey is not painful for him.
But with regard to the bishops depending on us, who cannot however
come here because of the enemy presence between us, let your Fraternity take
care so that they are in no way recalled to the city of Ravenna for the sake of
their cases, so that we do not appear to be troubling or tiring them at this
time in any way. But if there are some matters where they seem to deserve a
just reprimand, they should always be admonished through your Fraternity's
letters. But if in fact some more serious cases arise (Heaven forbid!), we want
you to refer these to us in detail, so that corroborated by the evidence of your
inquiry, we can make a sound decision, with the Lord's help, according to the
laws and Church canons.
2.26 Gregory to Stephen, our recorder for Sicily, on the restoration of
monks I 19 May 592
Knowing that the greatness of your Charity makes you love our Lord with all
your heart, we have thought for this reason that it is necessary to bring to
your attention those deeds which we have learnt were done contrary to the
precepts of our Lord, and contrary to the rule of canon law, in the domains
58. The devil's, in contrast to the repeated 'him' (God) which follows.
59. In Lk 10:27, Mt: 19.18-19.
60. Castor, bishop of Rimini, was well known to Gregory, having been a sub-deacon
in Rome. He. was elected bishop after July 591 (see Epp 1.55, 56; 2.11; 5.48).

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that were once owned by late patrician, Julius, so that those things perpetrated
should be corrected and others should not presume to try them hereafter. And
so it has been suggested to us by the abbot of the monastery of Saint George,
which is situated in the domain called Maratodis,61 that two monks have
taken refuge there, and one of them has in fact already taken a wife from the
locals, while th other lives a secular life, having become a layman. They
themselves rt that they are not from slaves of the domain, but are free
men. But even if they had been tied to their situation,62 it was contrary to
God that after receiving the sacrament of the divine office, they should go
back to their secular life and clothing.
For that reason I encourage you to take consideration of the eternal judge,
and make the monks hand themselves over without delay, so that the strict-
ness of the other monasteries is not weakened by their example, with you at
fault (God forbid!). But rather, with the support of your Greatness, let the
hope of doing such things be removed from all other monks.
The aforesaid abbot also asserted that a priest from the domain mentioned
above wanted to introduce new customs into that monastery itself, which
from the time of the monastery's foundation had not as yet spanned a thirty
year period. For if anything had been offered there by the faithful as a
generous gift, the abbot said he should receive a portion of it. Your Greatness
should be keen to acknowledge this carefully, and if this custom did not exist from
the beginning, even with the passage of time, it should not become seemly for
some new custom to be imposed, especially as we have learnt that the monastery
is poor, with very little property, and we have learnt that the abbot himself is
extremely hospitable, according to the attestation of many.
Dated the nineteenth of May, tenth indiction.
Month of June, tenth indiction
2.27 Gregory to Maurice and Vitalian, military cornmanders 63 I June 592
Receiving the letters of your Glory, I gave thanks to God, because we learnt
about your safety. And we have rejoiced greatly over your concern, and what
you wrote about was soon prepared. But that magnificent man Aldio,64 after
the arrival of your men, wrote to us that Ariulf was already close by, and we
were afraid that the soldiers sent to you might fall into his hands. Yet here
in Rome too, as far as God shall assist him, our son and glorious military
commander 65 has prepared himself to meet him. But your Glory also, if the
enemy itself should come out in this direction, achieve what you can from his
61. Neither the district nor the monastery appears elsewhere (but see Ep 9.7).
62. The word condicio describes the status of farmer or slave, tied to a property. The
two escaped by joining a religious fraternity, but left it for 'freedom,' they claimed.
63. For these military leaders, see Epp 2.4, 28. The date of this letter was shortly before
29 June, feast day of Saint Peter. Duke Ariulf appeared in Ep 2.4.
64. See Ep 9.103 for the 'glorious' Aldio (there in the diocese of Perugia).
65. Castus was commander of Rome's militia (Epp 3.51; 5.30, 36).

210
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rear, with God's help, as has been your custom. For our hopes are in the
strength of almighty God and in that of Saint Peter himself, the prince of the
apostles, on whose birthday they long to shed blood, because they will with-
out delay discover that Saint Peter himself is their adversary.
2.28 Gregory to Maurice and Vitalian, military commanders, concerning
pillage I June 592
By word and letter we have made a suppliant's demand to your Glory,
through our son Vitalian,66 with whom you should also discuss it. On the
eleventh day of the month of June, Ariulf sent this letter, which we have
directed to you. And for that reason, read it again and see if the citizens of
Soana 67 have persisted in the loyalty that they promised to the republic.
Take from them worthy hostages in whom you can trust, and bind them as
well with oaths once again, returning to them what you took as a pledge, and
soothing them with your words. But if you find out that they have quite obvi-
ously had talks with Ariulf about their submission, or have definitely given
him hostages, as the letter of Ariulf which we sent to you makes us suspect,
then study this with a sound deliberation, and so that your soul or ours is not
in any way weighed down over their oaths, carry out whatever you judge to
be in the republic's interest.
But let your Glory do it in such a way that there is neither anything over
which our adversaries could condemn us, nor is anything neglected that the
republic's advantage requires. Lord forbid it! Furthermore be alert, glorious
sons, for as far as I have discovered, Ariulf has collected his troops and is said
to be stationed in N arni, 68 so that if he wants to direct their march to
Rome, bringing the wrath of God upon himself, you must pillage his own hold-
ings, as far as the Lord will assist you, or certainly let them search nervously
for the troops69 sent by you, so that you do not suffer a painful result.
Month of July, tenth indiction
2.29 Gregory to the praetor, Justin,70 about protecting Bishop Leo 71
I July 592
The envy of the ancient' enemy has this special quality. Those whom it cannot
trick into the perpetration of evil acts, because God resists it, it destroys their repu-
66. Probably not the military commander, unless 'Your Glory' is just Maurice at first
(very soon joined by Vitalian, for both to examine the incriminating letter).
67. Soana (then Svanensis) is a town in Etruria.
68. A town in Umbria threatened by the Lombards (see Epp 2.2 and 5.36, dated
September 591 and June 595). A Roman garrison was installed there in 595.
69. Gregory uses the medieval word scu/cas on six occasions, for excu/cas ('guards').
70. For this civil ruler of Sicily, see Ep 1.2.
71. Bishop of Catania (see Ep 1.70), Leo went to Rome for the feast of Saint Peter, on
29]une 592, "obeying the pope's order, where he preached and was found innocent.

BOOK TWO
211
tations for the present by pretending false things. Since therefore a wicked rumor
had spread concerning our brother and fellow-bishop Leo, certain things contrary
to the priestly way of life, we set up an inquiry with a long and strict examination
to see whether they were true, and we found no fault in him concerning what had
been said about him. But so that nothing might appear to have been omitted, and
so that no doubt could remain in our heart, we made him swear many a solemn
oath before m{ most holy body of Saint Peter. After the performance of this, we
rejoiced with great exultation, because in this way his innocence shone out most
clearly. For which reason your Glory must support the aforesaid man with all
your love, and show reverence to him as befits a priest of God. Nor let any doubt
remain in men's hearts about these lies that have now been disproved. But you
ought to adhere to the above-mentioned bishop with all your devotion, in such
a way that you appear to honor God duly and properly in the person of him who
is God's minister.
Dated the fifth of July, tenth indiction.
2.30 Gregory to Abbot Eusebius, about submission to his bishop I July 592
Let your Charity believe me when I say that I have been extremely upset over _
your bitterness, as if in your person I had suffered an injury myself. But when I
realized afterwards that even when Maximian, a most reverend man and our
brother and fellow-bshop, was offering his grace and communion, your Beloved
was unwilling to receive communion from him, I knew then that what was done
before was quite just. In times of affliction, servants of God should show humility.
It is certainly clear that those who raise themselves up against men placed over
them have no respect for their role as servants of God. And indeed what was done
by him ought not to have been done, but you ought to have endured all of it
with humility. Again, when he was offering you his thanks, you ought to have
met him with an act of gratitude. Because you did not act in this way, I recognize
by this that we need tears and nothing else. For it is not a great thing that we are
humble before those who honor us, because even all secular people do this, but
we should be especially humble towards those who are making us suffer in some
way. The psalmist says: 'See my humility in the face of my foes.,72 What sort
of life is ours, who are unwilling to be humble even towards our fathers? For that
reason, most beloved son, I ask that all the bitterness leaves your heart, lest per-
haps your end is close at hand, and the ancient enemy shuts the path to the hea-
venly kingdom through the iniquity of your discord.
Besides this, we have arranged for a hundred golden coins to be given to
your Beloved through Peter, our sub-deacon,73 which I beg you to accept
without being offended.
72. Ps 9:14, 'See how my foes afflict me' in NAB.
73. The order is given to Peter in Ep 2.50.

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THE LETTERS OF GREGORY THE GREAT
2.31 Gregory to John, bishop of Squillace,74 on holy ordinations I July 592
The care of a pastoral office requires us to appoint their own bishops to
establish churches deprived of them, who should govern the Lord's flock with
pastoral concern. For that reason we have thought it necessary to appoint
you, John, bishop of the city of Alessi0 75 captured by the enemy, as incar-
dinate priest in the church of Squillace, so that you both carry out the care of
souls once you accept it, by looking forward to the coming judgment, and
although you have been driven out of your church by the enemy threat, you
should govern another church which is without a pastor. But do so in such a
way that if your city happens to be freed from the enemy and restored to its
former state, with the Lord's protection, you should return to the church in
which you were first consecrated. If however the above-mentioned city is
oppressed by the continuous calamity of captivity, you should remain perma-
nently in this church in which you have also been incardinated by us.
But we order you never to ordain anyone illegally, and do not permit anyone
to take on holy orders who is a bigamist, or one whose wife was not a virgin, or
an illiterate person, or one infected in any part of his body, or a penitent, or a
person bound to a coun 76 or to any state of servitude. But if you discover any
men of this sort, please do not dare to promote them. On no account accept
Africans indiscriminately, nor unknown strangers, who want to be ordained. For
some of the Africans are in fact Manicheans,77 others re-baptized,78 and most
foreigners in fact, even when established in the minor orders, have often been
proved to have had pretensions of higher honors. We also advise your Fraternity
to pay careful attention to the souls entrusted to you, and to turn them more to
the profits of the soul rather than to the comforts of the present life. Be diligent
in conserving and disposing the property of the church, so that the future judge,
when he has come to give his judgment, may approve the fact that you have
carried out the office of priest undertakn by you in a worthy manner.
2.32 Gregory to John, bishop of Squillace J July 592
A direct report revealed to us that the bishop7 has died. For that reason we
solemnly delegate to your Fraternity the task of visiting the destitute church.
74. Squillace ( Squillacium then) was an ancient town of Calabria (home of the Bruttii).
See Ep 8.32, where John was still in charge (August 598), but not thereafter.
75. Alessio (Lissus), an Illyrian city at the mouth of the Adriatic, near Durazzo, had
been taken by the Slavs, who were threatening the Balkans, in the West especially.
76. They could escape by joining the Church, if able to find a replacement.
77. A dualistic sect, which followed the teachings of a Persian, Mani, combining
elements of Zoroastrianism and Buddhism with Gnostic Christianity. It was very active in
Egypt and North Africa in the third-sixth centuries. Saint Augustine was a Manichean
before his conversion. Mainstream Christianity regarded them as heretics.
78. A reference to the Donatists, another heretical sect from North Africa, that insisted
on the re-baptism of Christians joining them. See Ep 1.72.
79. The bishop of Cotrone, a town on the east coast of Calabria, about 50 miles north
of Squillace. The MGH editor suggested inserting Cotronae civitatis before 'bishop,' but
Norberg sees the letter as made up from scribal notes.

BOOK TWO
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It is appropriate for you to carry out this task in such a way that nothing
about promotions of clergy, about ornaments and holy vessels and so on. 80
2.33 Gregory to the clergy, senate and people living in Cotrone, I July 592
Learning of the death of your bishop,81 it was our concern to solemnly dele-
gate the task of visiting the destitute church to John, our brother and fellow-
bishop. To-whom we have given a command that nothing about promotions
of clergy, about revenue, about ornaments and holy vessels etc.
2.34 Gregory to John, bishop of Ravenna 82 I July 592
It is certainly right to terminate the controversies of those quarrelling with a
swift judgment, and with both fairness and vigor. Since therefore Wiland,83
the bearer of this letter, is begging your Fraternity for recognition, let your
Fraternity see that Deacon Gavinian, against whom he tells us he has a case,
is summoned to your court. And without delay, please examine the truth of
their case with a meticulous inquiry, and let both parties be compelled to
observe and implement in every way whatever the process of justice shall
recommend, and whatever shall be defined by the sentence you give.
2.35 Gregory to Felix, bishop of Agropoli,84 visitor of the province of
Lucania I July 592 .
Since the churches of Velia, Buxentum and Blanda,85 which are situated in
your neighborhood, are known to be without the control of a bishop, for that
reason we solemnly enjoin your Fraternity to take on the task of visiting them.
We warn you of this before all else, that wherever in the above-mentioned
churches or in their dioceses, either deacons or other religious persons are found,
you will take care that they are living strictly and according to canon law in every
way. They are not to have the freedom to transgress indiscriminately in any
matter. But let them through your control and forethought, persevere in their
present Christian way of life and dress, and know that, if anything is undertaken
badly by them, it must be charged totally to your neglect.
If you see that some priests also and deacons should be ordained in some
of the churches, provided they are persons of such a sort as not to be reproved
80. The rest of this formula can be seen in Ep 2.22 ('or whatever it is, should be
assumed by anyone of that church'). The de reditu is omitted ('about income').
81. See the letter above. This formula is found in many other letters.
82. For Bishop John, see Epp 2.25; 3.54. The town appears as Ravennati in both those
letters, and in Ep 2.38 is read by R3. The locative Ravennae is possible here (in r1) but
Gregory was more probably consistent.
83. Neither Wiland (a Gothic name) nor the deacon appears elsewhere.
84. Agropoli (then Acropolis) is near Salerno (close to Naples in Lucania). Nothing is
known about this Bishop Felix.
85. Velia is close to Castella della Broca, Buxentum (now Policastro) is near Salerno and
Blanda is nearby, all in Lucania.

214
THE LETTERS OF GREGORY THE GREAT
in any way by canon laws or for the quality of their life, you will have the
full freedom to ordain them. But find out with a very careful inquiry where
the sacred vessels of the same churches have been hidden. When they have
been found, quickly bring it to our notice, so that we may dispose of them,
knowing with God's help what should be done.
2.36 Gregory to Lucillus, bishop of Malta 86 I July 592
The proposal of our office is very fitting, that is to fully persuade those who
are subject to us to feel obliged to show good faith in agreements made, in
case, while seized by an inconsiderate passion for making money, they turn a
peaceful arrangement into a quarrel. And so it has come to our attention that
clerics of your Fraternity, who hold lands of the Church in Africa, refuse to
pay rent on the same possessions. But if it is true that these matters have been
brought to your Fraternity's notice, their fault is the product of your inactiv-
ity over this matter. Wherefore we warn you with the present letter not to
allow the same clerics to make use of any delay or any excuse. But if they put
off keeping their faith through contemplation of honesty, then compelled by
your severity, let them be forced to implement what is reasonable. For if a
quarrel over this matter comes to us again, we shall begin to have a different
estimation about you, punishing those clerics as they deserve.
2.37 Gregory to Bishop Benenatus 87 I July 592
The nature of the times and closeness of the places suggest to us that we
should join together the churches of Cumae and Misenum, because neither are
they separated from each other by a long stretch of road, nor, due to the
effects of sinfulness, is there such a large multitude of people that they should
have individual bishops, as they did in the past. Because therefore the bishop
of the Castrum of Cumae 88 has completed the course of this life, know that
we have united each church with the page of this authority here present, and
have entrusted it to you, and know that you are the official bishop for both
churches. And whatever you see fit to ordain and settle concerning their patri-
mony or ordination of clergy or promotion according to the statutes of canon
law, you will have a free license with the agreement and permission of our
authority as truly their own bishop. But live where you will find it most
suitable and useful, in such a way of course that you look after the other
church, from which you are absent in body at the time, with concern and
with providential care, so that the holy mysteries are solemnly celebrated
86. Lucillus was deposed from this bishopric in October 598 (see Ep 9.25), succeeded by
Trajan in October 599 (see Ep 10.1).
87. For this bishop of Misenum, see Ep 2.22.
88. The Castrum ('fortress') was originally built to defend the old town of Cumae,
which once handled almost all of Rome's corn-supply. As the town decayed (most of its
mansions used as Summer abodes), the dock-area around the old fortress grew with trade,
and soon boasted one of Italy's earliest Christian bishops.

BOOK TWO
215
there, with the Lord's help. And so your Fraternity must always be vigilant
all the more in exhorting the people and in enriching their souls with more
concerned care, as you know that you have undertaken the burdens of govern-
ing two united churches.
2.38 Gregory to John, bishop of Ravenna 89 I July 592
As for my eplying to your Beatitude's many letters, do not blame it on my
idleness but on my weariness. For thanks to my sins, at the time when Ariulf had
reached the city of Rome and was killing some men and decapitating others, I was
affected by such great sadness that I succumbed to a painful stomachache. 90 But
I wondered greatly why it was that the concern of your Sanctity, so very well
known to me, gave no help at all to this city of Rome and to my own needs. But
from your series of leners, I realized that rou were certainly acting with concern,
and yet unable to show it in my case. 9 Thus I attribute to my sins that the
person 92 who is now taking part is pretending to fight against our enemies,
while he forbids us from making peace. And yet at the present moment, even
should he wish to make peace, we cannot do so at all, since Ariulf has the troops
of Auctarit and Nordulf,93 and wants their precautionary payments to be given_
to him, before he condescends to have some talks with us about peace.
But concerning the case of the bishops of Istria,94 everything which
your Fraternity wrote to me, I had already discovered to be so beforehand, in
these orders which came to me from our very pious prince, telling me to sus-
pend myself meanwhile from their constraint. I am certainly greatly delighted
by your zeal and passion in what you have written about, and I admit that I
am in debt to you many times over. But know that on the same matter I shall
not stop writing back to our most serene Lordship with the greatest zeal and
freedom. 95 But the animosity of the aforesaid most excellent man, the patri-
cian Romanus, ought not to influence you, because as much as we are above
him in position and rank, so much so ought we to tolerate with maturity and
gravity any of his fickleness.
89. For Bishop John, see Ep 1.35.
90. For the threat of Ariulf, Lombard duke of Spoleto, see Epp 2.4, 27, where the pope
asks Maurice and Vitalian to attack Ariulf from the rear, but without any success. See Ep
5.36 crune 595) where Gregory looks back on these traumatic events.
91. The sentence is perplexing Qiterally 'in the case of whom [I realized] you are not
able to act'). If quem was misread for me, it makes sense ('unable to do so in my case').
92. For this quarrelsome exarch of Ravenna, Romanus, see Epp 1.32; 5.36.
93. Two Lombard generals, who had already been paid off by the pope. Their soldiers'
'pay,' precarium, may have been a special 'tribute' (as in Ep 10.8). Either way, Ariulf now
expects plenty of gold coins.
94. Gregory had called together in Rome the bishops of Istria with Severns, bishop of
Aquileia, on the vexed topic of the Three Chapters: see Ep 1.16.
95. This letter to Maurice has not survived, if it was ever actually written.

216
THE LETTERS OF GREGORY THE GREAT
But if ever there is a chance at some time of obtaining peace, your
Fraternity must work with him so that we can make peace with Ariulf, even
if we have too little power to do much, because his soldiers have been
removed 96 from the city of Rome, as he himself knows. 97 In truth the
Theodosian legion 98 which has remained here has received no pay,99 and
is indeed barely applying itself to guarding the walls, and if our city, deserted
by everyone, does not have peace, how will it survive?
Moreover, in the case of the young girl bought back from captivity, you
wrote to me that an inquiry should have been made as to her status at birth.
Your Sanctity must know that an unknown person cannot easily be investi-
gated. But as for when you say that one who has been ordained should be
ordained again, it is quite ridiculous and at odds with what I think of your
intelligence, unless perhaps some example is brought forward, according to
which he should be judged also, who is said to have done something of the
same sort. Let sophistry like that be far from your Fraternity! For just as a
person once baptized ought not to be baptized again, even so a person once
consecrated cannot be consecrated again in the same order. But if someone
perhaps comes to a priesthood with a minor fault, he ought to receive a
penance over his fault, but his status should still be preserved.
But as for the city of Naples, put pressure on that most excellent exarch at
once. For Arogis,l00 as we have learnt, has sided with Ariulf, has turned against
the faith of the republic, and is vigorously blockading the same city. H the general
is not sent there quickly, it should be numbered now among those totally lost.
But as for your saying that alms should be sent to the burnt ci ty l0l of
Severus the schismatic, your Fraternity has these thoughts for the reason that
you do not know what sort of presents he sends against us in the palace. Even
if he was not sending them over there, we have to consider that alms should
be given to the faithful first, and to the Church's enemies afterwards.
Nearby of course is the city of Fano,102 in which many people have
been captured. I have wanted to send someone there for the past year now,
but I did not dare do so in the middle of enemy troops. And so it seems best
to me that you should send the Abbot Ciaudius 103 there with some money,
96. Gregory uses the medieval form tultus (toltus) for ablatus ('removed').
97. See Epp 1.76; 5.36.
98. Named after the emperor's son, TheoQosius, mercenary troops, reluctant to fight
without pay. The pope's purse had to payoff Ariulf, and finance Rome's defense. In Ep 5.36,
Gregory commends the praetorian prefect and Castus, master of the militia.
99. The medieval word roga is used here for a soldier's pay (elsewhere, 'alms').
100. Arogis (or Arichis) became duke of Beneventum at the death of Zotta, and
supported Ariulf: see Epp 9.44, 125, 127.
101. The city was Grado, pillaged and burnt by the Slavs. For Severns, see Ep 13.34.
102. Fano was on the Adriatic coast, near Grado.
103. This abbot had been mistreated by Bishop John, the case taken to Rome (Ep 6.24).
He was often c;:alled to Rome by the pope (Epp 8.18; 9.180), and came to share his friendship

BOOK TWO
217
to buy back with it any free men he finds there, held for ransom in slavery,
and any who are still captives. But as for the total of that money which should
be sent, you can be certain that I am happy with whatever you decide. But if
together with that most excellent man, the patrician Romanus, you are
arranging for us to make peace with Ariulf, I am prepared to send another
person to you, ith whom the business of expenses should turn out better.
But as ur brother and fellow-bishop Natalis,104 I was greatly saddened,
as I had noticed signs of arrogance in him. But because he has corrected his
behavior by himself, he has consoled me by overcoming my sadness at the same
time as myself. For which reason, advise our brother and fellow-bishop Mal-
chus 105 to come to us first, and to put forward his reasons, and then finally set
out for somewhere else, where necessary, and if we learn that his actions are good,
we may perhaps restore to him this very patrimony which he held.
2.39 Gregory to Bishop Columbus 106 I 23 July 592
It is well known, dearest brother in Christ, that the ancient enemy, who first used
cunning persuasion to depose man from the delights of paradise to this life of
misery, and then in this act at once inflicted the penalty of mortality on the _
human race, is now trying with the same cunning to infect the shepherds of the
Lord's sheep, pouring his poison through them, to capture their flocks more easily,
and to claim them as already rightfully under his own control. But we who,
although undeserving, have received the government of the apostolic see in the
place of Peter, prince of the apostles, are forced by the office itself of the
pontificate to oppose our universal enemy with all the effort we can muster. And
so the bearers of the present letter, Constantius and Mustelus, presenting a
petition, have suggested to us, as is asserted by the deacons of the church of
Pudentia 107 (in the province of Numidia), that Maximian, bishop of the same
church, in the place where he lives, has been corrupted by a bribe from the Dona-
tists, and has allowed a bishop to be elected with a new license, although the
Catholic faith prohibited this from continuing and persisting, even if an earlier use
might have permitted it. 108 Because of this therefore we have thought it neces-
sary to advise your Fraternity with the present letter that, when our private
secretary Hilary reaches you,l09 and a universal council of your bishops has
been arranged, with the terror of a coming judgment before their eyes, the same
affair should be examined with a careful and sagacious inquiry.
and studies. In Ep 8.17 (April 598) he was appointed abbot of Saints John and Stephen at
Classe, but had died by January 602 (see Ep 12.6).
104. See Ep 1.19.
105. See Epp 1.36; 2.19.
106. Both Epp 2.39 and 40 were written to Africa on 23 July, and carried by the same
envoys. Columbus received nine letters from Gregory, but his see is uncertain.
107. Nothing more is known about the location of this church, nor about this Maximian.
108. See Ep 1.75. A Donatist bishop was banned from being elected as primate of Africa.
109. For his private secretary (or 'court archivist') Hilary, see Ep 1.73.

218
THE LETTERS OF GREGORY THE GREAT
If the bearers of this letter endorse this charge, with documents pertinent
to the aforesaid bishop, he must be stripped in every way of the dignity of the
office he holds, so that he may return to the profits of penitence through the
acknowledgment of his sin, and so others may not presume to try such things.
F or it is just that he who has sold our Lord, Jesus Christ, to a heretic,
accepting money they say, should of course be removed from handling the myster-
ies of his sacrosanct body and blood. But if some contention arises between them,
besides this crime, over certain losses or private businesses, as is mentioned in the
petition of the deacons themselves, your Fraternity, together with our above-
mentioned secretary, must inquire into this affair with a proven understanding,
and must decide between the two parties with a judicial procedure.
Moreover we have learnt from the report of the letter bearers that the
Donatist heresy110 is spreading each day, because of their sins, and large
crowds, given license through venality, are being baptized again by the
Donatists, after having had a Catholic baptism. How serious this is, my
brother, we must consider with all the attention of our mind. Behold, the wolf
tears apart the Lord's flock no longer secretly in the night, but in the open
light of day, and we see him raging as he slaughters the sheep, yet we do not
oppose him with any concern, nor with any verbal weapons. What fruits there-
fore of a multiplied flock shall we show to the Lord, if we idly watch the very
flock which we undertook to feed being devoured by the beast? Let us there-
fore be keen to set our hearts alight, imitating the terrestrial shepherds, who
often spend winter nights without sleep restricted by showers of rain and ice,
in case just one sheep, and perhaps not a valuable Qne, might perish. Even if
a beast lying in wait has bitten it with its voracious jaw, how they bustle
about, with what anxiety do their hearts tremble, with what voices do they
leap out to extract the captured animal, stimulated by their difficulties, so that
they are not asked by the lord of the flock what sheep they lost through care-
lessness? Let us therefore be vigilant so that nothing is lost, and if perchance
something were captured, we must lead it back to the Lord's flock with words
of the divine writings. Thus may he who is the shepherd of the shepherds,
deign in his mercy to acknowledge with his own judgment that we have been vigi-
lant around his sheepfold. This too you must observe with care, that if any
petition of the same bishop against the bearers of this letter should prove to be
just, then you ought to examine it with a meticulous inquiry, and if perhaps they
themselves should also rightfully be punished for their faults, we in no way think
that they should be spared because they ere tired out in coming before us.
2.40 Gregory to Dominic, bishop of Carthage 111 I 23 July 23 592
We have received with the greatest delight your Fraternity's letter, brought to
110. On the Donatists, see Epp 1.72, 75; 4.35.
111. For the date of this letter, see Ep 2.39. Dominic was a committed opponent of the
Donatists (see Ep 5.3) and a close friend of the pope (see Epp 6.19,63; 7.32; 8.31; 10.20; 12.1).
His see of Carthage was the senior see in North Africa.

BOOK TWO
219
us rather belatedly through Donatus and Quodvultdeus, our most reverend
brethren and fellow-bishops, and also through the Deacon Victor and notary
Agilegius. Although we thought that we had suffered a loss from its late-
arrival, yet we discovered profit in its more abundant charity, so that the love
seemed not to have been interrupted by this temporary delay, but nourished
by it, which, through our Lord's mercy, we find is already established in you
by your consideration of the bishopric, your habit of reading and maturity of
age. For it would not flow from you so abundantly, if you did not have very
many rich veins in your thoughts. And so, most saintly brother, let us hold
this mother and guardian of virtues with unbreakable stability. Let no
perfidious tongues diminish it in us, no treachery from our ancient enemy
corrupt it. For this love joins what is divided, and guards it when joined. This
raises the humble without bombast, this lowers the proud without degrada-
tion. Through this the unity of the universal Church, which is the structure
of the body of Christ, rejoices in individual parts with equal feeling, though
it has disparity in the diversity of its limbs. Through this the same limbs,
when suffering affliction in their own affairs, are exultant with another's joy.
And when joyful also in their own affairs, they pine over the miseries o(
others. For as the teacher of all races testifies that 'if one member suffers, all
the members suffer with it; if one member is honored, all the members share
its joy,'112 I am sure that you groan over our perturbation, although it may
be absolutely certain that we rejoice over your peace.
Yet l13 the fact that your Fraternity rejoices with us in our consecration
shows me affection from the purest of love. But in considering this holy order,
I admit that a grievous pain has pierced my mind. For the burden of a bishop-
ric is a heavy one. Indeed it is necessary firstly for the bishop to live as an
example for the rest, and secondly he must take care not to show pride
through extensive examples. Let him always think about the ministry of
preaching, considering with the most intense fear what the nobleman said
when about to go away to receive a kingdom, as he gave talents to his ser-
vants, 'Invest this until I get back.' 114 We certainly invest in this business
then, if we profit the souls of our neighbors by the way we live and speak, if
we give strength to the infirm with divine love, by preaching the joys of the
heavenly kingdom, if we turn aside the impudent and pompous with the
terrifying sound of hell's punishments,115 if we spare no one the truth, if
given up to heavenly friendships we are not afraid of human enmities. Of
course it was in showing this that the psalmist knew that he had offered some
112. 1 Cor 12:26.
113. The reading autem, found in Melb is a less emphatic adversative than the vero in the
other manuscripts, perhaps better suited to the logic of this passage (a particle of transition).
114. Lk 19.13.
115. Gregory uses gehennae, from the Hebrew Ge Hinnom, the valley at Jerusalem
where infants were offered to Moloch, a metaphor for 'hell' in cosmic terms in Mt 2:40.

220
THE LETTERS OF GREGORY THE GREAT
sort of sacrifice to God, when he said: 'Do I not hate, Lord, those who hate
you? Those who rise against you, do I not loathe?/ With a deadly hatred I
hate them, they are my enemies.,116 But at this I am afraid of the weight
of my own infirmity, and I see that the head of our family may return after
accepting his kingdom, to settle his account with us. But with what thoughts
do I endure him, when I bring back to him either no profit or almost none,
from the trade of souls in which I was engaged? So, dearest brother, help me with
your prayers, and what you see me afraid of concerning myself, consider daily in
yourself, with fear from provident concern. To be sure both what I say about
myself is yours, and what I desire you to do is mine, through a union of love.
But as for what your Fraternity writes about ecclesiastical privileges, you
must follow this, putting aside any doubt. 117 For just as we defend our own
rights, even so we preserve its own rights for each individual church. And I
do not bestow on anyone with the favor of grace more than he deserves, nor
with the stimulus of vanity shall I take away from anyone what is rightfully
his. But I desire to honor my brethren in all ways, and I am thus keen that
individuals should be uplifted with honor, provided it does not happen that
one may rightly oppose another. Indeed I greatly rejoice in the behavior of
your emissaries, and you have shown me how much you love me, sending me
the pick of your brethren and sons. 118
Dated the twenty-third of July, tenth indiction.
Month of August, tenth indiction
2.41 Gregory to Archbishop Januarius tt9 I August 592
If we considered the priestly office administered by us with integrity of mind,
the agreement of undivided love ought to so unite us with our sons, that as we
are approved of affectionately as fathers in our name, so we are in our deeds.
Therefore, while we ought to be the sort of men as stated, we wonder why
such a great mass of complaints has arisen against your Fraternity. We in fact
have hesitated to believe them so far. But so that we are able to find out the
truth, we have sent John there, a notary of our see,120 supported by our
recommendation, to force the parties to attend a court of chosen men, and to
bring into effect whatever the court decides in its procedure. For that reason
we encourage your Fraternity with the present letter that you should examine
the merits of the cases by yourself, beforehand. And if you find that you have
taken something unjustly, or still have it, restore it before the trial, contemp-
lating your priesthood.
116. Ps 139:21-22.
117. These were special privileges controlled by the primate in Carthage.
118. Many bishops sent envoys to Rome, some spending many months there, on special
business, or intent on protecting their own church's interests.
119. For Archbishop Januarius of Cagliari, see Epp 1.60-62, and also the Introduction, p. 101.
120. The Roman notary, John, plays an important part in Ep 3.36. He may perhaps be
the John sent by Gregory to Spain (see Epp 8.47, 48, 50).

BOOK TWO
221
And among the multiple charges, Isidore, a most eloquent gentleman, has
complained that he has been excommunicated and anathematized 121 by your
Fraternity, without any reason. While I should have liked to learn from a cleric
of yours, who was present, why that was done, it was known to have been done
for no other reason than that he had injured you. This matter has distressed us
greatly, because if it is so, you show that you do not think at all about heavenly
things, but  signs of living an earthly way of life. For to avenge a personal
injury, which is prohibited by divine law, you have brought against him the curse
of anathema. Therefore be in every way circumspect and concerned in future, and
do not again presume to bring such charges against anyone in defense of your
injury. For if you do anything like that, know that the punishment must fall on
you afterwards.
2.42 Gregory to John, bishopt22 I July 592
Now that our impious enemies 123 have brought desolation to the churches of
various cities, because of their sins, . in such a way that no hope remains of
repairing them, with shrinking populations, we are constrained by a far greater
concern, in case, with the death of their bishops, the people left there are ruled by _
no pastoral guidance, and are dragged awar through a lack of faith,124 trapped
(Heaven forbid!) by our cunning enemy.12 And so, often warned by our con-
cern over this matter, we are resolved in our heart to entrust their government to
neighboring bishops. And for that reason we have seen to it that the care and
government of the church of the Three Taverns 126 should be entrusted to your
Fraternity. It must be attached to your church and united with it, so that with
Christ's help you can rightly serve as bishop of both churches.
Our present permission will give you, indeed, as its own bishop, a free
license to settle whatever you decide concerning its patrimony and the ordina-
tion or promotion of clergy, with vigilant care and according to canon law.
Therefore, dearest brother, remember the Lord's commandments beneficially,
and be watchful in ruling the people entrusted to you and in enriching their
souls, so that, appearing before the tribunal of the eternal judge, you may
show to our very Savior the fruit of your good works, in which he might
rejoice, ensuring your reward.
121. Early editors read anathematizatum here, but the rarer form anathematum in the
manuscripts is preferable, used by Saint Augustine (Sermones 164). Isidore reappears in Ep 3.36.
122. Bishop of Velletri (see Ep 2.13).
123. The Lombards (see Ep 1.48), ferocious destroyers of the Church's patrimony.
124. Literally, 'through byways of faith,' that is 'off the straight and narrow.'
125. That is, the Devil. After two years as pope, Gregory saw Lombards and the Devil as
equally dangerous.
126. A small town in Latium (Tres Tabernae) close to Velletri, but it no longer exists.
Its church was united with that of Velletri up to the ninth century.

222
THE LETTERS OF GREGOR Y THE GREA T
2.43 Gregory to all of the eastern bish ops 127 concerning the Three-Chapters
I July 592
I have received your letters with very great pleasure. But I shall feel a much more
abundant joyfulness if I have a chance to rejoice in your return to the flock. Thus
the first appearance of your letter informed me that you were suffering a heavy
persecution. And this rsecution in fact in no way leads to salvation while it is
kept up unreasonably. 28 For it is not right for anyone to expect repayment of
rewards for an injury. For you ought to know, just as Saint Cyprian says, that 'a
punishment does not create a martyr, but a cause does.,I29 Provided therefore
that this is so, it is quite incongruous for you to glory in that persecution which
you describe, through which it is certain that you are in no way being brought
to eternal rewards. And so may the integrity of your faith finally bring back your
Charities to the mother Church into which you were born. May no mental strain
separate you from the unity of concord, no persuasion tire and prevent you from
rejoining the path of righteousness. For in the synod,130 which dealt with the
Three-Chapters, it is quite obvious that nothing to do with faith was cancelled or
changed at all. Rather, as you know, action was only taken over certain persons
there, one of whom, whose writings evidentl deviated from the correctness of
Catholic faith, was not unjustly condemned. 1 1
However, you write that from that time, among the other provinces, Italy
has been chastised most of all, but you ought not to make this accusation to
its disfavor, since it has been written 'For whom the Lord loves, he disciplines;
he scourges every son he receives.' 132 If then what you say is so, from that
time Italy has been more loved by God and approved in every way, since it
has deserved to endure the chastisement of its Lord. But pay attention as to
why it is not as you try to affirm, in reviling it.
After Pope Vigilius,133 who deserves to be remembered, was appointed
in the royal city, he promulgated a sentence of condemnation against Theo-
127. The title was probably Universis episcopis per partem Orientis; see the note in Minard
1.2: 410. The manuscripts in group e add episcopis per Hiberiam, but Spain is unlikely; Rl
has Hyberniam, but Ireland is unlikely also. Under Pelagius II, Gregory had written three
letters to the bishops of Istria (which lay to the East) on this troublesome issue. See the
Introduction, pp. 86-87.
128. Saint Augustine had already used this argument in his polemic against the
Donatists: see his Epistulae 3.47 and Enarrationes in Psalmos 34.2.13.
129. Cyprian, De catholicae ecc/esiae unitate 14. This is the only quotation from Cyprian
in all of Gregory's letters.
130. The universal council of Constantinople, 553.
131. Theodore of Mopsueste was condemned for supporting the heresy of Nestor: see
Minard 1.2: 412-413. Gregory argues that Theodoret and Ibas were wrongly condemned.
132. Heb 12:6.
133. Pope from 537 to 555. The 'royal' city is Constantinople. Vigilius was kept there by Jus-
tinian for more than seven years from January 547, to obtain his support for a condenmation of
the Three Chapters. This is the only place where Theodora was included with those condemned.
The Acephali, or Eutychians, were heretics who rejected their patriarch.

BOOK TWO
223
dora, then the empress, and against the Acephali, and afterwards the city of
Rome was attacked and captured by the enemy.134 Did the Acephali there-
fore have a good case, and were they unjustly condemned, when such things
happened after their condemnation? They certainly did not. For it will not suit
anyone of you, nor others who have been inducted into the mysteries of the
Catholic faith, to say this or admit it in any way. Finally, as you understand
this, do not-p6sist now any longer with this way of thinking. Concerning the
Three Chapters, therefore, so that satisfaction can be poured abundantly into
your minds, and doubt removed, I have decided that it is useful to send to you
the book written on this topic by my predecessor,135 Pope Pelagius, of
sacred memory. If you are willing to read this frequently with pure and vigi-
lant hearts, laying aside your desires for a voluntary self-defense, I am con-
fident nevertheless that you will follow it through in all matters, and will
return to our united Church. Furthermore, if after reading this book you wish
to persist in that decision of yours, without doubt you show that you are more
concerned with obstinacy than reasoning. Therefore, I again warn your Charities
with customary compassion, since with God's favor the integrity of our faith
remains inviolate in the case of the Three Chapters, lay aside your pride and_
retum all the more quickly, to your mother Church, who expects and invites her
sons, as you know that she is waiting for you every day, for your sakes.
2.44 Gregory to Natalis, bishop of Salona I July 592
I had decided to speak to your Beatitude solely about those things that con-
cern pleasure, as if I were forgetting the theme of our previous correspondence.
But as your letter's argument brings me back to earlier writings, I may be
forced to discuss once again some less pleasant matters.
For in your defense of banquets, your Fraternity mentioned the banquet
of Abraham, in which he is said to have entertained three angels, according to
Holy Scripture. 136 Given this example, we do not condemn your Beatitude
either over a banquet, provided we discover that it included angels in its
hospitality. Again rou described how Isaac gave his blessing to his son when
replete with food. 37 Each of these episodes from the Old Testament took
place historically, although in such a way that they might have signified
something allegorical. Therefore, let us be able to read through these events
without stopping, so that we might also perceive what things should be done
in looking to the future. For Abraham in greeting one of the three angels,
declared that the substances of the Trinity consisted of a single substance. But
Isaac blessed his son when replete, because the sense of him who is replete
134. Rome had fallen to the forces of the Gothic leader Totila on 17 December 546.
135. A long letter from Pelagius II to the bishops of Istria, written by Gregory when
a deacon in Pelagius' service, according to Paul the Deacon, Vita Gregorii 3.20.
136. Gn 18:1-8.
137. Gn 27:25-27.

224
THE LETTERS OF GREGORY THE GREAT
with holy feasting aspires to the virtue of prophesy. For the holy feasting is
in effect the words of Holy Scripture.
If you read assiduously, therefore, if by drawing an example from exterior
things you penetrate the interior reality, you fill the bellies of your minds,
replete as it were with game from the fields, so that placing your son before
you, that is taking charge of the people, you are able to report on what is to
come. But in this century, he who prophesies anything about God, is now
blind, because it is certainly right that he whose senses are alight with inner
intelligence, would see less now through greed. Apply these things to your-
selves, therefore, and if you recognize yourselves as such, there is no reason
why you should doubt our estimation of you.
I discover also that your Beatitude is happy to endure the name of a
glutton, as did the Creator of all things. I shall briefly explain this. For if this
is falsely said about you, you endure this name truthfully with the Creator of
all things. But if, however, it is true about you, who would doubt that this
was untrue about him? An equal name cannot absolve us, if their cause is
different. For the robber who was about to die also took up his cross with
him. But his equal crucifixion did not absolve him, as he was held by his own
guilt. But I ask you with all the prayers I can that not only the name but the
cause also may bind your most holy Fraternity to our Creator.
But your Holiness rightly praises in your letter banquets that are held
with the intention of providing charity. And yet it should be known that they
truly arise from charity when in them the lives of none of those absent are
criticized, nobody is attacked with mockery, and in them are heard not inane
tales 138 of secular affairs, but the words of Holy Scripture. And the body
is looked after no more than is necessary, but its weakness alone is restored,
to keep it useful for practicing virtue. And so if you do this in your banquets,
I admit that you are teachers of an abstinent fraternity.
Therefore, with regard to the testimony of Paul the apostle that you put
before me, in which he says 'the man who abstains must not sit in judgment
on him who eats,,139 I think that it was totally incongruous. Neither am
I a person who does not eat, nor was it said by Paul to this effect, that the
limbs of Christ, which are on his body, that is the Church, and have been
mutually connected to him by a bond of charity, should take no care over
themselves in any way. But if I do not concern you nor you concern me at all,
I should rightly be compelled to keep quiet, so as not to criticize him who
could not be made better. And so this sentence was said on behalf of those
alone who are keen to judge those whose care has not been entrusted to them.
But now we have became one, by God's doing, if we keep quiet about those
things which should be corrected by us, we are greatly at fault. And look,
138. The plural is appropriate, although two manuscripts r and Melb read the singular,
inanis ... [abu/a.
139. Rom 14:3.

BOOK TWO
225
your Fraternity took it badly that you were criticized by me over your
banquets, although, while I surpass you in my rank, if not in my way of life,
I have certainly been prepared to be corrected by everyone, improved by
everyone. And I only value him as my friend through whose tongue I cleanse
the faults in my mind, before the appearance of the strict judge.
But as for the fact, dearly beloved brother, that you say you cannot do any
reading une pressure of tribulations, I think this unsuitable as an excuse,
given that Paul says 'Everything written before our time was for our instruction,
that we might derive hope from the lessons of patience and the words of encour-
agement in the Scriptures.,l40 H therefore the Holy Scriptures were prepared for
our comfort, we ought to read them all the more, as we see ourselves tired out
beneath the rods of tribulation. But if one should trust in that sentence only
which you included in your letter, where our Lord says 'but when they hand you
over, do not worry about what you will say or how you will say it. When the
hour comes, you will be given what you are to say. You yourselves will not be
the speakers; the Spirit of your Father will be speaking in you,' 141 then the
Holy Scripture was handed down to us pointlessly, because, ftiled with his Spirit,
we do not need words coming from anywhere else. But it is one thing, dearest-
brother, what we should trust in, without doubts, during an oppressive persecu-
tion, and another thing what we should do in the tranquillity of the Church. For
we should perceive this spirit now by reading, as far as we can, and if the case
should arise, we should show it present in ourselves, even in suffering.
However, I was really delighted by your letter, as you say that you are
making a study of exhortation. For I know that you are wisely showing the
concern of your order in this, if you take care to attract others also to the
Creator. But as in the same place you say that you are not the same as I am,
after my initial joy, you at once make me sad. For I think that my praises are
being sung for the sake of mockery, and I recognize very little truth in them.
Yet I 'offer thanks to almighty God that through you even heretics are brought
back to the Holy Church. But it is necessary for you to be concerned that
those too, who are contained within the bosom of the Holy Church, live in
such a way that they do not indulge in the depraved morality of their adver-
sary. For if they are slaves to the passions and pleasures of the world, and not
to divine desire, then alien sons are nurtured within the Church's bosom.
But as for the fact that you admit being unable to ignore the ecclesiastical
orders, I also know all that concerns you in this matter, and for that reason
I am extremely unhappy. For, as you know the order of things, you have
offended me with full knowledge, which makes it worse. For after the writinf
of my predecessor and of myself concerning the archdeacon Honoratus 1 2
were sent to your Beatitude, you then showed contempt for both of our views,
140. Rom 15:4.
141. Mt 10:19-20.
142. The letters by Gregory were Epp 1.19; 2.17, that of Pelagius II has not survived.

226
THE LETTERS OF GREGORY THE GREAT
and the aforesaid Honoratus was deprived of his proper rank. But if one of the
four patriarchs 143 had done this, such great insolence could in no way pass
without a very serious scandal. However, now that your Fraternity has returned
to your order, I can forget the injury done to me or to my predecessor.
But as for your saying that you ought to preserve in your own times those
things also which were handed down and conserved by your predecessors, let it
be far from me to break the statutes of our ancestors for my fellow priests in any
church, since I am doing an injustice to myself if I disturb the rights of my
brethren. But when your envoys have arrived, I know what is right between you
and the aforesaid archdeacon Honoratus, and from my examination itself you will
consider carefully that, if your part is based on justice, you have not yet proved
it to me before this. But if in fact justice supports the oft-mentioned archdeacon
Honoratus in his assertion, I shall show from his absolution that in judging, I do
not recognize even those persons whom I know.
Your Beatitude complains about the article of excommunication, which
has been added from necessity with a condition interposed, in the second or
third grade, so to speak, and you do so unjustly. But the apostle Paul says 'we
are ready to punish disobedience in anyone else.,l44 But let those things be
put aside now, and let us return to our own affairs. For if he acts justly, I
cannot fail to be united with Lord Natalis, as I know that I am very much in
debt to his affection.
2.45 Gregory to Bacauda and Agnellus, bishops,145 with regard to the
Jews I September 591-August 592
The Jews living in Terracina have brought a supplication to us that they
should have a license to keep the place that they have had so far for their
synagogue, backed by our authority also. But because it has come to our atten-
tion that the place itself there was so close to the church, that even the sounds
of those singing psalms reached it, we have written to our brother and fellow
bishop, Peter, that if it were so, or a voice from the same place were audible
in the entrance to the church, the place should be freed from the Jews' celebra-
tions. And for that reason let your Fraternity, together with the above-men-
tioned Peter, our brother and fellow-bishop,146 inspect the place itself dili-
gently, and if it is so, or you should think that something is detrimental to the
church, provide another place within the castle area itself, where the aforesaid Jews
can meet together and are able to celebrate their own ceremonies without
impediment. Your Fraternity should provide such a place, if they are later deprived
of this one, that no complaint arises from it in future.
143. Those of Alexandria, Antioch, Constantinople and Jerusalem.
144. 2 Cor 10:6.
145. Bacauda was bishop of Fonni (see Epp 1.4, 8), Agnellus of Fundi (see Ep 3.13). In
MGH this letter is dated 27 September 591.
146. See p 1.34. Peter refers there to another letter (now lost).

BOOK TWO
227
However we forbid the above-mentioned Jews from being oppressed or
persecuted contrary to the dictates of reason. But just as they are permitted to
live under Roman laws, with justice on their side, let them arrange their own
activities as they know best, with nobody stopping them. But they must not
be allowed to have Christian slaves. 147
2.46 Greg to Sub-deacon Sabinus,148 on a garden to be given to a
convent I September 591-August 592
Weare compelled by our duty of piety to make a decision for the monasteries,
with prudent consideration, so that those who are known to have allotted them-
selves to the service of God, may not endure any need. And for that reason we
order your Experience with this authority to hand over quickly and without un-
certainty the garden of the dead priest Felicianus. It lies in the first region before
the steps of Saint Sabina. 149 Leaving aside any excuse, give it to the convent of
Euprepia, in which a community of nuns are known to live, for them to possess
with a proprietary right, so that aided by the benefit of our generosity, they may
persevere in serving God, with his support also, with secure minds.
2.47 Gregory to all the troops in Naples I September 591-August 592
The highest military glory among other worthy services is this, to offer
obedience to what benefits our holy republic, and to submit to whatever has
been ordered for its advantage. We have learnt just now that your Devotion
acted thus, complying with our letter 150 in which we appointed that magni-
ficent man, the tribune Constantius, to be in charge of the city's garrison, thus
demonstrating the obedience which befits military devotion. For that reason
we have taken care to advise you with the present letter that you ought to
show total obedience to the aforesaid magnificent man and tribune, as you
have done so far, for the interests of our most serene Lordshi p 151 and for
keeping the city safe. Thus whatever is acknowledged as having been well
done by you so far, you may augment it with your vigilance and solicitude
throughout the present emergency.
147. As in Codex Theodosianus 16.9.2; Codexjustinianus 1.10: Ne Christianum mancipium
vel Haereticus vel paganus vel Iudaeus habeat vel possideat vel circumcidat. For Gregory's
attitude to the Jews and slavery, see the Introduction, pp. 87-88, 95-96.
148. Called Savinus elsewhere (v and b are interchangeable in manuscript) the sub-deacon
was in charge of a region of Rome (see Epp 8.16; 9.123; 10.2). He was out of Rome in
September 592, and from January to September 599 he was a defender of the Church in
Reggio and Bruttium. In MGH the letter is dated October 591.
149. Rome was divided into seven regions, each under a notary or sub-deacon (Epp 8.4,
16). The location of the garden was at the foot of the Aventine.
150. These letters have not survived. Gregory acts here as the troops' commandant, in
place of the exarch.
151. The Emperor Maurice, with his usual plural and usual serenity.

228
THE LETTERS OF GREGORY THE GREAT
2.48 Gregory to Bishop Maxirnian, about the restoration of his abbot
I July/August 592
I recollect that I have frequently warned you that you should not be at all
hasty in passing judgment. And now, look, I have learnt that in a fit of rage,
your Fraternity has excommunicated that very reverend man, Abbot Eusebius.
I am greatly astonished with regard to this that neither his past way of life,
nor his great age, nor his long-lasting illness can turn your mind away from
anger. For whatever his aberration may have been, the very affliction of his
ill health should have been a sufficient punishment for him. For when hea-
venly discipline scourges a man, the addition of a human scourge has been
superfluous. But perhaps you allowed yourself to go too far against such a per-
son, so as to become more cautious with less worthy men, and to weigh things
for a long time when deciding to strike someone down through a sentence.
But the greater the fury with which you provoked the aforementioned man,
the greater the sweetness with which you should now console him. For it is
extremely unjust that those who have loved you more dearly, should find you
more savage towards them without any reason.
2.49 Gregory to Deacon Honoratus t52 about honoring Venantius I
September 591-August 592
My son Lord Venantius, 153 one-time grandson of the patrician Opilio, has come
to Saint Peter the apostle, to make this very strong petition to me, that I should
have recommended his case to your Beloved. For he has no honors and seeks the
diploma of ex consul, for which he has sent over thirty pounds of gold, so that
it might be obtained for him. In this matter I want your Beloved to take very
special care, because he is such a man that an honor is owed to him even without
a payment. And because as I have said he was prepared to purchase the same di-
ploma, it is not all that necessary that I should say anything to our most serene
emperor. But let your Beloved act more on your own, so that he deserves to re-
ceive honors, after offering the usual payments to the treasury.154 But if you
should be able to act with more consideration,155 you have a very large pay-
ment from him. But do it in such a way that his hard work is not in vain, for he
has tired himself in coming here before us. But if you observe some difficulty in
the same case, you ought to indicate also that he makes this demand through me,
and you should tell our most serene emperor what goodness, what modesty and
what wisdom Venantius has.
152. Honoratus was the papal emissary at Constantinople (see Ep 1.6).
153. For Venantius, the patrician ex-monk, see Ep 1.33.
154. Here sacella is used for a state or Church treasury (elsewhere a holy chest holding
relics). Besides its regular sense of 'custom' or 'way of living,' consuetudo could mean a
normal 'payment' with money, or normal service.
155. Literally, 'more mildly.' Recchia suggests 'risparmiare in qualche cosa' ('to make
some saving'), comparing Ep 6.32 captivos mitiori pretio comparare ('buy captives at a cheaper
price'). But cheapness is not the point, rather extra honors, denied by the emperor. In
Recchia's quotation, 'buy' and 'price' provide the sense of 'cheap.'

BOOK TWO
229
2.50 Gregory to Peter, sub-deacon of Sicily, about various cases 156
I July-August 592
From a report by the defender Romanus,157 I have learnt that the convent
of the nuns situated in the domain of Monosteos,158 has endured violence
to its rights from our Church over the property of Villanova, and he says that
he was sent by the same convent. If that is the case, your Experience should
both restore th{ property to them and repay the rents that you charged for the
same property over two years. 159
But because many of the Jews remain on the lands of the Church, I wish
that, if some of them want to become Christians, their tax should be reduced
somewhat, so that others also, impressed by this generosity, may rise up with
the same desire. 160
But any cows that are already sterile through old age, and oxen which
seem totally useless, ought to be sold, so that their price should at least
amount to something useful. However I want all of the herds of mares that we
consider quite useless to be removed, and only four hundred younger ones
kept for reproduction. From this four hundred,161 half should be given to
the tenant farmer, and half to the collective,162 so that they return some-
thing each year from these animals. For it is extremely hard that we should
spend sixty gold coins on the farmers and not have sixty gold coins from the
same herds. Therefore let your Experience act in such a way that some cows
are divided among all of the farmers, as we have said, and remove the others, 163
turning them into income. But arrange that the farmers, through those possessions,
can produce something useful from their cultivation of the earth.
All the bronze objects, however, which can be under ecclesiastical law
either in Syracuse or in Palermo, must be removed before they completely dis-
integrate, just through old age.
However, as my brother Cyriacus,164 a servant of God from Rome, has
come here, I carefully inquired from him if he had an understanding with you
156. See Ep 1.42 to his agent Peter, with a similar list of major and minor topics.
157. Romanus was in Rome at this time, and in October 598 he was given control by
the pope of the Church's patrimony in the district of Syracuse, Catana, Agrigento and
Messina. In Epp 9.28-32, Gregory entrusts him with a wide range of missions.
158. For this monastery, see Ep 1.42.
159. That is indictions 9 and 10.
160. This is a typical strategy of Gregory in his missionary work. See Epp 4.23, 25, 27
(Sardinia) and 11.56 (England). See the Introduction, pp. 87-88 for the conversion of Jews.
161. Gregory divides the 400 (ex quibus quadringentibus) into two singulae (half each), but
both Minard and Recchia ignore the ex ('il faudra donner ces quatre cents betes aux
regisseurs,' and 'queste quattrocento si debbono dare ai conduttori').
162. The word condomae in Norberg (from condomedari in P) seems right, used several
times by Gregory for a group of farmers sharing a farmhouse (a 'collective').
.163. The young mares are divided, the other cattle (older ones) converted to cash.
164. Cyriacus, a Roman monk, often appears in Gregory's letters, as his legate in Sicily,
Sardinia and finally Gaul. In May 594 he was in Sardinia (Epp 4.23-26) and called either
abbot or monk by Gregory. In seven later letters he was always called abbot.

230
THE LETTERS OF GREGORY THE GREAT
when speaking about accepting a gift in the case of a certain woman. The same
brother said that he had found out about it in this way, when you referred
him to it, because he was sent there from you, to prove who was involved in
giving this gift. And so I believed this, and soon received him with grace and
friendship. I brought in the account book 165 in the presence of the clergy,
increased his stipend and placed him in a higher rank among the defenders,
applauding his good faith before everybody, because he had acted so faithfully
in obeying you. For that reason, I have sent him back quickly to you.
Because you are in such a hurry and I, although unwell, am longing to see
you, leave that man whom you yourself have tested in every way, in your
diocese in the region of Syracuse, and come to me yourself with all speed, so
that if almighty God approves, we can decide with common accord whether
you should return there yourself, or another person should be ordained there
in your place. I have in fact sent over my notary Benenatus at the same time,
to look after your position himself, in the patrimony in the region of Palermo,
as long as almighty God ordains what may please him. 166
I have strongly criticized Romanus over his inconstancy, because, as I have
now discovered, in the hostelry that he managed, he has been more concerned
with mere profits than with payments. 167 And for that reason if perhaps
you decide to leave him in your place, see how by admonishing and terrifying
him, you may ensure that he knows he is acting piously and with concern
among the peasants, and is showing his changed character 168 in every way
among strangers and town-dwellers. But in saying this, I am not choosing any
individual, leaving this to your judgment. But it is enough for me to have
chosen a successor to your position in the region of Palermo. I want to see
what provision you will yourself make for the district of Syracuse. 169 But
when you come, bring with you the money and jewels from the inheritance
of Antoninus. 170 Also bring with them any rents obtained by you from the
ninth and tenth indictions, and all the accounts. Make an effort to cross the
sea,171 if it pleases God, before the nativity of Saint Cyprian,172 in case
165. The Greek polypticum (1rOAV1rTLxa, 'with many leaves') was used for an 'account
book,' church receipts and expenses being recorded in it. With this accounting system,
Gregory could keep a close and detailed watch over the Church's patrimony.
166. Peter appointed Benenatus as his successor as soon as he received the pope's order. See
Ep 3.27 (April 593), where Benenatus is described as the controller of the Palermo patrimony.
167. Payments to the poor, sacrificed to profits for the Church, to Gregory's annoyance.
168. Norberg reads mature, but 'maturely' is an odd adverb -in this context. The
manuscripts read mutare, the necessary 'change' or 'conversion' after the terrifying warnings.
169. See Ep 1.42. Gregory suggested a separate controller of the patrimony of Syracuse,
to lessen the strain of the patrimony over the whole of Sicily.
170. See Ep 1.42 for the will of Antoninus.
171. Ewald in MGH added a non before transeas ('make sure not to cross'), wrongly rejected
by Norberg. Peter was about to set out, with time enough to reach Italy before the storms set in.
172. That is, 14 September, a week before the equinox, a time of violent storms in south
Italy, and of the Zodiac sign of Virgo. With money and jewels on board, a safe voyage was
extremely iportant.

BOOK TWO
231
some danger might eventuate (Heaven forbid!) from the sign that is always a
threat at that time.
Besides this, you should know that I severely rebuked Pretiosus,173 a
monk, over a slight fault, and I sent him from my presence, a sad and
embittered man. As a result, I am deeply distressed in my thoughts. And I
wrote to the lod bishop, that he should send him back to me, if he were
willing. But---h(' was not at all willing. 174 I neither should nor can upset the
bishop, for occupied as he is in the service of God, he should be supported
with words of comfort, and not criticized with bitterness. In fact the same
Pretiosus, from what I hear, is extremely sad, because he is not returning to
me. But as I have said, I cannot upset the lord bishop, who does not want to
send him away, and I remain undecided between the two of them. You there-
fore, if you have a greater amount of wisdom in your poor old body175
than I have in mine, arrange this same case in such a way that my wish is
realized, and the lord bishop is not upset. However, if you see him just
slightly upset, from then on say nothing at all about it. But I was annoyed that
he excommunicated Lord Eusebius,176 a man who was so very old and sickly.
For that reason it is necessary for you to speak to the same lord bishop in private,
so that he is not hasty in deciding sentences. For in the manner of things that
seem trivial, it is necessary that cases that should be decided with a sentence,
should first be evaluated with a consideration which is both studious and fre-
quently repeated.
As the recruiting officers 177 arrive, who are already gathering recruits
there, as I hear, tell your man watching over the place to offer some small
gift,178 to make the recruits more readily satisfied. But before you come,
give something also to the office of the praetor,179 according to the ancient
custom, but do so through the hands of the man you are sending, to win over
their respect for him. And so that we too do not appear altogether unfeeling,
order your men watching over the place to implement in full those payments
which I charged your Experience with my decree to distribute, to each single
person and to the monasteries. However, as for the three hundred gold coins
173. This monk worried Gregory's conscience, and required his tact in dealing with the
bishop :>f Syracuse, Maximian. Pretiosus is not mentioned elsewhere.
174. The 'he' is the bishop. Gregory had a high opinion of him, but objected to his
hasty temper. Unfortunately his uncooperative letter has not survived.
175. Gregory uses corpusculo, a common 'diminutif de tendresse,' for his dear friend,
Peter, not for smallness of stature; yet Minard translates this as 'tout petit corps' and Recchia
has 'piccolo corpo.'
176. For his excessive punishment of this elderly priest, see Ep 2.48.
177. Gregory uses the verb scribo ('I write') as a noun (scribo-nem) for an officer
enrolling recruits, on 15 occasions in his letters.
178. The manuscripts and other editions read offerant, but it lacks a subject. It should
be changed to offerat ('so that he offers'), agreeing with his agent. The 'also' below suggests
another bribe.
179. For the praetor austin), see Epp 1.2; 2.29; 3.37.

232
THE LETTERS OF GREGORY THE GREAT
that I sent through you for the poor, I do not think that they should be distri-
buted as your men decide. Therefore let them hand them out to some indivi-
dual places and persons. But when you come here, with God's assistance, let
us discuss how the rest of these coins should be distributed.
But already some time before this I remember my having written that the
legacies which we owe from the will 180 of the defender Antoninus, should
be paid to the monasteries and others. 181 I do not know why your Exper-
ience has been slow in implementing this. For that reason we want you to pay
out the same legacies from Church funds, according to our allocations, so that
when you come to me, you do not leave the poor there moaning against you.
But as for the securities found in the inheritance of the same Antoninus, bring
those along as well.
I have learnt from the report of Romanus that the wife of Redemptus
when dying made a verbal statement that a single silver bowl be sold and given
to her ex-slaves. 182 She also left a silver dish to some monastery. In each of
these cases we want to fulfill her wishes completely, so as not to acquire
greater faults from minimal matters.
From the indications of our brother, Abbot Marini anus, 183 I have learnt
that the construction in the monastery of Praetoria has in fact not yet pro-
gressed half way. For this matter, what do we applaud, other than the support
of your Experience?184 But now you are reminded, arouse yourself, and in-
volve yourself as much as you can in the construction of the same monastery.
I myself said that nothing should be given to them from revenue, but I did not
prohibit them from constructing the monastery from it. But act in such a way
that you advise the man left by you in your position in Palermo, to construct
this same monastery from its revenue and ecclesiastical income, and let no
complaint come to me again from Privatus, its abbot. 185
I have learnt furthermore that you know that some goods and many of the
farms are under secular control, but due to some men's objections or to fear,186
180. The reading timore ('fear') in the manuscripts in group P was corrected to testamento
('will') in MGH, essential for the sense. The corruption is very hard to explain, however.
181. The pope refers to Ep 1.42, it seems.
182. The present dari suggests an order ('be given'), rather than a perfect statement
(datum esse; 'had been given') as translated by Minard and Recchia. t might be 'was being
sold' with a future sense. Slaves were regularly freed after an owner's death.
183. The abbot of Palermo (Epp 1.54, 9.7). In Ep 3.27 a Martinianus is abbot of Palermo, to
E the same man. Scribes are often confused over .proper names; Pal, for example, reads Marciano.
184. Gregory quite often teases his dear friend (see Ep 1.24 for similar irony, and the
diminutive above), and for their verbs and pronouns, he uses the singular.
185. For his monastery of Praetoria, see Ep 9.18. It was in the district of Palermo, with
its own priest. A manuscript of the Heptateuch was donated to its library from the will of
Antoninus, at the end of this letter.
186. Ewald in MGH rightly reads metu dominis ('to fear ... to their owners'); the
manuscripts .read metu ad hominis, which makes no sense.

BOOK TWO
233
you are scared to restore them to their owners. H you were truly Christian, you
would be more afraid of the judgment of God than the voices of men. Pay
attention,187 as I also warn you about this matter incessantly. But if you neglect
to carry it out, you will have my voice also as a witness against you.
But if you find men from the laity who are afraid of God, I quite freely
accept that they should be tonsured and become agents under a manager. 188
They must end over letters.
In the case of the son of Sanctissimus, if you have consulted the jurists,
and what he seeks is not just according to the laws, we do not want the bene-
fits of the poor to be at risk. For the fact, however, that he has tired himself
out over this, we want you to give him fifty gold coins, which can certainly
be charged to your account. 189
However, in the case of the poorhouse,190 as for the expenditure you
made from Church revenue, either give yourself satisfaction there from the
revenue of its rents, or if the rents themselves certainly do not suffice for full
recompense, it must be received here by the deacon.
But concerning Gelasius, the sub-deacon, do not presume to say anything
at all, because his sin requires the most severe penitence right up to the end
of his life.
Besides this, you have sent over to us one miserable horse 191 and five
good asses. I cannot sit on that horse, because it is miserable, and I cannot sit
on those good ones, because they are asses. But we ask that, if you are keen
to keep us together, bring over something with you that is worth bringing.
We want you to give a hundred gold coins to the Abbot Eusebius, which
can certainly be charged to your account. 192
We have learnt that Sisinnius, who was a governor of Samnium, is strug-
gling in Sicily from severe poverty.193 We should like you to supply him
with twenty measures of wine and four gold coins annually.
Anastasi us, a religious man, is said to be living in the oratory of Saint
Agnes, near the city of Palermo, and we want six gold coins to be given to
187. Reading adtende with MGH, for the meaningless ad tee
188. The tonsure was a normal for those following an ecclesiastical career, including
those working in the Church's administration, under a manager of its patrimony.
189. There are no other references to Sanctissimus or to his son in all seven manuscripts
comprising P. His name is often abbreviated: Ewald in MGH suggests suprascripti, but no
son is mentioned above.
190. A Greek loan (1rTWX€WP), ptochium, for a 'poor-house,' its costs met by rent from
a Church property, in this case some needed to repay a cash payment by the Church.
191. Gregory uses cabal/us ('nag' or 'pack-horse') rather than the more polite equus, to
reinforce miserum ('miserable'), teasing his friend. For other usages, see Recchia 1: 36.
192. It seems rather too late for the excommunicated abbot, unless Gregory is trying to
compensate for the bishop's callousness.
193. This ex-governor (or judge) is a typical example of Gregory's care and generosity.
There are no other references to him.

234
THE LETTERS OF GREGORY THE GREAT
him. We also want six gold coins to be given to the mother of Urbicus, the
prior, which are to be charged to your account. 194
As for the case of Honorata, a nun,195 I think that all the propeny
which she i agreed to have had before the time of the episcopate of John,
bishop of Laurinum, should be brought here with you when you come. But
let the same nun come here with her son, so that we might talk with her and
do what pleases God.
We want the manuscript of the Heptateuch from the will of Antoninus
to be given to the monastery of Praetoria, and we want the other manuscripts
to be brought with you. 196
194. See Ep 6.41, where Urbicus is abbot of the monastery of Saint Hermes in Palermo,
among those monasteries founded by the pope (Ep 5.4 monasterii met). There are no other
references to this Anastasius.
195. For the 'handmaiden of God' or nun, Honorata, see Ep 4.34. A widow of a sub-dea-
con, Speciosus, she appears to have married another cleric. As a result, Leo, bishop of
Catania, had her confined to a convent, her property going to the Church. The seat of Lauri-
. .
num IS uncertatn.
196. See above, for the half-built monastery of Praetoria. Such a manuscript would be
a very valuable acquisition, like others brought to the later popes that have ended up in the
magnificent collection of the Vatican Library.

BOOK THREE
Month of September, eleventh indiction
3.1 GregoIY-ttf'Peter, sub-deacon of Campania 1 I September 592
A report sent to us has made it quite clear what sort of crime has been
committed against Paul,2 our brother and fellow-bishop, in the Castle of
Lucullus. 3 And because at this time that magnificent man Scholasticus, gover-
nor of Campania, 4 was found to have been present there, we advised him spe-
cifically that he should have corrected the insanity of such great perversity
with a severe punishment. But because the bearer of the aforesaid report has
now warned us to send someone, we have therefore sent our sub-deacon Epi-
phanius there,5 so that he can join the aforesaid governor in investigating
who instigated the sedition, and who took part in it, and can find them out
and requite them with a worthy punishment.
And so your Experience must find quick relief in this case, with all your
courage, so that the truth can be found out, and so that punishments can
proceed against the culprits. Since therefore they say that the slaves of the
glorious Clementina 6 took part in this same crime, and made statements to
stir up the sedition, if that is so, threaten them with submission to severe
punishment. Do not let your severity be too lenient towards any person of
that woman, because they need to be chastised all the more fully as being the
servants of a noble woman, who have committed a crime due to nothing but
arrogance. But you must also inquire into the following with a careful exami-
nation, as to whether the aforesaid woman participated in such a monstrous
crime, or if it was perpetrated with her knowledge, so that all might learn
from our defense, how dangerous it is to assault a priest not only with one's
hands but with words also. For if anything is delayed or omitted in this case,
you must realize that your fault threatens all the more to endanger you, and
you will not find any chance of an excuse before us. For the more that affair
may commend you to us, if it has been investigated and corrected most
severely, the more you can be sure that our indignation is inflamed against
you, if it has been treated lightly.
1. See Ep 1.1.
2. For Paul, visitor to the church of Naples, see Ep 2.9.
3. For the Castle, see Ep 1.23.
4. Scholasticus clearly enjoyed the pope's confidence, as this letter and Ep 3.15 reveal.
. 5. Epiphanius appears here and in Ep 3.2. He was a sub-deacon of the Church of Rome.
The 'there' means 'to there,' illuc, as read by r. All the other manuscripts and editions read
illic, a very common error, but often justified by Norberg.
6. For Clementina, see Ep 1.11.

236
THE LETTERS OF GREGORY THE GREAT
But if some slaves from the rest have taken refuge from the city in the
monastery of Saint Severinus or in another church in the same castle,7 as
soon as it comes to your notice, in no way allow them to stay there, but let
them be recclled into a church inside the city. And if they have a just com-
plaint against their masters then they must come out of the churches in due
order. But if they have committed a pardonable sin, they are to be restored to
their masters without any delay, after receiving an oath of forgiveness.
3.2 Gregory to Bishop Paul I September 592
Although our knowledge of the injury suffered by you has caused us great
unhappiness, yet we have some reason for consolation. For we have learnt that
your Glory was involved in this affair because of what you endured for the
sake of fairness and justice, as a report sent to us has made clear. Therefore,
so that it might be applied to the greater glory of your Fraternity, this matter
ought neither to break down your constancy, nor turn you aside from the
way of truth. For there is a greater reward among priests in standing firm in
the path of truth even after injuries. And so that the madness of such impiety
does not remain unpunished, and a pernicious lack of discipline does not break
out even worse, we have given orders to Scholasticus, that magnificent man
and governor of Campania, because he was found to be present there, saying
that he should feel obliged to repay these deeds with a just punishment. But
because your men have sought from us that we should send a person, know
that for that reason we have sent over there our sub-deacon, Epiphanius, so
that he can investigate it, together with the aforesaid governor, and can find
out the truth. His perseverance can thus ensure that an appropriate punishment
is enforced, against those who incited or resolved to perpetrate so great a crime.
3.3 Gregory to Abbot John 8 I September 592
Your Beloved requested that brother Boniface should be promoted by you as
prior in your monastery, and I am greatly surprised why it was not done
before. For from that time when I had him entrusted to you, you ought to
have promoted him already.
But I heard about the tunic of Saint John 9 with extreme gratitude, as you
had taken the trouble to inform me. But let your Beloved be keen to send the
tunic itself over to me, or even better, send the same bishop who has it along
7. The guilt of these slaves is uncertain, but by taking sanctuary they forced their
masters to swear not to punish them, if their faults were minor and pardoned by the
Church. For a slave's right to escape punishment by taking refuge, going back to Saint
Gelasius I, see Epistolae Romanorum Pontificum genuinae et quae ad eos scriptae sunt a S.
Hilaro usque ad Pelagium II, ed. Andreas Thiel (Brunsberg, 1868), pp. 505-506.
8. Abbot of the monastery of Saint Lucia in Syracuse. See Epp 1.67; 7.36.
9. These relics of John the Evangelist and John the Baptist were still preserved under
the altar of Saint John in the Basilica of Constantine at the time of John the Deacon, Vita
Gregorii 1.3.57-59.

BOOK THREE
237
with his clergy, so that we can carry out a blessing of the tunic, and receive
a benefit from the same bishop and clergy.
However I wanted put an end to the case involving Florianus, and I have
already even given him eighty gold coins as a loan. He is using them, I believe,
to compensate himself for a debt of the monastery, and I want the same case
to be decided completely. For the recorder Stephen 10 is said to be threaten-
ing that the -m;;.esaid Florianus should hand the case over in public, and for
us to litigate with the public present is a serious matter. 11 For that reason
we must make some concession, so that we can bring this same case to a conclu-
sion. Provided this is done, we shall report it to your Beloved, with God's help.
But be extremely concerned about the souls of your brethren. It is already
sufficient that the reputation of the monastery has been tarnished through
your negligence. Leave the monastery infrequently. In those cases, appoint a
manager, and keep yourself free for reading the bible and for prayer.
Show concern over hospitality. Be as generous as you can towards the
poor, but in such a way that you retain what should be repaid to Florianus.
As for the monks themselves of your monastery whom I see, I do not find
them free for reading the bible. Wherefore one must consider how great a sin
it is, that God has provided sustenance for you from other peoples' offerings,
while you neglect to learn the commandments of God.
And yet concerning the half sovereign for the house, if we do not see an
authentic document, we can do nothing from copies. But I have sent over an
instruction to the defender Florentinus 12 that, if he can establish the truth,
he should restore the same half sovereign to you. Once it is restored, we either
give the remaining half to you for long-lease tenure,13 or else we change the
revenues. 14
3.4 Gregory to Boniface, bishop of Reggio 15 I September 592
I have learnt from certain persons coming to Rome, that your Fraternity is
very active in works of charity, and I thanked almighty God, because in
accordance with the words of that outstanding preacher, 'we now live, if you
stand firm in the Lord.,16 But I must admit that my mind was greatly
troubled by the fact that you yourself have announced these same works to
many others. From this fact I have gathered that your object must have been
10. For Stephen, recorder for Sicily, see Ep 2.26.
11. Christians were supposed to settle disputes among themselves, without making use of the
public courts, as set out in the New Testament (e.g., Mt 18:15-35, Lk 17:4, 1 Cor 6:1-11).
12. This Florentinus does not appear elsewhere in the letters.
13. See Ep 1.70 for this emphyteusis.
14. Gregory very often shows his expertise in business affairs, being well trained for
them during his political career in Rome.
15. Bishop of Reggio in Calabria, Boniface, was successor to Lucius (see Epp 3.44; 4.5;
6.9, 9.61). In September 595 (Ep 6.9) the church of Carinae is added to the see of Reggio.
16. 1 Thes 3:8.

238
THE LETTERS OF GREGORY THE GREA T
to please not the eyes of God, but the judgment of man. Wherefore, my very
dear brother, when your actions are good outwardly, you must guard those
within with great care, to prevent the desire of pleasing men from creeping in,
and to prevent all the labor of your good deeds from coming to nothing. For
who are we, who seek to be pleased by men? What are we other than dust and
ashes? But let your Fraternity desire to please Him, whose advent is close at
hand, and all that he gives you in return will never end.
Month of October, eleventh indiction
3.5 Gregory to Peter, sub-deacon of Campania 17 I October 592
Just as we do not desire to upset the privileges of laymen in the courts, even so
when they are prejudging cases, we want you to resist them with moderate
authority. For coercing violent laymen is not acting contrary to the laws, but
giving assistance to the law. Deusdedit,18 the son-in-law of Felix of Orticello, is
said to have proposed violence against the bearer of this letter, and to be retaining
the aforementioned property illegally, in such a way that his theft is found not to
provoke pity for her widowhood, but to strengthen his spitefulness. For that
reason we order your Experience that against the aforesaid man, as in other cases,
in which the aforesaid lady asserts that she is suffering under prejudgment, you
extend to her the consolation of our protection. And do not allow her to be
treated badly by anyone at all. Otherwise you may either be found to neglect in
some way those things that are entrusted to you, but not through any injustice,
or else payments for widows and other poor people may be interrupted, because
of the long distance of this journey, while they find no help there.
3.6 Gregory to John, bishop of Prima Justiniana 19 I October 592
After his long tribulations endured by Hadrian, bishop of the city of Thebes,20
at the hands of fellow-priests as if they were foreign enemies, he has fled into
the city of Rome. And although his first suggestion had been against John, the
bishop of Larissa,21 that he had not made a judgment in the financial cases
with the reserved laws,22 yet after this he was complaining most bitterly,
more against the person of your Fraternity, claiming that he had been unjustly
demoted by you from his priestly rank. But we do not believe unexamined
petitions, and have again read about the same things that were done at the
17. For the sub-deacon, see Ep 1.1.
18. In English, 'God-given,' but ungodly in his misuse of the law, it seems.
19. This bishop John (in Epp 3.6, 7) is n"t the same as the John in charge of this see in
Epp 5.16 (5.10, elected in 594), 8.10; 9.157; 12.10. The town was in Macedonia, and was the
seat of the praetor of Illyria and Dacia.
20. This bishop appears in Epp 3.6, 7, 38. His see's dependence on the metropolitan one
of Larissa was annulled by Pope Pelagius II (Ep 3.7).
21. For this bishop of Larissa (in Thessaly), see Epp 3.7; 5.62; 8.10; 9.157.
22. Probably as in Justinian, Novellae 133.8, covering a bishop's pecuniary and criminal
case before an ecclesiastic tribunal.

BOOK THREE
239
house of John, our brother and fellow-bishop, and at the house of your
Fraternity. And indeed with regard to the judgment of the above-mentioned
John, bishop of Larissa, which had been suspended on apeal, Our most pious
Lordshi p 23 has sent orders to the bishop of Corinth, 4 and we also have
decreed, with Christ's help, through the bearers of this letter, and by directing
a letter to the above-mentioned John of Larissa. 25
You wee: disturbed by the investigation of a different judgment, the
examination of which had been entrusted to you by imperial commands, as
well as by an inspection of a series of actions held before Bishop John con-
cerning criminal matters. But we found almost nothing that obliged you to
inquire into the cases nominated before and proclaimed to you. Yet we did
find that you had used some trickery to produce witnesses against Deacon
Demetrius in the condemnation of his bishop, to provide testimony that they
had heard him saying things about the bishop, which have no right to be
heard. Although Demetrius in person tried to deny that he had said these
things you handed the deacon over to the proconsul of the province stripped
from his rank, contrary to sacerdotal custom and to the rule of canon law. Al-
though he had been lacerated by many floggings, and although he might per--
haps have born false witness against his bishop through the compulsion of tor-
ture, we have found that right to the end of the affair, he did not confess any-
thing about these matters over which he was being so thoroughly interrogated.
But we have found no other things in the actions themselves, whether
through the testimony of witnesses, or through the declaration of Hadrian,
which could be held against him. Yet your Fraternity alone, despising divine
and human law, through I know not what mental aberration, proposed in
condemning him a quick sentence, which had it not been suspended on appeal,
would not have been able to stand under the law, having itself been proposed
contrary to Church canons and the law. However, after it was abundantly
clear that an appeal had been presented to you, we wondered why you did not
send over your men, to provide a reason for your judgment, as per the caution
given to your church through an exchange of letters by our Deacon
Honoratus. 26 This deed has proved you suffer either from insolence or from
a fearful conscience. And so if what has been presented to us is supported by
the truth, and since we consider you to be unjustly presuming upon the fact
of our standing, we shall settle the other cases concerning these matters, with
the help of Christ, in accordance with what we have decided.
But as for what concerns us at present, when the decrees of your afore-
mentioned sentence have first been made null and void, we decree by the
authority of Saint Peter, the prince of the apostles, that you be deprived of
. 23. The Emperor Maurice, in the plural as usual.
24. For this Bishop Anastasius, see Ep 1.26.
25. The following letter.
26. For Deacon Honoratus, see Ep 1.6.

240
THE LETTERS OF GREGORY THE GREAT
Holy Communion for a period of thirty days, and that you must pray to our
almighty God with the greatest amount of penitence and tears for pardon for
such great sinfulness. But if we should learn that you have been too slow to
carry out this sentence of ours, realize that not only the injustice of your Fra-
ternity, but your insolence also must then be punished more severely, with the
help of our Lord. But we order that Hadrian, mentioned above, our brother
and fellow-bishop, condemned through your sentence, as we have said, with no
support at all from the Church canons or the laws, be restored to his proper place
and rank, with Christ at his side. Thus your Fraternity's sentence, proposed.
contrary to the path of justice, may not do him any harm, and the love you need
to placate the indignation of our future Judge may not remain impure.
3.7 Gregory to John, bishop of Larissa I October 592
Our brother Hadrian, bishop of the city of Thebes, came to the city of Rome
complaining tearfully that he had been condemned over some points of law
by your Fraternity and by John too, bishop of Prima Justiniana, neither
legitimately nor according to Church canons. And since after a long eriod of
time we saw no person coming here from the opposite party, who 7 should
have replied to his objections, we handed over those things that were done in
your place, to be studied again, as was necessary in the interest of learning the
truth. From these we have learnt that the deacons John and Cosmas were
dismissed from their proper office, one for bodily corruption and the other for
fraud concerning Church property, and from pecuniary and criminal points of
law, they advised our most pious emperor against him. He desired to test you
by his orders, while preserving of course the strictness of the law and Church
canons, in such a way that you would rightly pass a firm sentence on pecu-
niary sins, but for criminal ones, you would appeal to their clemency, holding
a more meticulous examination. But if your Fraternity had received such
righteous orders with an equally righteous mind, you never would have heed:
lessly received an accusation of their own bishop from men who had been
removed from their proper office for their own aberrations, or who had minds
that were already hostile. This is especially so, when its falsity was detected
from the very complaint of theirs presented to our most pious emperor. For
they admitted that they had made a complaint against their own bishop, with
the consensus of al] the clerics. 28
But after this, so that we may briefly and summarily ron through some
things which were done in your place, the first legal point raised by your
Fraternity was against Stephen, deacon of Thebes, whom Bishop Hadrian had
27. After persona, quae is normal in the letters, and is read by Rlc, Melb and PL; yet all
the other manuscripts and editions read qui.
28. The sonorous and rhythmical finale to this powerful denunciation is full of hissing
sibilants and cs (cum consensu omnium clericorum contra suum pontificem se suggessisse
professi sunt).. Gregory was very sensitive to the sounds of Latin words.

BOOK THREE
241
not deprived of the honor of his order, although he knew that the deacon's
life was utterly depraved. Not qne of the witnesses brought forward says that
this point had come to the notice of Bishop Hadrian, except that Stephen
alone is said to have confessed that he was worthy of condemnation, by his
own admission, for his disgraceful life. The second point brought against him
seems to con infants, who were prohibited by his order from undertaking
holy baptism and who died in darkness, with the sordidness of sin not washed
away. But not one of the witnesses brought forward against him claimed that
he knew that anything of the sort had come to the attention of the Bishop
Hadrian. Yet they said they had learnt of it from the mothers of infants,
whose husbands had been excommunicated, as they say, because of their
crimes. But they admitted that those children had not come near the time of
death unbaptized, as the invidious suggestion of the accusers had implied, since
it was established that they had been baptized in the city of Demetrias. 29
This covers the criminal charges.
But concerning the pecuniary cases, a most holy inquiry of men deputed
by the emperor and at our most serene emperor's command, gave evidence as
to how it had been judged by you. For when the often-mentioned Hadrian-
suspended your sentence on appeal, we discovered from the depositions of four
witnesses brought before John, the bishop of Prima Justiniana, how he was
forced by your Fraternity, while held down firmly by a guard, to produce a
document in which he would confess the charges brought against him. Indeed
by handing over that personal document on pecuniary matters, he is found to
have agreed with your opinion. But he ran through the criminal matters with
some neutral and ambiguous phrasing, so that your intention would be frus-
trated by some obscure subjects, and furthermore so that he himself might
retreat very far from his confession into the obscurity of perplexing locution.
And when the appeal was brought forward by his men, and when the other
things which were done by your Fraternity were brought to our most pious
emperor, a deputation was sent as we have said by Honoratus,30 deacon of
our see, and by the papal secretary, Sebastian, of glorious memory. When these
things had all been examined minutely, he was acquitted by the most serene
orders of all of them. But by some carefully contrived machinations, another
principal order was again elicited, that John, bishop of Prima Justiniana,
should inquire and carefully judge on all the aforesaid charges. In his judg-
ment, all the clergy of Bishop Hadrian, and Deacon Demetrius while under
torture, admitted that all of this calumny against Bishop Hadrian had been
achieved by a machination of your Fraternity. And none of the same points
of law that had been brought against Bishop Hadrian as criminal charges in
your hearing were proved to be true. But another cruel and deceitful dis-
cussion arose between his deacon Demetrius and other persons, against the
29. A city in Thessal y.
30. For Honoratus, Gregory's representative at Constantinople, see Ep 1.6.

242
THE LETTERS OF GREGORY THE GREAT
canons and laws. In this discussion nothing was discovered in great depth, over
which the oft-mentioned Hadrian ought legally to be condemned, but rather a
means was discovered by which he might be absolved. But as for John, priest of
the city of Prima J ustiniana, and his very wicked and damnable judgment, we shall
deal with it elsewhere, with God's help.31 But we have found that Bishop
Hadrian both suffered from your hatred for sacerdotal customs, and was illegally
condemned over pecuniary charges by the sentence of your Fraternity.
Since therefore even when deposed by the aforesaid John, bishop of Prima
Iustiniana, against the law and canons, he could not be without the rank of his
office, we have decided that he be re-established in his own church and recalled
with the rank of his proper dignity. You ought to have been deprived of the
communion of our Lord's body, since following the admonition of my
predecessor of holy memory, by which he removed him and his church from
the jurisdiction of your power, you presumed once more to keep some
jurisdiction for yourself in those matters. Nevertheless, making a more humane
decision and preserving for the time being the sacrament of communion for
you, we have decreed that from this point on your Fraternity and your church
should abstain from all the power of your former jurisdiction. Yet, following
the writings of my predecessor, if any case involving faith or crime or fraud
should arise against the aforesaid Hadrian, our fellow priest, whether through
those who are or were our respondents in the royal city, in the event of a
trivial inquiry being examined, or it is brought here to the apostolic see, in the
event that it is a serious one, let it be decided according to the sentence of our
audience. But if, contrary to what we have established, you should attempt to
come at any time at all, with whatever excuse or deception, we have decreed
that you be deprived of Holy Communion and you do not receive it, except
in the final hours of your life, unless with the concession of an order of the
Bishop of Rome. For with a prescription consonant with the holy fathers, we
considered that one who does not know how to obey the holy canons should
be unworthy to administer or take communion at holy altars. But let your
Fraternity restore to him without any delay the goods of that church, whether
sacred or others movable and immovable, which you are said to have retained
until now, notice of which we have offered and attach to the present letter.
Concerning this, if any question arises among you, we want it to be aired in
the royal city with me as respondent.
3.8 Gregory to Natalis, archbishop of Salona,32 that his bishop should
not be deposed I October 592
While all affairs may need careful attention in tracking down the truth, those
that pertain to the degrading of priestly ranks must be weighed up more
31. In the preceding letter, which should have followed this one.
32. For earlier troubles here, see Ep 1.10.

BOOK THREE
243
strictly. For in these one deals somehow not so much with human 33 ordi-
nances, as to a certain degree with a rebuttal of divine benediction. And this
matter too concerning the person of Florentius, bishop of the city of Epi-
daurus,34 prompted us to an exhortation of your Fraternity. For it has been
reported to us that he 35 was accused by certain people in criminal cases,
without any caonical proofs being sought, nor with a judgment issuing from
a priestly ccil, and that he was deposed from the duty of his office not by
law but by the exercise of personal authority. Since therefore a unanimous
opinion of priests cannot demote anyone from the rank of bishop, except for
just reasons, we exhort your Fraternity to bring about the restoration of the
aforesaid man from that same exile to which he was forced, and to inquire into
his case with an episcopal debate. And if he is convicted by canonical proof
over these matters for which he has been accused, then he should be inflicted
without doubt with a canonical punishment. But if it is found by a synodical
inquiry other than was thought about him, it is necessary both that his
accusers should dread the strictness of the just law, and that the judgment of
their innocence should be preserved undiminished for those who have been
accused. However, we have entrusted the execution of the aforementioned_
business to our sub-deacon, Antoninus,36 by our order, so that what is
acceptable to the laws and canons should be decreed, and with God's help the
decisions should be put into effect with urgency.
3.9 Gregory to his sub-deacon, Antoninus I October 592
The news has reached us that Florentius, bishop of the cit7 of Epidaurus,
after his goods had first been removed, had been condemned for some un-
proved charges, without a sacerdotal council. Since he ought not to endure a
canonical punishment, as in his condemnation no canonical opinion was put
forward, we instruct your Experience to threaten Natalis, our brother and
fellow-bishop, so that he has the aforesaid man brought back from the same
exile in which he is said to be immured at present. And when a council of
bishops has been convoked, if these matters for which he has been accused are
proved by canon law, we want the judgment of the aforesaid Natalis, our
brother and fellow-bishop, to come into due force against him. But if he is
absol-ved by a general judgment, then you should not permit him thereafter to
33. Rl rightly reads humanis, a natural contrast to 'divine,' yet other manuscripts and
editions read humilibus ('humble'), not the sense required here.
34. The bishop's city (Epidaurus, on the Dalmatian coast, near Ragusa) appears in Melb. and
also in pI, but not in the other manuscripts or editions. It was probably an early omission. The
case of Florentinus was still not resolved in December 597, to judge from Ep 8.11.
35. A pronoun is needed here. The use of eum ('he') in Melb. is ideal; it probably
dropped out in the other manuscripts through haplography with est/eum.
36. For Antoninus, in charge of the Church's patrimony of Dalmatia, see Epp 2.19,3.9.
37. Norberg corrected his obvious misprint ciuuitatis here, yet it was copied by Recchia.
Both he and Minard reproduce Norberg's text, even when it makes no sense.

244
THE LETTERS OF GREGORY THE GREAT
be subject to anyone's prejudgment, and his aforesaid goods should be quickly
restored with the strict perseverance of your concern. And so it is necessary
that the heavier you judge the weight of such affairs, the more maturity and
vigilance in execution you should strive to show in completing them.
3.10 Gregory to Sabinus,38 our sub-deacon I October 592
Malicious people have upset your thoughts while departing, as they do not
understand either what they are saying or about whom they affirm things,
bringing a charge that in the time of Justinian of ious memory, there was
some violation at the sacred synod at Chalcedon, 3 which we venerate with
all our faith and all our devotion. And as we have received four synods of the
holy, universal Church, just as we have received the four books of the Holy
Gospel. But concerning the persons about whom something had been done
after the end of the synod, this was brought forward in the time of the same
Justinian of pious memory, but in such a way that neither was the faith in
anyone violated, nor was anything done about the same persons other than
had been decided at the same holy synod at Chalcedon. However, we anathe-
matize anyone who presumes to reduce anything from the definition of faith
that was revealed at the same synod, or to alter its sense as if by correcting it.
But we defend it as if revealed at that synod for all time.
So it is proter for you, most beloved son, to return to the unity of the
Holy Church,4 so that you can conclude your final years in peace, and so
that the malignant spirit, which cannot prevail against you in other works,
may not discover from this case a means by which to oppose you, on the day
of your departure to the gateway to the heavenly Kingdom.
3.11 Gregory to the clergy, senate and people living at Albano 41 I
October 592
We have shown no slowness in fulfilling desires of which we approve. We
have already consecrated our brother and fellow-bishop Homobonus,42 as
your bishop.
Month of November, eleventh indiction
3.12 Gregory to Maximian, bishop of Syracuse 43 I November 592
Some time ago indeed I had written to your Fraternity saying that you ought
to send over to the city of Rome those who had said anything against
38. For this sub-deacon, see Ep 2.46.
39. This refers to the fifth ecumenical council, held in Constantinople in 553, which
sparked off the Three Chapters controversy in the Western Church (see the Introduction,
pp. 86-87). The pope's position on this was stated in Ep 1.24, and is stated again here.
40. It seems that the sub-deacon still supported the Three Chapters schismatics.
41. A city in Latium, south of Rome.
42. In English, Bishop Goodfellow; it is not known who this person was.
43. For Bishop Maximian, see Ep 2.5.

BOOK THREE
245
Gregory, bishop of Agrigento. 44 We advise now with this present letter that
it ought to be done even more pressingly. Therefore hurry to transmit with
all speed the persons themselves and the rest of the documents, that is the
accounts and petitions that were handed over. We absolutely do not allow you
to ask for any delay or excuse, so that when they have been sent over to the
city of Rome, as we said, with all speed, we may know what we ought to
determine ut his person with more success, with God's help.
3.13 Gregory to Agnellus, bishop from Fundi, now incardinated in the
church of Terracina5 I November 592
The joint report of the clergy and people of Terracina gives us very great
pleasure for this reason that it testifies to good thinr concerning your Frater-
nity. And since, with their Bishor Peter dead,4 they ask for you to be
appointed as their cardinal priest, 4 we foresee that it is necessary for their
requests 48 to be complied with, so that they may both rejoice in having
obtained what they demand, and we may seem to have yielded what is expe-
dient. Since on account of the disaster of hostilities,49 nobody has the
freedom of living either in your city or in your church, we have appointed
you accordingly by our authority as cardinal priest of the church of Terracina.
We advise you that you ought to be worried about the souls of the people
staying on there, with God's protection, so that the treachery of a cunning
and perverted enemy cannot harm the flock entrusted to you with any of his
tricks. Rather, let the flock encompassed by the protection of your care be
delighted to have deserved the protection of a worthy pastor. Let examples of
good living show forth for your people in your acts and let avarice have no
power over you. With your preaching, let those who are uneducated recognize
what God commands. In the fear of God, let your morality teach the people
how they should live. Engage in good works, that you might teach and preach
to your subjects. Let your acts be useful with the correction of others, let
them assume an imitation of your life for their own support. And hurry to
exhibit yourself in all your works in such a way that, whoever either neglects
or cannot be influenced by reading the scriptures, may have you as his scrip-
ture and instruction. And so with every effort of your mind quickly produce
a profit of souls for our God, so that you may find a reward worthy of you
before His sight, on the day of retribution.
44. The letter has not survived, but in Ep 1.70 (August 591) Gregory had ordered him
with the bishops of Catana and Palermo to appear before his agent, Sub-deacon Peter.
45. For Agnellus, bishop of Fundi and Terracina, see Ep 2.45.
46. For Peter, one-time bishop of T erracina, see Ep 1.34.
47. That is, as their new bishop.
48. Norberg reads petita ('demands') in brackets, based on a superscript in r2. Other manu-
scripts omit the noun, but Melb reads the rare desideria ('requests'), possibly Gregory's reading.
49. From the Lombards, who controlled Fundi and Beneventum, whereas Terracina, in
Roman territory, escaped military destruction.

246
THE LETTERS OF GREGOR Y THE GREAT
But whatever you take care to ordain and carry out with wisdom and canon
law, concerning the affairs of the aforesaid church, either in its patrimony or
in the ordination and promotion of clergy, and in all things pertaining to it
in general, you will have a free faculty in all things as its special priest.
It is necessary for your Fraternity to know this also, that we have incar-
dinated you as bishop of the aforesaid church of Terracina 50 in such a way
that you do not cease to be bishop of the church of Fundi as well, nor ignore
its care and governance. For we have ordered your Fraternity to be in charge
of the often-mentioned church of Terracina, as stated before, in such a way
that we have by no means withdrawn your rights and power over the afore-
said church of Fundi. 51
3.14 Gregory to the clergy, senate and people living at Terracina
I November 592
The petition that you presented has revealed the wishes that your Beloved had
intimated to us, and we have highly applauded your decision. For we pray that
Agnellus, our brother and fellow-bishop, approved already for his merits, is
incardinated as your bishop. And since an outcome should not be denied to
your welcome and praiseworthy petition, and since it should not be held up with
a delay, we have decded that Agnellus should be incardinated as bishop of your
church, by our direct order, in accordance with your desires and request. Concern-
ing this, I warn your Beloved with a fatherly exhortation that you should be obe-
dient to him in all things. Thus he may be strengthened by the comfort of your
love and, with the Lord's help, he can profitably fulf1l1 the care and control of the
church, which your request has approved him to take up.
Month of December, eleventh Indiction
3.15 Gregory to Scholasticus, governor of Campania 52 I December 592
We were quite greatly distressed over the care of the city of Naples, which lacks
the comfort of a priest, when the bearers of this letter arrived with a decree drawn
up against our sulxleacon, Florentius, thereby intimating some relief for us from
such heavy thoughts. But our aforesaid sulxleacon fled from the city itself,
miserably avoiding his ordination. Realize that our sadness increased thereby from
some greater despair. And for that reason we greet you, and exhort your Greatness
to convoke the leaders and people of the city, to think about the election of
another man, who could be worthy of promotion to the bishopric, with the
comfort of Christ. Make this decree solemnly and send it over to this city, and let
the ordination take place there finally, with the help of Christ.
50. Manuscripts r and Melb, as well as the text in PL, read Terracinensis, which is better
with sacerdotem ('priest of') than the dative Terracinensi in the other manuscripts and
editions. See the use to 'Pundensis ecc/esiae ponti/ex' below.
51. For the wording of the final paragraph, see Liber Diurnus Romanorum Pontificum,
ed. Theodor E. von Sickel, rev. Hans Foerster (Bern, 1958), p. 9. See Ep 1.8 n55.
52. For Scholasticus, see Ep 3.1.

BOOK THREE
247
But if however you do not find a suitable person about whom you can
agree, at least select three upright and wise men, and send them to this city on
behalf of the general community, ensuring that all the people agree in the
choice of these men. Perhaps coming here, preserved by God's pity, they will
find a suitable person to be consecrated as your bishop, without any blame.
In this way your destitute city will neither lack an inspector of its activities
on the in nor on the outside any opening for the traps of the ancient
enemy, once a bishop shows his concern.
3.16 Gregory to Peter, bishop of Barcae 53 I December 592
Although we would not willingly doubt that your Fraternity is devoted to
holy causes, however, we think that you are becoming more supportive
because of our letter. For that reason', we indicate to you with the present
letter that the bearer of it, the priest Valerian, has arrived in those parts to
ransom prisoners-of-war. 54 You should give him your support in every way
all the more earnestly, as you realize that he has endured the effort of a
lengthy journey with the purpose of a deal. For in this way, he will complete
what he intends to do, with your assistance, and your Fraternity will also fine!
great reward before God, as you desire, in return for the comfort you have given.
Month of January, eleventh indiction
3.17 Gregory to Sub-deacon Gratiosus 55 I January 593
For those choosing a religious vocation we should take care, with suitable
consideration, that the occurrence of some hardship neither makes them inact-
ive, nor undermines the strength (Heaven forbid!) of their holy way of life.
For that reason we order with the present authority that you should hand
over the following property to the Abbess Flora, with the right of possession
for her indubitable ownership. The house is located in this city in the fourth
region, next to a place called the 'White Hens,'56 the property of the Holy
Church of Rome, over which we preside with God's authority, and in which
a patrician lady, Campana, is known to have once lived. Hand it over with the
garden also and the lodgings, which a doorway encloses within the same
house. Thus with Christ's help, the abbess can construct a convent in this
house, where she can live with her community, so that she, and also her
successor in status and position, can possess the above-mentioned house and
53. The town of Barcae was the metropolitan see of Cyrenaica and then of Libya. The
bishop only appears in this letter.
54. Part of the lively slave trade in Mauritania (and through Barcae).
55. Gratiosus was a sub-deacon of the Roman Church, not to be confused with the
notary of the same name. He acted as an administrator of the Church's patrimony, and in
December 625, during the pontificate of Honorius I, was listed as having charge of the grain
store in the Baths of Diocletian, in the fourth region of Rome.
56. Near the Quirinal. For Euprepia's monastery also in Rome, see Ep 2.46. Norberg rightly
omitted the vel bonum in the manuscripts after Gallinas Albas (taken from 'and garden' below).

248
THE LETTERS OF GREGORY THE GREAT
garden and all things belonging to them, as we have said, with a peaceful and
inalienable right, as granted by us, due to our respect for her piety.
3.18 Gregory to Theodore, his counselor 57 I January 593
Those really exerting themselves over ecclesiastical services deserve the pleasure of
ecclesiastical remuneration, so that those who of their own volition subject
themselves to the voluntary hardships of their obedience, deserve to be repaid in
our dispensations. And so, since we have discovered that you, Theodore, a most
eloquent man and our counselor, have been bankrupted due to your adminis-
tration of the slaves, for that reason we instruct that a slave-boy called Acosimus,
a Sicilian by birth, be given and handed over to your legal control. Since you own
him, handed over by our will, it has become necessary for you to rely on the
authority of this letter, for a testimony in the future and for the legal force of this
gift. Thus with God's protection, you can always possess him as his master,
without care or suspicion of any retraction. For we do not believe that there will
be anyone who would desire such a small gift, granted to you in return for your
devotion, or who would try in any way to revoke it. For at one and the same
time, they should be ashamed to annul the good deeds of their predecessors, and
they should be afraid to teach others to put forward a sentence of annulment at
any time in the future, with regard to their own gifts.
3.19 Gregory to Peter, sub-deacon of Campania 58 I January 593
Our heart is being pricked by the holy inspiration of divinity to dedicate, with
the reverence of our Catholic religion, places which were once condemned for
detestable sins. Since therefore we desire to consecrate, in honor of Saint
Severinus, a church located next to the Merulan house in the third region, long
occupied by the Arian superstition, would your Experience please send over
the relics of Saint Severin us, with the reverence which is highly deserved, so
that we can implement what we have decided in our mind should be carried
out, with the support of the grace of almighty God.
3.20 Gregory to Gratiosus, bishop of Mentana 59 I January 593
When impious enemies have desolated the churches of different cities, thanks
to men's sins, to the extent that there is no hope of repairing them, due to
their lack of population, we are bound by a far greater concern, that with the
death of their priests, the remnants of the people, ruled by 110 priest's control,
should not be dragged through paths of faithlessness, by the snares (Heaven
forbid!) of our crafty enemy. And so, as we are often troubled by concern over
57. A most loyal and talented agent of Gregory. His praise reappears with similar words
in Ep 11.4 vir eloquentissimus, ecc/esiasticis utilitatibus desudans, consiliarius meus vir
magnificus. In Ep 9.11, he examines Church cases, for the pope's benefit.
58. For the sub-deacon, see Ep 1.1. The church's re-dedication only appears here.
59. The bishop only appears here. Mentana was a Latin city (then Nomentanum) in Sabine
territory, one of three episcopal seats there, with Cures and Vescovio (Forum Novum).

BOOK THREE
249
this matter, this plan has settled in our heart, to commit these churches to the
control of neighboring bishops. We have therefore provided that the care and
control of the church of Saint Anthelm (established in the territory of Cures
in Samnium) should be entrusted to your Fraternity. It is necessary for this
church to be added to yours and to be united with it, so that you can rightly
act as priest of both churches, with God's help. Whatever you decide to
arrange conGething its patrimony or the ordination or promotion of its clergy,
with vigilant and canonical care, as its own special bishop, you will have a free
license from our permission in this letter. Wherefore, dearest brother, truly
mindful of the Lord's commandments, take such care in your governance of
the people entrusted to you and in winning over their souls, that when placed
before the tribunal of the eternal judge, you may exhibit to our same
redeemer, in whom you may rejoice, the fruit of good service, that which
pertains your reward.
Month of February, eleventh indiction
3.21 Gregor;r to Paschalis, Domitian and Castor, sons of U rbicus, defender
from Tivoli 6 I February 593
It is part of my duty to give advice to those who have lost their parents, so
that I can give some help in those miseries of theirs that are justly the
responsibility of the Church, thereby alleviating them. Therefore, after a more
precise calculation, we are certain that your father Urbicus, who was once a
defender of the Sabine patrimony and of Carsoli,61 that had been entrusted
to his care, has died in debt for quite a large sum. Although all of his property
was liable to the Church for this, yet it could not suffice to pay for what he
had consumed. Even so, with a regard for piety, we allow you to have and
possess the property of that same father of yours, and we allow it to stand to
your undoubted advantage in the future, and we have no concern that anyone
might for any reason eject you once more, from what we have allowed you
to keep as an alleviation.
Month of March, eleventh indiction
3.22 Greory to Antoninus, sub-deacon in charge of the patrimony in
Dalmatia I March 593
Rumor circulating in those parts has reported that our brother and fellow-bishop
N atalis, 63 of the church of Salona, has died. If this is true, your Experience must
hurry with all urgency and all concern to advise the clergy and people of the same
city, how they ought to choose a bishop to be consecrated for themselves with
united consent. And when a decree has been made concerning the person elected,
60. The ancient Tibur. The dates prevent one from linking his death in 593 with the widow
of an Urbicus helped by Gregory in Ep 1.37 (March 591), as proposed by the MGH editor.
61. Town near Tivoli.
62. For Antoninus, see Ep 2.19.
63. For Natalis, see Ep 1.10. His death is confirmed in Ep 3.32.

250
THE LETTERS OF GREGORY THE GREAT
you will be sure to transmit it to us, so that he may be consecrated with our
consent, as it was in previous times. In fact let this be your concern before all else,
that in this election the offer of bribes does not intervene in any way, and that the
candidatures are not strengthened by the patronage of any persons at all. For if
someone has been elected by the patronage of certain people, once he has been
consecrated, he is forced to obey their wishes under the pressure of fear, and it
comes about that the property of that church is diminished, and the ecclesiastical
order is not preserved. And so they ought to elect such a person, with you
watching over them, as is not a slave to anyone's inconsistent wish, but can be
found worthy of such a rank, distinguished in his life and morality. As for the
property and decoration of that same church, make sure that a faithful inventory
of the property is written down in your presence. And so that nothing could be
lost from this same property, advise the Deacon Respectus, and the first notary,
Stephen,64 to keep a total guard of the same property, warning them that if
anything should be removed from them through their negligence, they will make
it up from their own property.
But we want you to entreat our brother and fellow-bishop Malchus,65 not
to get too deeply involved in this case. For if we should learn that something has
been done or attempted by him against our wishes, let him know that he risks
plenty of blame and danger for himself. But take care to advise him of this too,
that he ought to be concerned about setting out and completing the accounts of
our patrimony that he kept. To deal with them also, he must hurry to come to
us from his part of Sicily, without making any excuse. 66 And so he should in
no way presume to participate in the affairs of the church of Salona, so that he
cannot do more damage to it or be more culpable. For he is said to have many
things from the property of the aforesaid church, and public opinion has asserted
that he was almost the instigator in the sale of its goods and in other illegal
activities. But if it is shown to be manifestly true that this was as described, let it
be certain 67 that this does not by any means remain unpunished.
Let the money that was necessary be paid out through the overseer, who
was found at the time of the death of the aforesaid bishop, provided he himself
explains his accounts to the future bishop, as he knows.
Since we have described everything that you must do, it is necessary that you
do it with the advice of our son, the magnificent and most eloquent Marcellus,68
so that you may carry out with care and vigor everything that the page of this
demand contains, in such a way that no blame for neglect may fall on you.
64. Both Respectus and Stephen were officials of the local church in Salona.
65. For Malchus, bishop of Dalmatia, see Epp 1.36; 2.19 (ordered to go to Rome).
66. As in Ep 2.19, he must visit Rome quickly. His 'business' activities in Sicily may
suggest that he had been expelled from his office in Dalmatia.
67. Reading hoc certum sit. Norberg's hoc certus sit makes no sense.
68. Marcellus was proconsul of Dalmatia. See also Epp 4.38; 8.24; 9.159, 237.

BOOK THREE
251
3.23 Gregory to Peter, sub-deacon of Campania I March 593
It has reached our ears that Secundinus 69 has committed horrendous and quite
detestable crimes, and yet this may suffice for his condemnation on its own, that
he himself is even said to have confessed about himself. For we have learned that
it was said by him that, while he was third from the rank of abbot, he had fallen
from the status of his habit, due to a bodily failing. And although when contami-
nated by sudIa serious crime, he ought not to have advanced to the rank of abbot
in any way, he still seized this undeservedly, though restrained later by his rash
daring and such great pollution. We therefore order your Experience with the
power of this authority to remove the above-mentioned Secundinus from the
office of abbot, and to see that Theodosius,70 whose community has itself asked
for him to be ordained, is appointed abbot in the monastery of Saint Martin, with
due solemnity, through him whom it concerns. Thus in caring for a community
subject to him, with the help of God, he may be vigilant with provident concern.
But defend the possessions and gardens of this same monastery with Church
protection, as far as is reasonably allowed.
3.24 Gregory to Bishop Leontiui 1 I March 593
We are kecring our brother and fellow-bishop Castor here, because of his body's
ill health. 7 And because he is not well enough now to retum to his church, for
that reason, in his absence, we have decided that the task of that church's
visitation should be delegated to your Fraternity. We advise your Charity to carry
out all of its services 73 so efficiently that through your presence, the church does
not feel that its own priest is absent. And whatever you think should be
consecrated for the advantage of the same church, you will have free scope in
every way, relying on our permission. But let your Solicitude carefully look after
safely all the revenues and ornaments and services of that church. And beside the
ordinations of priests, we want you to do everything else in the aforesaid church
as if incardinated as its own bishop.
3.25 Gregory to all the inhabitants of Rimini I March 593
My dearly beloved sons,74 if you are willing to pay more careful attention to
your sin, you should purge [ourselves with constant prayers before God, because
you took on your bishop7 not with devoted minds, nor as his sons. The lack
69. He was abbot of the monastery of Saint Martin in Naples, but is not mentioned
elsewhere. For the monastery, with its new abbot Andreas, see Ep 5.50. It was founded by
a rich patrician, Liberius, in Epp 9.163, 165, its first abbot the deacon Servandus.
70. For Theodosius, elected abbot with Gregory's approval, see Ep 5.33.
71. For Leontius, bishop of Urbino and visitor to Rimini, see Epp 3.24; 5.48; 6.45.
72. For the illness of Castor, bishop of Rimini, see Epp 2.11; 5.49.
73. Manuscripts rl and Melb, along with PL, read efficaciter omnes, all other MSS and
editions in omnes. Possible with exerceat se ('train himself for all'), but omnes can only be the
verb's direct object.
74. There is certainly irony in the superlative dilectissimi.
75. That is, the ailing Bishop Castor.

252
THE LETTERS OF GREGORY THE GREAT
of peace and annoyances that you inflicted on him have brought him to this
extreme, an attack of bodily illness. And yet we learnt nothing about him from
those letters that were written to us, but we simply saw that he was debilitated,
and for that reason we took care to keep him here. And because he does not have
the strength at present to return there, we have by necessity decided to allot
Leontius, our brother and fellow-bishop, as visitor to your church in all matters.
In our letter we also imposed on him that he should arrange everything pertaining
to the care and advantage of the church, as if its own bishop. And as for you,
obey him totally, so that assisted by your devotion, he ay complete the task of
visitation imposed on him in all ways beneficially.
3.26 Gregory to Magnus,76 priest of the church of Milan I March 593
Just as someone is rightly driven 77 from the sacrament of Mass when a sin
demands it, even so, in no way should such a punishment be required for the
innocent. For indeed we have discovered that Laurence, once our brother and
fellow-bishop,78 deprived you of communion with no sign of any sin. And so,
defended by the authority of this command of ours, carry out your duty without
worry, and take communion without any fear.
Furthermore, we have decided that you should necessarily be encouraged to
show yourself so pure and diligent in all your services to your church, that no
offence over neglect might point at you, and so that, with the purity of your faith,
you might wipe away any fault found in you, even if hidden, for which you had
been deprived of the communion of our Lord's body and blood. So warn your
clerics and people not to disagree at all in their election of a bishop, but with total
consensus let them elect for themselves such a bishop for consecration whose acts
are praiseworthy, and whose character may be welcome to God and to men, in
case, if it were done differently, with divided loyalties (Heaven forbid!), a loss
might result for Church income. 79
Month of April, eleventh indiction
3.27 Gregory to Martinianus, abbot of Palenno,80 and to Benenatus,81
notary and administrator of the district of Palenno I April 593
If we put off pursuing and punishing those matters about which God is
bitterly offended, we certainly provoke the patience of his divinity to anger.
76. Magnus (see Ep 3.29) was the administrator of the Church's patrimony in Liguria
in September 600 (Ep 11.6). After the Lombard invasion of 569, he had moved to Genoa.
77. The text in PL, like that in r1 and Melb, reads abigitur ('is driven from'); the other
manuscripts and Norberg read erigitur ('is aroused' or 'encouraged'), which would need no
a and makes no sense at all here.
78. For this bishop of Milan, see Ep 1.80. He died on 21 August 592.
79. The clausula rebus eveniat (cretic and anapaest) was frequently used by Cicero and
by Gregory. The fact that quod absit emphasizes diversis suggests that there might be no
consensus in the election, and an unsuitable bishop might be elected.
80. The abbot may be the Marinianus in Epp 1.54; 2.50; 9.7, unknown otherwise.
81. See Ep 2.50, where the pope divided the patrimony of Sicily into two.

BOOK THREE
253
For many evil facts about certain people living in the city of Palermo have
reached our ears, and as they deserve greater chastisement, they should neither
be believed rashly nor searched for idly. For which reason, we ordered Victor,
our brother and fellow-bishop,82 that if they were true he should have pur-
sued and punished them. Now therefore Boniface, a most distinguished gentle-
man 83 and bearer of this letter, has come to us here and complains that he
has both beeti deprived of the sacred Mass for no reason, and has suffered
other serious injustices, all due to the aforesaid bishop. Since therefore nobody
should be condemned without a trial, we have written to our same brother
and fellow-bishop that if a person is found who can say these same things
about the same man, he ought to direct that person to your inquiry. And so
we thought that you should necessarily be exhorted by the page of this com-
mand, so that, paying attention to nobody's personality, but having the fear
of God before your eyes, in all fairness you should inquire with a careful
investigation whether anything was said about him in your presence, remem-
bering the judgment to come. And if in your inquiry it becomes obvious that
he is to be charged for some criminal act, then from our authority let him not
only be deprived of the body and blood of our Lord, but also be thrust back_
in a monastery, where he should do penance, so that he can purge the stains
of his crime with a suitable lamentation before the eternal judge. However if
either nothing is said against him in your inquiry, or something happens to be
said but is established as a falsehood, and you will be unable to accept that he
fell into what is described with any proofs, you will take care in every way to
report it back to us. For we wish the aforesaid Boniface to sustain no trouble
from anybody, since, just as it is just that a worthy punishment should
proceed against those who sin, even so it is unjust that someone should be
subjected to certain afflictions unreasonably. 84
3.28 Gregory to George,85 praetorian prefect through Italy I April 593
Whenever piety is employed with compassion and consideration, it both helps
its author here and brings him a reward on the day of retribution. As this is
so, and since I greatly admire your Excellency, I suggest reasons for a reward
to you. Thus the magnificent Armenius,86 son of that once most illustrious
gentleman, Aptonius, due to his real indigence, forced me to write to you on
his behalf. Since he has been bereaved of both parents, as you know, he
expects the protection and moderation of your Eminence. So let your
82. For Bishop Victor, see Ep 1.70. The letter referred to by Gregory has not survived.
83. This may be the Boniface in Ep 3.49.
84. Compare this finale with the same antithetical theme at the start of Ep 3.26.
85. Omitted in the manuscripts. Norberg suggests Gregorius (from Epp 5.36, 9.4 and 126)
and MGH Georgius (from Epp 1.22, 35, 36). Gregorius is a far more likely scribal slip.
86. The only reference to Armenius and his father, although an Aptonius illustris vir
appears in Dialogi 2.26.

254
THE LETTERS OF GREGORY THE GREAT
Piety87 show pious consideration, as has been your custom, by providing
him with a position and public duties, as far as you see it as useful, whereby
he may be maintained with daily payments. For this is the greatest glory and
reward, if what the parents were able to offer to the Church is spent on their
orphans, in return for their services. 88
3.29 Gregory to the priests, deacons and clergy of the church of Milan 89
I April 593
We received the letter of your Beloved selves, but nobody's signature was
inserted beneath it. However, the characters of those bearing it, the priest
Magnus 90 and cleric Hippolitus, confirmed its authenticity. When we read
it again, we discovered that you all agree in supporting our son, Constan-
tius,91 deacon in your church, a man I have long known very well. When
I was representing the apostolic see in the royal city, 92 he kept close to me
for a considerable time, and I never found anything in him that could have
been widely found fault with. However, the intention of my long-standing
deliberation, in taking up the burdens of pastoral care is that I should never
get involved on behalf of any individual. And so I honor all of you who are
chosen 93 with my prayer that almighty God, who is always prescient of our
future acts, may provide you with such a bishop in whose eloquence and
morality you can find a pasture for divine exhortation. In his mind let humil-
ity shine forth with rectitude, and severity with piety, a man who may show
you a path of life not only by his eloquence but also by his way of life, so
that by his example your Beloved selves may learn to long for the pleasures
of the eternal city. And so, most beloved sons, be reminded of the severity of
our office. In this case of electing a bishop, we persuade each of you not to
look for his own profit, neglecting the common good, in case if someone seeks
his personal advantage, he may be deceived by a frivolous judgment, because
his mind, bound by greed, does not examine the person he should prefer with
a free judgment. So considering what is expedient for all, show the purest
87. This common title appears only in Melb, whereas the christianitas elsewhere is rarely
used as a title. The word-play on pietas ... piae is the opening of the letter is typical of
Gregory's style; see the Introduction, pp. 113-114.
88. Rewarding the orphans for their parent's generosity to the Church seems an excel-
lent idea on Gregory's part, encouraging generosity from parents anq protectors alike.
89. At present staying in Genoa, forced out of Milan by the Lombards. Their bishop,
Laurentius, had died in Genoa on 21 August 592. See also Ep 3.30.
90. For Magnus, see Epp 3.26, 29; 11.6. For Hippolitus, see Epp 4.2, 4 (a notary there).
91. Constantius was duly consecrated, but soon ran into problems with local supporters
of the Three Chapters, accused (wrongly) of having signed a pledge to uphold the fifth
general synod. The Queen of the Lombards, Theodelinda, refused to take communion from
this bishop, despite a conciliatory letter from Gregory, who finally lost patience with him
in 594, but mourned his death in 600.
92. Gregory gave annual reports there as Pelagius' emissary to Constantinople.
93. electio usually means 'choice,' but in eccles Latin 'believers elected to divine favor.'

BOOK THREE
255
obedience always and in all things to him whom divine grace has placed in
charge of you. For a bishop once elected ought not to be judged by you any
further. But he should be judged 94 with as much subtlety now as afterwards
he should not be judged at all. Commit yourselves with all your mind to the
consecrated bishop, with God's authority, and thereby serve the almighty
Lord, who h placed this man over you.
But sinc(candidates for bishop are usually provided by divine judgment, in
accordance with what the common people deserve, see that you seek after the
spiritual, love the heavenly, despise the temporal and transient, and believe it most
certain that you will have a bishop pleasing to God if you please God in your
acts. Look, we now see everything in this world destroyed, as we heard in the
Holy Scripture that it would perish. Cities have been sacked, fortresses razed to
the ground, churches destroyed and no farmer inhabits our land. A human sword
is raging incessantly against the very few of us who have been left behind for the
time being, with disastrous blows from above. 95 Thus we look at the evils of the
world that we have long heard were to come; the very destruction of the world
has come to look like the pages of our scriptures. And so at the death of all
things, we ought to think that what we loved was as nothing. And so observe th
approaching day of the eternal judge with a worried mind, and anticipate its terror
with your penitence. With your tears wash away the stains of all your sins. With
a temporary lamentation,96 restrain the anger that threatens you eternally. For
when our Holy Creator comes to judge us, he will console us with all the more
mercy, to the extent that he now sees us punishing ourselves for our faults.
But we have sent over John, our sub-deacon,97 as bearer of this letter,
so that, with God's favor, he can through his presence have your candidte
consecrated by bishops, following the manner of his predecessor, with the
solace of almighty God. For just as we exact our own rights from others, even
so we preserve their rights for individuals.
3.30 Gregory to John, sub-deacon I April 593
As certain as it is that the apostolic see has, with God's authority, been placed
above all other churches, equally so it greatly concerns us, amongst all sorts
of cares, when our decision is expected for the consecration of a bishop. With
the death, therefore, of Laurence, bishop of the church of Milan, the clergy
94. This is the reading of rl, Melb and PL; r2 has indicandus. The other manuscripts
and editions read indagandus ('hunted out/investigate'). The wordplay on iudicare no iudicandus
... non iudicandus is again typical of Gregory, and 'hunted out' is too late for the context.
95. The pope often paints a grim picture of apocalyptic destruction: see Epp 3.61, 5.37
and Eschatology in the Introduction, pp. 17-18. Elsewhere he regularly refers more specific-
ally to the Lombards' swords as a threat to Italy; see also Moralia in lob 25.40f and Homiliae
in Hiezechihelem 2.6.22, 24.
96. A lamentation in the temporal sphere, as distinct from what lasts for all eternity.
97. Having overseen the consecration of Constantius, this John was in charge of the
administration of the papal patrimony in Liguria.

256
THE LETTERS OF GREGORY THE GREAT
gave notice in their report to us that they had agreed unanimously in the
election of our son Constantius, their deacon. But since the same report was
not signed, to prevent us from overlooking anything that concerns security,
it is therefore necessary for you to set out for Genoa, supported by the author-
ity of this command. And because many of the inhabitants of Milan have set-
tled there, forced by barbaric savagery, you should call them together and
carefully consider their wishes. And if no discord keeps them from agreement
over the election, once you find that the wishes and consensus of all stay firm
concerning our son, the above-mentioned Constantius; then you can have him
consecrated by the local bishops, as the ancient custom demands, with the
assent of our authority and the Lord's solace. Thus with the preservation of
this sort of custom, the apostolic see may both retain its proper strength and
not diminish its own rights by allowing others to share them.
3.31 Gregory to Romanus, patrician and exarch of Ital y 98 I April 593
We believe that your Excellency has already learnt of the death of Laurence,
bishop of the church of Milan. And since, as far as we have learnt from the
clergy's report, the election by all concerned agrees on our son Const ant ius,
deacon of the same church, to maintain the custom, we have had to send a soldier
of our Church. Once.he has found that the wishes and consensus of all of them
are in total agreement over this man, he is to have him consecrated by their own
bishops, as is required by the ancient custom, but with our assent also.
Therefore we pay with paternal affection the debt of a greeting which we
owe, and we request that, whether the aforesaid Constantius 99 shall have
been consecrated as bishop or not, your Excellency may agree to provide him
with your support where it is necessary, with the favor of justice. Thus this
service may both exalt you here among your enemies, and for your future life
may commend you before God, in anticipation. For he is very special to me
and we have long shared a great friendship.l00 And those whom you recog-
nize as our friends, you ought to consider as yours particularly.
3.32 Gregory to Honoratus, archdeacon of the church of Salona 101
I April 593
Some time ago indeed the order of our predecessor, and ours, had reached
your Beloved together, in which you had been absolved of the charges falsely
brought against you, and in which we determined that you should be restored
in your proper rank without any altercation. But you came to the city of
Rome again before much time had passed, and complained about certain un-
suitable deeds done there, and about the alienation of holy vessels. While we
98. For the exarch Romanus, see Ep 1.32.
99. For the bishop-elect, see Epp 1.80; 3.29.
100. As Rome's legate in Constantinople. See Ep 3.29.
101. See Ep 1.10 for Honoratus. His quarrel with Archbishop Natalis began under Pope
Pelagius II (see Ep 2.17). The charges appeared in Ep 1.10. See also Epp 2.17-19.

BOOK THREE
257
supported persons in this city who could have replied to your objections over
this matter, your Bishop Natalis departed from this life. 102 We therefore
consider it necessary to confirm once again with these present words those
same orders, coming as much from our predecessor as from us, which we sent
there some time ago for your absolution, as has been stated. Wherefore
absolving you more fully from all the charges brought against you, we want
you to re in the rank of your order without any altercation, so that an
inquiry moved against you by the aforesaid man may not prejudice you at all.
But as for these charges about which you have complained, we have
urgently ordered Antoninus, sub-deacon and administrator there of the
patrimony of the Holy Church,103 over which we preside with God's autho-
rity, to determine the cases themselves with the greatest strictness and autho-
rity, if he in fact finds ecclesiastical persons involved in them. But if however
the matter involves such people that the vigor of ecclesiastical jurisdiction
cannot be extended against them, let him send to us without any delay the
evidence concerning each single charge, deposited among the public. records,
so that carefully instructed, we may know what we ought to determine
concerning these matters, with the help of Christ.
3.33 Gregory to Dynamius, patrician of Gaul 104 I April 593
A person shows how well he regulates his own affairs by the way he faithfully
administers those of others. As your Glory has shown to us, who being intent
on an everlasting gift, brought the fruit of your own returns to Saint Peter, the
prince of the apostles. And while you faithfully devote your gifts to him, you
have made these gifts your own before him. For indeed it is proper for the
glorious people of this world, who think about eternal glory, to act in this
way, so that, because they prevail temporally, they may acquire a reward for
themselves which is not temporal.
Accordingly, offering due words of greeting, we pray our almighty Lord
to both fill your life with good things at present, and to extend them to the
sublime joys of eternity. For we have received through our son Hilaryl05
from the aforesaid returns of our Church four hundred Gallic gold coins. 106
But we have sent over a sacred object 107 of Saint Peter the apostle, a very
small cross, into which relics have been inserted from Peter's chains, which
102. He died some time after October 592.
103. For Antoninus, administrator of the patrimony of Dalmatia, see Ep 2.19. It seems
that the pope's letter to Antoninus has been lost. A letter to him survives (Ep 2.19) but its
contents do not match those of Ep 3.32. .
104. This lord from Gaul appears again in Ep 7.53. He was converted with his wife Aurelia,
and controlled the Church patrimony in the Marseilles district until September 595 (see Ep 6.6).
105. Possibly the Hilary given letters of reference to leading Franks in Epp 9.212, 226.
106. The Gallic gold coin was of less value than the Roman one, the solidus. In Ep 6.10,
the pope complains that the two currencies were not interchangeable.
107. Gregory uses benedictionem, used for a 'benediction,' 'gift' or 'relic,' as in this case,
filings from Peter's iron chains and from Laurence's gridiron.

258
THE LETTERS OF GREGOR Y THE GREA T
had in fact bound him in his day, but should forever free your neck from sin.
Indeed, in the four parts around the cross, relics are contained from the grid-
iron of Saint Laurence, on which he was roasted, so that this relic of where
that man's body was burnt for the sake of Truth, may set your mind on fire
with the love of our Lord.
3.34 Gregory to Peter, sub-deacon of Campania 108 I April 593
Our brother. and fellow-bishop Festus,109 complains that he is looked down
on and despised by his clergy and citizens. For that reason we instruct your
Experience to meet them with a peaceful exhortation, so that if by chance
there are any reasons for hatreds, you may settle them, reconciling them with
affection that is mutual and pleasing to God, so that the bishop contributes
what is proper for his sons, and they show what is due to a father. But if
there are any other causes, we instruct you to give your support to the bishop,
provided justice and fairness are observed.
Month of May, eleventh indiction
3.35 Gregory to Peter, sub-deacon of Campania I May 593
Paul, our brother and fellow-bishop,110 has quite often sought from us that
we should make hi return to his own church. 111 As we have seen this as
reasonable, we have thought it necessary to fulfill his petition. Wherefore let
your Experience meet with the clergy of the church of Naples, and see that it
does not fail to elect two or three of its number and send them over here for
the election of a bishop.112 But let them also recommend them to us with their
own report, since these whom they will send over are fulfllling the duty of all of
them in this election. Thus their own bishop can, with God's authority, be
consecrated for that church. For we do not allow it to be without its own bishop
any longer. H perhaps they try to put off your recommendation in any way, then
exercise ecclesiastical vigor against them. For whoever will not concur in this
desire will provide evidence of his own perverseness.
But see that a hundred gold coins and one orphaned young boy of his
choice are given to our aforesaid brother and fellow-bishop, Paul, in return for
his hard work over the same church.
108. For Sub-deacon Peter, see Epp 1.1; 3.t.
109. Festus was bishop of Capua (see Epp 5.13, 14, 27). By early 594 he was residing with
some of his clergy in Naples (Ep 5.27), as his own church was under Lombard control. His clergy
were upset at not receiving the fourth part of church revenue. Festus died in Rome in November
594, and the bishop of Nola, Gaudentius, was named visitor of the Naples church (Ep 5.13).
110. For Paul, bishop of Nepi and appointed visitor for the church of Naples, after the
removal of Bishop Demetrius, see Epp 2.8, 14.
111. His request to return to his own church had become urgent, after the hostility
shown to him in Naples (see Epp 3.1, 2).
112. As in Ep 3.15, Gregory summons to Rome tres viros rectos ac sapientes for him to
choose one, for the local leaders and clergy to elect as their bishop.

BOOK THREE
259
Advise those, however, who will come here 113 on behalf of all, for the
election of a bishop, to bring with them all the vestments of the bishop men-
tioned above, and whatever silver they shall anticipate as necessary, so that the
bishop who has been consecrated can have it for his own use. However, be
quick to implement all of these things vigorousi y and strictly, and send over
here with all speed those elected from your clergy, as we have said. Thus, as
various nobleriien from the city of Naples are present here, we can both dis-
cuss together with them and deliberate about the bishop's ordination, with the
assistance of the Lord.
3.36 Gregory to Sabin us, defender of Sardinia l14 I May 593
Some serious matters have come to our ears, and since they await a canonical
emendation, we therefore instruct your Experience, together with our notary
John,115 to put aside any excuse and not fail to present before us here, with
the greatest urgency, our brother and fellow-bishop Januarius. Thus, when he
has been brought before our presence, those things that have been brought to
us can be inquired into with a careful examination. However, if the religious
women Pompeiana and Theodosia 116 should want to come here together
with their claim, provide them with your support in every way, so that they-
can satisfy their desires through your cooperation. But let it be our special
aim to bring with you above all the most eloquent Isidore,ll as he has
demanded, so that the nature of the case that he is known to have against the
church of Cagliari can achieve a legal conclusion, from a judgment within the
Church. 118
Furthermore, since some wrongdoinr have been reported to us concern-
ing the person of the priest Epiphanius, 19 it is necessary that you examine
all of these quite diligently. Hurry also to bring here either the women with
whom he is said to have erred, or others whom you feel know something
about this same case, so that the truth can be clearly revealed for an ecclesiasti-
cal sentence. But you will take care to carry out all of this so efficiently for
113. Reading the hue ('to here') in rl, rather than hie in other manuscripts and editions.
114. Sabinus was one of the defenders of the Church patrimony in Sardinia. In Ep 9.36,
written five years later, Gregory shows concern for Sabinus' widow, Theodora.
115. His 'notary' John had been sent to Cagliari in August 592, to investigate the
complaints against Archbishop Januarius (Ep 2.41). See the Introduction, p. 101.
116. Pompeiana had built a convent in her own house. See Epp 1.46, 61; 11.13. Theo-
dosia, like Pompeiana a religiosa femina Caralitana ('of Cagliari'), intended to build a similar
convent as requested in the will of her dead husband, Stephen (vir magnificus Caralitanus),
but she ran into difficulties (Ep 4.8), and at the pope's request (Ep 4.10) finished with a
monastery for monks (Ep 5.2).
117. For the very eloquent Isidore, who lived in Sardinia, see Ep 2.41.
118. In this way the scandal of litigation in public courts would be avoided (see Ep 3.3).
119. This priest was found innocent and returned to his post (Ep 4.24). He later became
archpriest there (see Epp 9.198; 14.2).

260
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both parties that no guilt over neglect applies to you, knowing as we do that
it spells danger for you in every way, if this command of ours should be
delayed in any way.
3.37 Gregory to Libertinus, praetor of Sicily120 I May 593
From the very beginning of your administration, God has wanted you to
proceed in the defense of his cause, and has graciously reserved this reward for
you with his praise. For indeed it is said that Nasas, one of the most wicked
of the Jews, has built an altar in the name of Saint Helias, with a temerity that
must be punished, and has tricked many Christians there into prayer by means
of a sacrilegious seduction. But he is said to have both purchased Christian
slaves,121 and allotted them to his own service and advantage. While he
ought therefore to have been punished most severely for such great crimes, the
glorious Justin,122 besmeared with the balm of avarice, as we have been
informed, put off punishing this injury to God.
But let your Glory inquire into all of this with a strict examination, and
if you find that there is proof of this sort of crime, you must quickly inflict
on this same wicked Jew so strict a corporal punishment, that you may obtain
the grace of our God for yourself from this case. Thus, by these examples you
may show yourself to be worthy of imitation by future generations, for the
reward you receive. But give their freedom to any of those Christian slaves
clearly bought by him, as the law requires,123 without any ambiguity, so
that the Christian religion is not polluted (Heaven forbid!) in subjection to
Jews. Therefore correct everything so very carefully and hastily that we may
not only give thanks to you for this discipline, but may also provide a proof
of your goodness wherever it should be necessary.
3.38 Gregory to all the bishops of Corinth 124 I May 593
It is our desire that the discordant retum to concord, and that those whose
differences of opinion divide them from loving one another, are united in grace.
Therefore, reading the letter of your Fraternity once again, we have learnt that
those who had said something against our brother and fellow-bishop Ha-
drian,125 have recently become friendly with the same bishop, and for now
120. Libertinus took over from Justinus (Epp 1.2, 70; 2.29, 50; App 1) as the praetor of
Sicily. Here he is given strong support by the pope for punitive acton against Nasas, for
inducing Christians into idolatry.
121. For the prohibition against Jews owning Christian slaves, a decision of Constantine
(in Eusebius, Vita Constantini 4.27), see Epp 2.45; 4.21; 8.21; 9.214.
122. For the dilatory Justin see Epp 1.2, 70; 2.29, 50; App 1.44.
123. See Ep 2.25 for this Latin formula of prohibition.
124. The letter appears to be directed primarily to the archbishop of Corinth, Anastasius
(see Ep 1.26). He was dead by July 595.
125. Hadrian, bishop of Thebes, had been unjustly condemned by John, bishop of
Larissa, but bad been restored by Gregory (see Epp 3.6, 7).

BOOK THREE
261
their unity has brought us great pleasure. But since we do not allow those com-
ments to remain not discussed, we have directed a deacon of our see to investigate
them. 126 For the nature of the wrongdoing reported to us strongly compels us
not to cover up at all what we have heard. Especially when you indicated that the
accusers and the accused have come to terms, we have to examine this more
carefully, in case their agreement has perhaps been bought. And if it is established
(Heaven forl?id!) that it resulted not from love but from a payment, this must be
punished with a greater correction. For we hasten to remove preceding evils, as
God reveals them, if they are in fact true, through use of the canon laws, and we
for no reason dismiss a fault recently committed, without punishment.
Month of June, eleventh indiction
3.39 Gregory to Peter, sub-deacon of Campania I June 593
We wrote to you a few days ago that you ought to have questioned Numerius,
deacon of the church of Nocera, with great care, and if there was nothing that
could have prevented him from obtaining the rank of bishop, you were to
send him here to be consecrated, with God's authority. And for that reason,
if you have carried out the investigation which we spoke about and are about
to send the above-mentioned deacon to us, you will take care to advise the
clergy and people of that same city that they should not put off coming with
him, as many as are able. In this way he may be consecrated with them
present also, if it should please God and if Numerius ought to be consecrated.
Furthermore, since the defender Felix is said to own a female slave called
Catella, who is seeking the robe of a religious life with many tears and most
ardent desire, although her aforesaid master does not allow her to be
converted, we therefore want your Experience to go and see the aforesaid Felix
and to carefully examine the mind of the same slave-girl. And if you find that
this is so, please provide her master with a payment for the same girl, and send
her over here with some responsible people, to be placed in a convent, with
God's help. But do this in such a way that the soul of the aforesaid slave-girl
does not sustain any loss in her desire though your sluggish action. 127
3.40 Gregory to Pantaleo, notary128 I June 593 .
Evangelus, deacon of the church of Siponto, has complained to us that his
daughter (terrible to relate!) has been seduced by Felix. 129 Concerning this
126. The identity of this deacon is unknown.
127. That is, Catella is seeking to take the veil and become a nun. Here Gregory reveals
himself as a protector of anyone wanting to live the monastic life, even a slave-girl.
128. This Pantaleo, a notary of the Roman Church, had family ties and interests in
Apulia, but was kept very busy with Church affairs (see Ep 9.113), sent by the pope to the
churches of Apulia (Ep 3.41), Syracuse (Ep 8.26) and Palermo (Ep 9.19), to sort out inventor-
ies of church property. In 603 he was back in Syracuse sorting out administrative irregulari-
ties (Ep 13.35). See also John the Deacon, Vita Gregorii 2.53.
129. Siponto was the see of the ruler of the patrimony of Apulia and Calabria (Ep
9.170), and of the tribune John (Ep 9.175). Felix was the grandson of the Felix (see Ep 3.42)
who was bishop of Siponto, who was not the seducer, although his kinsman. Evangelus was

262
THE LETTERS OF GREGORY THE GREAT
matter, it is necessary for you, supported by the authority of this order, to set
out for the city of Siponto, and you will take pains to learn the truth with all
care, with the support of the learned men there. And if you find that it is so,
he must either accept the woman he has seduced as his wife, providing nuptial
provisions, or you will be quick to give him corporal punishment in the
monastery, and deprive him of communion, placing him in a monastery where
he may carry out his penance, so that he has no license to leave that place in
any way, unless perhaps our order should allow it.
Furthermore, the above-mentioned deacon reminds us that he has bought
his freedom from the enemy and is for that reason in debt. Therefore if you
find his substance not to be such as may suffice for payment of that same debt,
we order you to threaten our brother and fellow-bishop Felix, not to delay in
giving him the price for this from church funds. Thus, the above-mentioned
Evangelus can without any delay be freed from the necessity of the debt to
which he has been subjected.
3.41 Gregory to Felix, bishop of Siponto I June 593
Concern over our interests disturbs us greatly. Accordingly with God's
assistance, we must provide the defense of ecclesiastical affairs, in such a way
that no loss might result from neect in these matters. Therefore your
Fraternity, together with Boniface 13 and with Pantaleo also, the bearer of
this letter, both notaries of our see, must take care to describe in detail the
Church properties which are known to exist at the church of Siponto, each
of them individually.131 Thus when a truthful inspection of the properties
has been ade, you three should compile an inventory132 containing the
vessels of the churches, as well as their silver usual,133 and whatever else 134
there is. Nor should your Fraternity try to present any delay or excuse over this.
Rather, stop making any excuses and be quick to implement these commands of
ours in every way. Then send over to us the same inventory signed by your hand,
through the Pantaleo mentioned above, so that with the support of divine grace
we can settle beneficially what should be done about this.
in debt from payments to keep out the Lombards, threatening Beneventum and Lucania, a
repeated theme (see Ep 4.175).
130. Boniface, the notary of the Church of Rome, was still working in Siponto in 599
(Ep 9.113). He reappears in Ep 9.175, maybe the Boniface in Ep 13.25 (so Hartmann).
131. The affairs of the church of Siponto had experienced considerable unrest, due to
the depredations of the Lombards.
132. The adjective brevis was used in classical and medieval Latin with liber/libel/us
understood, as here ('a brief account' or 'inventory').
133. The 'usual' is a book containing prayers and readings.
134. The manuscripts read aliud ('whatever else there is'), which makes perfect sense,
but is emended to illud by Norberg ('whatever that is'); if the phrase is taken as 'whatever
silver' the vel is otiose.

BOOK THREE
263
3.42 Gregory to Felix, bishop of Siponto I June 593
We expected your Fraternity to convert some people to God by your preach-
ing, and to recall evil-doers to righteousness. We are very greatly saddened
over this matter, because in the depravity of your grandson Felix, by contrast,
your fault has been clearly shown, as it was you who brought up such a per-
son. We have heard that the above-mentioned Felix deceived and seduced the
daughter oiy6ur deacon, Evanfeluso If this is true, although he should be pun-
ished with a heavy penalty, 13 according to law, yet we alleviate the harsh-
ness of the law to some extent, seeing that it should be settled in the following
way. That is, he should either marry the girl he defiled or else, if he thinks he
must refuse, he should certainly receive quite severe corporal punishment, and
should be exconununicated, and shut away in a monastery, where he can pay
penance. He should not be allowed to leave the monastery without our express
order. Therefore your Fraternity should be keen to carry this out so that nothing
at all might be overlooked concerning these matters. For if anything should be
delayed, which we do not believe, a serious danger will threaten your grandson
afterwards, and no trifling fault will begin to be attached to you.
3.43 Gregory to Boniface, bishop of Reggi o 136 I June 593
Just as a church ought not to lose its own property, so it should not usurp the
property of others with an ardent love of robbery. Indeed Stephania, 137
who bears this letter, complains that some of her property was seized by force
in the time of your predecessor and one-time bishop, Lucius, by his agents.
And because she has requested that this should be restored to her, with justice
on her side, for that reason your Fraternity should, with the fear of God, take
care accordingly to learn accurately what she asserts. And if you find that it
is as the aforesaid woman says, arrange for whatever has been wrongly taken
from her to be restored, without any loss or delay. For it is very wrong to
keep the property of others contrary to Church policy. Therefore be quick to
satisfy the aforesaid woman' s complaint beneficial I y, so that hereaftr we suffer
no trouble again, nor does this case show you to be avaricious or indolent.
3.44 Gregory to Andrew, bishop of Tarentum 138 I June 593
Whoever, conscious of his own guilt, strives to placate the eternal judge with
a worthy penitence, shall face that judge's tribunal without concern.
We have found out with manifest truth that you have certainly had a
concubine, concerning whom divided suspicions have arisen among some people.
135. The death penalty, it seems, from Codex Justinianus 1.9, tit. 12, 13 and Justinian,
Novellae 143. This is an example of Gregory tempering the sternness of Roman justice with
the clemency to be expected from a Christian prelate.
136. For Bishop Boniface, see Ep 3.4.
137. Neither this Stephania, nor the previous bishop, Lucius, appear elsewhere.
138. Andrew, bishop of Tarentum in Apulia, only appears in Epp 3.44, 45.

264
THE LETTERS OF GREGORY THE GREAT
But since in ambiguous matters a judgment should not be absolute, we have
decided that this should be left for your conscience. And so if you recall being
stained by intercourse with her, while appointed to a holy order, you should lay
aside your priestly rank and in no way presume to engage in church administra-
tion, knowing that you are ministering with danger to your soul, and that you are
giving a clear account to our God if, while conscious of this sin, you want to
remain in the order which you now have by concealing the truth.
Wherefore we encourage you again, if you find that you have been de-
ceived by the cunning of the ancient enemy, be quick to conquer him while
you can with suitable penitence, in case on the day of Judgment you are
condemned as his partner, which we do not want. But if in your view you are
not guilty of this charge, you must remain in the order in which you now are.
Furthermore, you have condemned a woman from the list of the poor 139
to be cruelly beaten with cudgels, which is quite contrary to the order of the
priesthood, although we do not think that her death eight months later was
a direct result of that beating, yet because you have been unwilling to show
respect for your order, we have decided accordingly that you abstain from
celebrating Mass for two months. .
During this time of suspension from your office, it is appropriate for you
to lament what you have done. For it is well worthwhile that, although the
examples of laudable priests fail to encourage you to the peaceful righteousness
of that life, at least the medicine of reproof may compel you to adopt it. 140
3.45 Gregory to John, bishop of GaUipoli 141 I June 593
From the report that your Fraternity sent to us, it has been found that
Andrew, our brother and fellow-bishop, has without any doubt had a concubine.
But because it is uncertain whether he touched her while appointed to holy orders,
you must warn him with a concerned exhortation. If he knows that he had inter-
course with her while appointed to holy orders, he should retire from the office
he holds and in no way presume to minister it. And if perchance, knowing he is
guilty of this affair, he conceals his sin and presumes to minister, he should know
that danger threatens his soul from the divine judgment.
But as for the woman from the poor-list whom he had chastised with cud-
gels, although we do not believe that her death eight months later was a result
of that beating, yet because he had her punished in this way contrary to the
rule of his vocation, suspend him from the celebration _ of Mass for twO
139. The word matricula was used for a small index or list of clerics, or of the poor
who depended on Church stipends.
140. In r2 the letter ends with Rotbertus (in uncials), who according to MGH 1: 201 is the
scribe who copied this part of the codex (or who checked the text's accuracy against an earlier
version). For the letter's rhetorical structure, see the Introduction, p. 110. The letter was composed
by Gregory with great care.
141. Bishop of Gallipoli (situated on the Gulf of Tarentum). He was dead by November
595 (see Ep 6.21).

BOOK THREE
265
months. Thus, at least this disgrace may teach him how he might behave for
the future.
Furthermore, in a petition presented to us (appended to this letter), the
clergy of the aforesaid bishop allege that they have endured many evils at his
hand. For this reason, your Fraternity should take care to find out about
everything accurately, and so remedy and settle things in a reasonable manner
that they ot forced to return here over this matter in future.
Month of July, eleventh indiction
3.46 Gregory to the clergy of the church of Salona I July 593
In reading again the letter of your Beloved selves, we have learnt that you have
elected your archdeacon, Honoratus. Know that this was welcome to us in
every way, as you have elected to the rank of bishop a man long since known,
with a strict morality. We also approve of his person, which has for some time
been well known to us, and we wish to consecrate him as your bishop in
accordance with your desire. In this matter, we advise that you should persist
in his election without any ambiguity, nor should any matter turn you away
from his person. For just as that laudable election is now approved of, even so,
if anyone (Heaven forbid!) should persuade your Beloved to give up your support
for him, you will impose trouble on your soul and a stigma of faithlessness on
your reputation. But we have given a warning through Antoninus, our sulxleacon,
that those who, without consideration, disagree with the general acceptance of
your choice, should be able to agree with you.
We have already given him orders some time ago as to what should be
done about the person of Malchus,142 our brother and fellow-bishop. But
since we have also written to the man himself, we believe that he kept quiet
without any delay through your disquietude. 143 If he should in any way fail
to obey, his arrogance will be punished in every way with the strictness of
canonical retribution.
3.47 Gregory to Bishop Columbus 144 I July 593
Before I received your Fraternity's letter, I realized that you were a good
servant of God, from the report of truthful opinion, and after I had received
it, I understood more fully the truth of what fame had long spread abroad, and
I rejoice greatly over your merits, as you reveal your morals and actions as
witnesses of a praiseworthy life. Since therefore I sense that these qualities
have been conferred on you by heavenly majesty, I congratulate you and
142. For Malchus, the troublesome bishop of Dalmatia, see Epp 1.6; 2.19, 38; 3.22 (ruler
of the Church's patrimony of Dalmatia), 3.46 and 5.6 (recording his death in September 594).
Gregory's letter to him has not survived.
143. Gregory's use of inquietudine ('disquietude' or 'alertness') and quiescere ('to keep
quiet') points to his love of word-play. The negative abstract noun was rarely used.
144. Bishop of Numidia in Africa. In Ep 2.39 he had discussed a Council of Numidia,
to oppose simony and the Donatists. See also Epp 4.35; 6.36; 7.2; 8.14, 15; 11.3, 8.

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praise God our Creator especially, who does not deny the gifts of his mercy
to his humble servants. For this reason I truly confess that your Fraternity has
sq inspired me to love you with the flame of charity, and that my spirit has
been so united with yours, that I both long to see you, and yet in your
absence I shall always think of you in my heart. For the union of minds in
love can certainly show more honor than bodily presence. Furthermore with
all my mind, with all my heart and with all my soul, I know that you adhere
even now to the apostolic see, and are devoted to it, and before your letter
gave witness of this devotion, I knew it full well.
Indeed, after starting with an address of welcome due to the affection I
owe you, I encourage you not to forget what you promised to Saint Peter, the
prince of the apostles. Therefore be concerned about the primate of your
synod,145 that boys should on no account be admitted to holy orders, in
case they slip all the more dangerously, the more quickly they rush to rise
higher. 146 Let there be no venality in ordination, and let the power or sup-
plication of persons obtain nothing against what we prohibit. For without
doubt God is offended, if someone is promoted to holy orders not through
merit but through favor (Heaven forbid!), or through venality. Yet if you
realize that this is being done, please do not keep quiet, but object to it
instantly. Since if you should either perhaps fail to investigate this, or conceal
what you have found out, not only will a chain of sin bind those who do this,
but also no light blame for this matter will revert to you before God. There-
fore, if some sin of this sort is committed, it ought to be checked by a canoni-
cal punishment, to prevent such a great crime from gaining strength with the
sins of others by a pretence of innocence. 147
I have therefore both received with love Victorinus,148 deacon of your
Fraternity and bearer of this letter, whom I am sure imitates you, and I have
released him to return to you all the more quickly. I have also sent over
through him, for your blessing, the keys of Saint Peter, containing a fragment
of his chains. 149
Furthermore, concerning the unity and peacefulness of the council that
you are arranging to bring together, with God's authority, let your love bring
joy to our mind by informing us all about it in great detail.
3.48 Gregory to Adeodatus, primate bishop of the province of Numidia
I July 593 _
The succession of letters from you has clearly shown how the dearness of
affection has bound your Fraternity to us, and they have provided us with a
145. Adeodatus, the addressee of the following letter, Ep 3.38.
146. Gregory used the same words to describe his own fears on becoming pope (Ep 1.5).
147. Close to viresque acquirit eundo in Virgil, Aeneid 4.175 (as evil gossip spreads).
148. The deacon carried to Rome a letter from his bishop and one from the primate of
Numidia, Adeodatus, and brought back the two replies of Gregory (Epp 3.47, 48).
149. For the 'keys of Saint Peter' and chain filings, see Ep 3.33 and the Introduction.

BOOK THREE
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great source 150 of happiness, in that we have learnt that they were both
composed with pleasing purity and also glow with affection pleasing to God.
And so, as we have briefly said, the letter that you have sent us has so revealed
your thoughts, that its author's absence could hardly be believed. For people
should not be judged as absent from one another, whose thoughts do not
differ from mutual affection. And although neither your strength nor age
would allyou to come to us, as you write, so that we could be gratified by
the bodily presence of your Fraternity, yet because our mind is united with
yours and yours with ours, we are totally present to each other in turn, while
we look at each other with a mind made one through love.
Furthermore, as we greet your Fraternity with a harmonious feeling of
affection, we exhort you to endeavor with total application to carry out your
office of primate, which you have with God's authority, with great wisdom.
Thus it may both profit your soul to have reached this rank, and a good
example for imitation may be available for others in the future. And so be
especially careful in ordination, and in no way allow men to aspire to holy
orders unless more advanced in age and pure in deed. Otherwise, perhaps they
may cease to be forever what they immaturely hasten to become. First exam-
ine the life and morals of those who are to be placed in holy orders and, so
that you can admit those who are worthy of this office, do not let the influ-
ence or prayers of any persons deprive you of them. In truth before all else
you ought to take care that no venality occurs in ordination, in case (Heaven
forbid!) a greater danger threatens both those consecrated and those consecrat-
ing. Therefore, if action is ever necessary over this, invite serious and exper-
ienced men to participate in your counsels, and judge this matter with a com-
mon deliberation. And before all others, it is Columbus, our brother and fel-
low-bishop, whom you should consult over any matter at all. For we believe
that if you do what should be done with his advice, nobody will find anything
with which to contradict you in any way. And know that this is as welcome to
us as if it were being done with our advice. For we have approved of the life and
morals of Columbus in every way, so much so that all men clearly agree that
whatever is done with his consent, is not blackened by the stain of any fault.
However, Victorinus, the bearer of this letter and deacon of our bishop
mentioned above, sings the praises of your merits so highly that he greatly
refreshes our minds with regard to your action. And we pray the almighty
Lord that he makes the good deeds done by you, which he has recorded as
pleasing to himself, shine forth more fully in your activity.
Therefore, once the council, which you are arranging to assemble, has
been completed, with the comfort of God, delight us over its unity and
concord, and give us information about everything. 151
150. Literally, 'kindling-wood,' a 'source' of fire.
151. This letter completes Gregory's advice on the Council of Numidia (with Ep 3.47),
and shows how tactful the pope could be, and how anxious to hear the council's outcome.

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3.49 Gregory to Theodore,152 bishop of Lilybaeum I July 593
The concern of your Fraternity is extremely welcome to us. For those things
that you find out about the lives of your priests, you both take care to
examine closely and, when investigated, you report back on them. Be zealous
and vigilant, therefore, so that you can persist in this concern that we praise
in you, without any diminution. And if you find out that any excesses are
being perpetrated there by anyone (Heaven forbid!), if indeed they are of the
sort that could be corrected there, let them be corrected reasonably. Other-
wise, hasten to report back in a letter to our brother, Bishop Maximian, 153
so that when informed by you, he may know what should be done. For the
more we applaud your vigilance now, the more culpable you are found to be
if you have concealed acts of this sort with any kind of dissimulation.
Besides this, we want Paul, who was once a bishop, to remain in the
monastery in which he is now doing penance. 154 But as for the items that
were found in his possession, you will take care. in every way to preserve them
in the treasury155 of your church. Concerning these items also, we want you
to provide a promissory note 156 based on the page of the items' inventory, and
to transmit it to our church's desk. But if some of his priests are present there, it
is right for you to provide another promissory note equally for them. In it your
Fraternity should admit that you have sent a promissory note concerning the same
items to our desk. Thus they could all be restored without any loss to a suitable
person, should it be necessary.
But a serious accusation has come to our ears about a certain Boniface. We
want your Fraternity, together with the praetor's deputy,157 to examine his
crimes, to see if they are true.
3.50 Gregory to Maximian, bishop of Syracuse 158 I July 593
My brethren, who live with me on friendly terms, compel me in every way to
write something briefly about the miracles of the Fathers, which we have heard
152. Theodore was bishop of Lilybaeum, in western Sicily. He died in 595, and was
succeeded as bishop by Decius (see Epp 6.13; 9.4, 199). His will left matters about Church
property within his diocese unresolved (see Ep 5.23).
153. Maximian of Syracuse had been the pope's agent in Sicily since 591 (Ep 2.5).
154. The see of this ex-bishop is unknown, but the theft of Church treasures was not an
unusual charge, with many such goods on the move out of churches closed by war. The war
threat suggests that his see was on the Italian mainland, probably the south-west. It also shows that
when Gregory sent hinl to do penance, it was in a monastery far away from his former diocese.
155. The Latin is again a transcription of K€LI,"""A"aPXLOP ('store-house for jewels').
156. The Latin term desusceptum was used 12 times by Gregory for a cautio de suscepta
pecunia, 'bond over money lent,' or 'promissory note,' for a loan of cash or property. This
is one of many financial terms used by Gregory, especially in books 1-9.
157. The praetor, in charge of civil law, had moved his office up the coast from
Syracuse (the center of military power) to the west coast, using his deputies for distant towns
like Lilybaeum (modern Marsala). The Latin word seruator was often used with loci for a
deputy or locum for a priest or magistrate.
158. For Maximian, see the note to Ep 2.5. In Dialogi 3.36 he is miraculously saved from
shipwreck while sailing back to Rome from Constantinople.

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took place in Italy.159 For which matter, I earnestly need the solace of your
Charity, so that whatever ones you recall to memory, and whatever ones you hap-
pen to have discovered, you will briefly describe to me. For I remember you
recalling something which I consigned to oblivion, concerning the Abbot, Lord
Nonnosus, who was next to the Lord Anastasius from Pentwni. And I therefore
want this case and any others there are, to be printed in your letter and sent over
to me with-atl speed, as long as you do not bring it to me yourself. 160
3.51 Gregory to Priscus, patrician of the East 161 I July 593
If we truthfully consider the course of human life, we find nothing in it firm,
nothing stable. But as a traveler walks now over level ground, and now over
uneven ground, so certainly do we, while we remain in this life, now meet
prosperity and now adversity, and finally they succeed one another in alternate
periods of time, and with each in succession they become confused. And so, while
the rule of mutability corrupts everything in this world, we should neither be
lifted up by prosperity nor broken by adversity. And so it suits us to strive with
all our mind to reach that world, where whatever is firm endures and where
prosperity is not altered by adversity. Therefore in this life it is arranged by the
wonderful direction of almighty God that either adversity follows prosperity or
prosperity follows adversity. For, when humiliated, we must learn whatever fault
we have committed. And again, when exalted, we must retain in our mind the me-
mory of adversity, as if an anchor of humility. This therefore should be considered
not as the anger of our Creator, but as his grace, through which we learn that the
more humbly we hold on to his gifts, the more truly we preserve them.
Therefore, as we have learnt that you have renewed your perfect grace to-
wards your Lordship,162 thanks to almighty God, we rejoice on your behalf
with great exultation, hoping that the ruler of all things may both support
your life always with present good things, may and extend it to perpetual joy.
I am saying this to you for the reason that I love you greatly and know that
I am loved by you.
But demonstrate your love for me to the bearer of this letter, the Deacon
Sabinian,163 so that when use demands it, your patronage may follow. A glori-
159. The miracles credited to Nonnosus are described in Dialogi 1.7, told to Gregory
by Maximian and an old monk, Laurio. Nonnosus was prior of a monastery on Mt Soracte.
160. The PL text and Melb read ipse ('yourself), all the other manuscripts and editions have
the odd ipsum ('to me myself). The pope would certainly not expect the bishop of Syracuse to
sail to Rome to deliver his letter in person. 'To me' would not need 'myself,' anyway.
161. For Priscus, see Theophylact Simocatta, Historia 6.4-11.
162. The emperor, whose campaign against the Avars was led by Priscus, congratulated
here for taking charge of it. After several years, the campaign saw Maurice deposed. See
Theophylact Simocatta, Historia 8.11-12.
163. Sabinian succeeded Deacon Honoratus as papal emissary at the imperial court. He
succeeded Gregory as pope (13 September 604-22 February 606). See John the Deacon, Vita
Gregorii 3.51.

270
THE LETTERS OF GREGORY THE GREAT
ous man called Castus l64 is in parts of Rome, singing your praises, whom I
commend to your Excellency with a fatherly love.
3.52 Gregory to John, bishop of Constantinople I July 593
Although consideration of the case turns me away, yet love forces me to write.
For I have written once or twice to my most holy brother Lord John, without
receiving a reply from him. Some other secular person was speaking under his
name. If these letters were his, I was not vigilant,165 as I believed him to be
very different from what I discovered him to be. For I had written about the
case of the very reverend priest, John, and about the complaints of the monks
of Isauria, one of whom, even holding a sacerdotal office, was beaten to death
with clubs in your church. And your most holy Fraternity wrote back to me,
as I recognize from the title on the letter that you did not know what case I
was writing about. 166 I was greatly amazed by this reply, silently turning
it over in my mind. If he is telling the truth, what could be worse than that
such deeds are done against servants of God, while the man at hand knows
nothing about it himself? For what excuse can a shepherd have, if a wolf
devours his sheep while the shepherd knows nothing about it? But if your
Holiness knew which case I was writing about, and what was done against the
priest John,167 or against Athanasius, the monk and priest of Isuaria, 168
and wrote to me: I do not know what I should say in reply to this, when
Truth says through its scripture, 'a lying mouth slays the soul,'169 then I
ask you, most holy brother, has that great abstinence of yours 170 reached
this point, that it is willing to hide from its brother those things which it
knows were done? Would it not have been better that meat went in that
mouth for consumption, than that a false story should come out of it to mock
a very close friend? Especially when Truth says: 'It is not what enters one's
mouth that defiles that person, but what comes out of the mouth is what
defiles one.' 171 But let this not be true, so that I not believe something of
the sort about your most holy heart. Those letters were marked by your name
at the top, but I do not think that they were yours. I had written to that most
blessed man, Lord John, but I believe that a quite young servant of yours
wrote back to me, who has learnt nothing about God so far, who does not
164. CastuS was a senior military officer (magister miJitum) in Rome (see Epp 5.30, 36; Thea-
phylaa Simocatta, Historia 2.10-14). It seems he was an associate or a protege of Priscus.
165. The irony and subtlety of this opening are typical of Gregory's rhetorical style, as
is his play on his own name, 'vigilant' in Greek (rp7ryopLlc6).
166. This seems to refer to the case of John the Faster's title of 'ecumenical patriarch,'
strongly rejected by the pope, who uses instead 'your most holy Fraternity.'
167. For the cases of John of Chalcedon and Athanasius, see Epp 6.14-17.
168. From Gregory, Dialogi 4.38, it appears that Athanasius was in Rome in 593 (see
Homiliae in Hiezechihelem 39).
169. Wis 1:11.
170. A pun again, this time on John the 'Faster.'
171. Mt 15:11.

BOOK THREE
271
know the inner parts of love, who is accused by all for his sinful actions, and
who contrives each day the deaths of various people through secret testaments.
And yet neither fears God nor shows shame before men. Believe me, most
hol y brother, if you have a perfect zeal for truth, first correct yourself, so that
besides those who are close to you, those also who are not close to you may
be changed for the better by your example. Do not accept that man's
utterancer-He' ought to be directed to the counsel of your Holiness, and your
Holiness ought not to be altered to his words. For if you listen to him, I
know that you will not be able to have peace with your brethren.
As for me, with my conscience bearing witness, I admit that I do not
want to have a cause of offence with any man, and I decline with whatever
virtue I can. And although I would very much like to have peace with all
men, I would like it with you especially, whom I greatly love, that is if you
are the same person I know. For if you do not protect the canons and wish
to overturn the statutes of our ancestors, I know not who you are. Come
therefore, most holy brother, most dear to me, let us recognize each other in
turn, so that the ancient enemy does not move the two of us through
temptation, and does not kill many through a most wicked victory. For, to
make an open declaration, though I seek nothing through self-exaltation, f
that foolish young man about whom I spoke before, did not top the bill for
depraved action among your Fraternity, I could have kept quiet for a while
even about those same matters which are available to me concerning the
canons. I would have faithfully sent back to you any persons coming to me
from the very beginning, knowing that your holiness together with your love
would sustain them. But even now I say this, either support these same per-
sons in their own orders and provide them with peace, or if perchance you are
unwilling to do this, postponing all altercation, protect the statutes of our
ancestors and the terms of the canons in their case. But if you do neither of
these things, we certainly do not want to start a quarrel, but we still do not
shy from one coming from you.
But your Fraternity knows well what the canons say about bishops who
want to be feared throur their beatings. For indeed we have been mad shep-
herds, not persecutors. 72 The remarkable preacher says: 'convince, repri-
mand, encourage through all patience and teaching.' 173 That preaching is
certainly new and unheard of, that enforces faith through beatings. But I ought
not to speak much about this in a letter. For I have sent over my most
beloved son, the Deacon Sabinian, 17 4 in the footsteps of his masters, to pro-
vide answers to the Church. He can tell you everything in greater detail. But
if you do not want to quarrel with us, you find him prepared for all things
172. This succinct word-play (pastores facti sumus, non persecutores) was later used by
Alcuin of York to criticize Charlemagne's forced conversion of the Saxon people.
173. 2 Tm 4:2.
174. For Sabinian, see Ep 3.51.

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THE LETTERS OF GREGORY THE GREAT
that are just. I commend him to your Beatitude, so that he at least finds that
Lord John whom I knew in the royal city.175
3.53 Gregory to Maximian, bishop of Syracuse I July 593
After punishment has been inflicted by canon law on the one-time Bishop
Agatho,176 in accordance with the nature of his excesses, it is necessary from
the point-of-view of humanity to decide how he can be supported. For that reason
let your Fraternity quickly make arrangements at the church of Lipari, in which
the above-mentioned Agatho held the office of bishop, and then for the present
hand over forty gold coins to him, which can provide for his sustenance. For it
is most unholy if after punishment he is subjected to a shortage of nourishment.
3.54 Gregory to John, bishop of Ravenna I July 593
It is not all that long since certain matters were reported to us about your
Fraternity, and we remember giving you detailed advice about them, when
Castor, notary to the Holy Church over which we preside, with God's author-
ity, went there. For it had reached our ears that certain things were being done
in your church contrary to custom and to the path of humility which, as you well
know, is only the setting up of a sacerdotal office. H your Wisdom had undertaken
these things calmly or with episcopal zeal, you ought not have been inflamed
about them, but you ought to have corrected these same things with an act of
grace. For indeed it is contrary to Church custom, if even an unjust correction is
not tolerated (Heaven protect us!) with the greatest of patience.
But your Fraternity, too agitated and with pride in your heart, as if to
satisfy us, wrote to us that you did not wear your pallium until the laity had
been dismissed from the vestry,177 both at the time of Mass and during
solemn processions. With your words you admitted with most candid truthful-
ness that you had usurped something contrary to the custom of the universal
Church. For how can it be that you may lawfully do at a time of sack-cloth
and ashes, and through streets noisy with crowds of people, what you have
excused yourself from doing as unlawful in an assembly of the poor and of
noblemen, and in the church's vestry? But we do not think that it was un-
known to you, dearest brother, that almost no metropolitan in any part of the
world has been heard to claim the use of a pallium for himself, except during
the time of Mass. And in your letter you signified to us most clearly that you
well knew that this custom of the universal Church ought_ to be preserved.
175. This refers to the earlier relationship of the two prelates when Gregory was the
previous pope's emissary in Constantinople.
176. For the case of Agatho, former bishop of Lipari, see Epp 2.15, 16.
177. The word secretarium was used by Gregory in this letter for the more usual salu-
tatorium ('greeting-room'), in Cassiodorus' recent Historia ecclesiastica tripartita 9.30, and in
Ep 5.61. The chamber, joined to the church, was where the clergy were robed, and the
bishop received laymen before Mass. This 'vestry' also acted as a sacristy, storing vestments
and holy utensils. The 'laity' appear as 'sons of God' ('monks,' normally).

BOOK THREE
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For, appended to that letter, the injunction of our predecessor of blessed
memory, Pope John, was transmitted to us that contained 178 all the
customs conceded to you and your church by the prerogative of our predeces-
sor. And so you admit that there is another custom of the universal Church,
once you claim for yourself by prerogative what you are doing. And so it will
not be possible for any doubt to remain for us in this matter, in our opinion.
For yourMternity must either preserve the custom of all the metropolitans,
or if you say that something was specially conceded to your church, you
ought to show an injunction from the earlier bishops of Rome, that this has
been conceded to the church of Ravenna. But if this is not shown, after your
claim to do such things neither according to general custom nor by a preroga-
tive, it remains for you to confirm that you have usurped the right to what
you have done. And what are we going to say to our future judge, most
beloved brother, if we defend that heavy yoke and chain around our neck (I
do not mean for the sake of ecclesiastical dignity, but for some secular
dignity), judging that it weighs us down, if we are without such a great weight
even for a short period of time?179 Do we want to be decorated by a
pallium, perhaps indecorous for our morality, while nothing gleams mo_re
splendidly on the bishop's neck than humility?
Therefore, if you have proposed with a firm mind to defend your honors
using any sort of arguments, your Fraternity ought either to follow general use
from what is unwritten, or you ought to be protected by privileges, from what
is written. Or if finally neither of these applies, we do not want you to
provide an example of this presumption to the other metropolitans. But just
in case you imagine that we have neglected what is owed to fraternal love,
when writing this to you, know that we have made a very careful search in
our archives concerning the privileges of your church. Indeed some have been
found which could totally oppose the intentions of your Fraternity, but
nothing in which the your church's claim could be strengthened with legal
points of this sort. For concerning the very custom which you bring forward
for your church, about which we wrote to you long ago, for approval in your
district, realize that we have already shown sufficient concern. We. have
questioned our sons, the Deacon Peter, and the chief secretary Gaudiosus, and
Michaelius also, defender of our see, and others too, who were sent over to
Ravenna by our predecessors for various replies. They have most strictly
denied that you did this in their presence. It appears therefore that it could not
178. Manuscripts Rl c and Melb, as well as the text in PL, read continens, agreeing with
the neuter praeceptum ('injunction'); the remainder and all other editions read continentem,
which is the wrong gender, else it must agree with consuetudinem. But 'a custom containing
a custom' is not logical. His predecessor was Pope John III, pope from 561 to 574.
179. Gregory's paradox asks how priests can answer to God, if they judge themselves
to be weighed down by the lack of that great weight (of the pallium), even briefly. It is
followed by the decorari ... indecori word-play, and the final unexpected oxymoron in the
golden splendor of humility.

274
THE LETTERS OF GREGORY THE GREAT
have been done in secret, unless it was practiced illegally. Therefore, what has
been introduced secretly ought not to persist with any stability. And so,
whatever has been done illegally and in excess by you or by your predecessors,
be keen to correct it with regard to love and with brotherly kindness. Try not
to deviate from the rule of humility in any way. I do not mean on your own,
but through the command of others or of your predecessors. For to sum up
briefly what I said above, I advise you, unless you show that these were attri-
buted to you through privilege by the munificence of my predecessors, do not
presume to wear the pallium in the streets any longer, in case you begin not
to wear at masses that which you wear audaciously in the streets. But concern-
ing the vestry, because your Fraternity made and allowed yourself to sit down
with a pallium, and to admit the sons of the Church, for a while now we have
made no complaint. For we follow the opinion of the synods and refuse to punish
minor faults which are denied. We accept that this has been done once or twice,
but we prohibit it being done any longer. But let your Fraternity be extremely
concerned in case what is still allowed under the presumption that it is just
beginning may be punished more severely for continuing.
You have complained, furthermore, that some men from the priestly order
of the city of Ravenna, threatened by their transgressions, have become
involved in serious crimes. We want you either to discuss their case there, or
to send them over here to discuss these same matters, that is if the difficulties
of proof are an impediment, due to the great distance of the two places. But
if they disdain to come either to your court or to us, relying on a defense
from their ancestors, which we do not believe, and if they are arrogantly
unable to reply to the charges brought against them, we wish that after your
second and third admonition, you prohibit them from ministry of their holy
office, and report back to us about their insolence, in the course of your
writings. Thus we may deliberate how you ought to scrutinize their acts care-
fully, and emend them according to canonical definitions. And so let your
Fraternity learn from this case of yours that we have been fully absolved, from
the fact that we have committed the cases themselves to you for careful inves-
tigation. Learn that if all of their sins end up unpunished, the whole weight
of this examination will lead to danger to your soul too. Know that your love
will have no excuse before the future judge, if you do not correct the excesses
of your clergy with the greatest severity of canonical rigor, or permit these for
whom these acts were approved, to defile holy orders any ore.
But as for what you wrote about the mappulae 180 being used by your
clergy, this has been strongly opposed by our clerics. They say that this has
never been conceded to any other church at all, and the clerics of Ravenna had
adopted nothing of the kind to their knowledge, either there or in the city of
Rome. Had it been attempted, no precedent was generated for them from a
180. For the ceremonial use of mappulae or 'linen saddle-cloths,' see the Introduction,
p. 110.

BOOK THREE
275
furtive and illegal use. But they also assert that it should be corrected in
whatever church it has been adopted, because it is not adopted with the
concession of the Bishop of Rome, but only by deception. But we preserve
the honor of your Fraternity, and although it is against the wishes of our
aforesaid clergy, we still permit your leading deacons to use the mappulae,
which some have testified to us that you had also used before now, provided
it is in yourService. But we most strongly prohibit this to be done at another
time or by other persons. 181
3.54a John, bishop of Ravenna, to Gregory, apostolic pope, concerning use
of the pallium and mappula 182
My most reverend fellow servant, Castor, notary of your apostolic see, gave
me a letter from my Lordship, combining honey and venom. It implanted its
stings in me, yet in such a way as not to remove the chance of a remedy. For
he who follows divine judgment and reprehends pride, rightly admits that he
is also in some way kind and placid.
And so you have alleged that due to a longing for novelty, I had assumed
the use of the pallium, beyond what had been allowed to my predecessors.
Wherefore, let the conscience of my own Lordship, which is governed DY
God's right hand, in no way allow him to believe in the uncertainty of public
opinion, or to open his most sacred ears to it. First, although a sinner, I have
yet learnt how grave it is to transgress limits fixed by the holy fathers, and
that all pride can lead to nothing but ruin. For if our ancestors did not tolerate
arrogance in kings, how much less should it be endured in priests? Then I
recall to mind that, with God's help, I was nurtured and promoted in the lap
and bosom of your sacrosanct Church of Rome.
And with what excesses did I presume to oppose that most holy see,
which transmits its laws throughout the universal Church? I who have greatly
aroused the hatred of many enemies against myself, to preserve the authority
of that Church, as is manifest to God. But my most blessed Lordship should
consider that I have attempted nothing contrary to ancient custom. This could
be attested by many other people and by almost all of the citizens of this city,
and it would have also been in the reports, if the aforesaid most holy notary
181. Ep 3.54 Almost every paragraph in this letter ends with a Ciceronian clausula (see the
Introduction, pp. 110-111), the first -iusta curreptio (cretic + cretic), the second fu/get bumiJitas
(cretic + anapaest), the third deterius vindicetur (asiatic), the fourth [temer]are permiseris (cretic +
cretic) and the fifth -issime prohibemus (hexameter endinrJ. Most are spat out, with clashing dentals
and sibilants, as the pope castigates Bishop John just as effectively as Cicero ridiculed his oppo-
nents. For the rhetorical structure of this and other lengthy letters, see the Introduction, as above.
182. Bishop John's letter in reply to Gregory's stinging attack appears as Ep 3.56. For
the mappulae ('saddle-cloths') and pallium, see above and the Introduction, pp. 78-79. Despite
his almost obsequious reply, the bishop failed to wait for any. second command from the pope.
The letter is confined to an appendix by Norberg 2: 1097-1099, but it is better included here.
Its language and construction are noticeably inferior to those in Gregory's letter.

276
THE LETTERS OF GREGORY THE GREAT
had consented to it. For only when the sons of the Church were already
descending from the sacristy, and the deacons were coming in to approach the
altar at once,183 only then was the first deacon accustomed to invest the
bishop of the church of Ravenna with the pallium. This was also the custom
likewise in solemn litanies.
Let nobody therefore try to insinuate against me before my Lordship that
some novelty has been introduced by me. For if he wants to, he cannot, with
God protecting me. For let almighty God make manifest to your most pure
heart how I have followed your commands and interests, when the case has
demanded it. And I blame this on my sins, that I should deserve to find such
a change in you, after enduring so many labors and difficulties both at home
and abroad. But this again consoles me, amongst other things, that sometimes
most holy fathers castigate their sons for this reason only, to make them
better. And after this devotion and satisfactory service to the holy church of
Ravenna, which is your church in particular, you should not only preserve
ancient privileges, but also confer greater ones in your own times.
Your Apostleship wrote about the mappulae adopted by my priests and
deacons. As for that, I truly confess that I am upset having to talk about it any
more. For the truth that prevails alone in my Lordship's abode should be
sufficient by itself. For, not to mention that this practice is allowed for smaller
churches established around Rome, my Lord's apostle, if he allows the vener-
able clergy of his first apostolic see to look into it, will be able also to discover
the following in every way: whenever priests or deacons 184 of the church
of Ravenna have come to Rome, for the ordination of a bishop or to make
reports, they have all proceeded with mappulae in full view of your most holy
predecessors, without any reprimand. Therefore, even at that time when I, a
sinner, was consecrated in Rome by your predecessor, all of my priests and
deacons, while proceeding to the altar, used the mappulae in obedience to their
Lordship, the pope. And because our provident God has placed all things in
your hands and most pure conscience, I make this earnest entreaty to you, by
that same apostolic see, which you governed before with your good character
and govern now with due honor. Do not in any way diminish for the church
of Ravenna, which is part of your family, the privileges which it has enjoyed so
far, in return for what I deserve. Rather, following the words of the prophet, 'let
it be laid on me and on my father's home, according to its deserving.'
For I have appended all of the privileges which were gt;anted to the holy
church of Ravenna by your predecessors, to give you greater satisfaction. I
have nevertheless found a faithful testament to them in the venerable archives,
contemporaneous with the consecration of my predecessors. But now, what-
ever you shall order to be done, after discovering the truth, is in the power of
183. The verb procedere ('to proceed') has the special sense of 'to approach the altar.'
John uses it three times in this letter.
184. The word Levites (levitae) was used for Christian deacons, but rarely. See Ep 6.34.

BOOK THREE
277
God and of yourself. For I desire to obey the commands of my Lord's apostle-
ship, and although ancient custom has prevailed, I have taken care to abstain
until a second order arrives from you.
3.55 Gregory to Cyprian, deacon 185 I July 593
Cosmas says that he is bound by so many debts from various dangerous exi-
gencies thathis own sons, he claims, are being detained by his creditors as
surety.186 If this matter is so, it has certainly disturbed us. For this reason
. we encourage your Beloved to inquire into his case in the greatest detail,
because it concerns money from the poor-box being given. And if you find him
truly so involved in the above-mentioned debts that he has no funds with which
he can pay these debts himself, please see his aforesaid creditors, and to redeem his
sons, please arrange it with however much you decide on. And as he does not
have the funds, as was said, from which to repay that debt, pay it from the poor-
box with the authority of this letter, knowing that whatever will be given there
with your supervision, must be charged to the pensions of our patrimony.
Month of August, eleventh indiction
3.56 Gregory to Bishop Secundinus 187 I August 593 -
Long ago we gave orders that the baptistery188 should be removed from the
monastery of Saint Andrew above Mascalae, because of the insolence of the
monks, and that an altar should be built in the same place where the fonts are.
So far, the completion of this matter has been prolonged. We therefore warn
your Fraternity not to insert any delay now, after receiving our present letter.
But once the place of these same fonts has been filled in, let the altar be built
there to celebrate the holy mysteries without any delay. Thus it may be lawful
for the aforesaid monks to celebrate the work of God more securely, and our
mind will not be aroused against your Fraternity because of your negligence:
3.57 Gregory to the patrician Italica 189 I August 593
We received your letter filled with charm, and the news of your Excellency's
safety has delighted us. So great is the sincerity of our mind about this, that
185. Deacon Cyprian administered the Sicilian patrimony after the death of Sub-deacon Peter
in 593, when the administration of this huge patrimony was shared between Syracuse and
Palermo. Cyprian resided in Syracuse, while Fantinus, defender of the Roman Church, adminis-
tered the patrimony around Palermo. Cyprian returned to Rome in 598 (see Epp 9.15, 65).
186. This was forbidden under the legal code of Justinian: see Novellae 134.7.
187. Bishop of Taormina in Sicily.
188. A separate building attached to the monastery. Its fonts (pools of water) attracted
crowds of worshippers at times, inappropriate for the monks' seclusion. Gregory was also
strongly opposed to public masses in monasteries (see Epp 2.11; 5.49).
189. The wife of Venantius, it seems, the patrician ex-monk. They both received several
letters from a friendly pope. See Ep 1.23. In this letter, the pope flatters and tactfully chides
Italica, for dealing too harshly with some poor Church tenants.

278
THE LETTERS OF GREGORY THE GREAT
paternal affection permits us to suspect no hidden animosity in its tranquillity.
But let almighty God bring it about that, just as we have good feelings about
you, so your mind may give a good response to us, and you may exhibit in
your works the sweetness that you expend on your words. For the most
glorious health and beauty on the surface of a body is worth nothing if there
is a wound deep within. And that discord is all the more to be avoided, for
which external peace provides a cover up. But in the aforesaid letter, your
Excellency tried earnestly to recall to our memory that this had been written
to you. That in cases concerning the poor, we wanted to make lio decisions
with you that cause offence, or that ring with the din of a public court. 190
We remember writing this, and know that, with God's help, we restrain
ourselves from quarrelsome cases with ecclesiastical moderation. And in
accordance with apostolic good sense, we happily put up with the plundering
of our goods. But we believe that you know this, that our silence and patience
will not create a legal precedent for future popes after me in matters of the
poor. Wherefore, we carry out our promise mentioned above, and have deter-
mined that we should now be silent about these same cases. We do not desire
to involve ourselves in those affairs in which we feel that there is not enough
benevolence. But in case you conjecture from this, glorious daughter, that we
entirely reject what still concerns concord, we have indicated to our son and
deacon, Cyprian,191 while visiting parts of Sicily, that if you determine to
arrange something about these matters beneficially and without a fault of your
soul, he should determine it with you on our authority. Thus we may no
longer be worried by that business, its execution having been arranged with
clemency. May almighty God, who well knows how to make possible what
is entirely impossible, inspire you both to settle your cases with a peaceful
intent, and to take care for the poor of this church regarding those things due
to them, for the good of your soul.
3.58 Gregory to Fortunatus, bishop of Naples 192 I August 593
It is right to fulfill religious desires when it is not difficult. And this is so in
the case of Abbess Gratiosa, who has joined her community in presenting a
petition, which is contained in her appendix. In it she has claimed that
Rustica, recorded as a patrician, is known to have built a convent for nuns,
through the final decision of her will, in the city of Naples. It is in her own
home, in the region of Herculaneum, in a village called Lampas. Here she has
.
190. Despite his early training and practice in law, Gregory was very reluctant as pope
to get involved in a public trial (see Ep 3.3). His earlier letter to Italica did not survive.
191. See Ep 3.55 for this important representative of the pope. His tour of Sicily comes
quite naturally a month or so after reaching Syracuse (in July).
192. Fortunatus suceded Demetrius, deposed as bishop of Naples in September 591 (see
Ep 2.3). The last reference to Fortunatus is in April 600 (Ep 10.9). He is thought to have died
before July that year. His successor, Pascasius, is named in February 601 (see Ep 11.22). This
is one of Gregory's many letters on monastic matters.

BOOK THREE
279
arranged that the aforesaid Gratiosa should be abbess in charge. She has also
built an oratory, and, to carry out her vow, Gratiosa has suggested that she
withdraw a third of her whole fortune, and she wants it to be consecrated in
honor of the blessed Mary, ever virgin and mother of our Lord Jesus Christ.
And for that reason, my very dear brother, we thought that your Beloved
should be enouraged with the present injunction to inspect the final will first
of all a.nd-,-1t it remains lawful, to make certain that the same third has in all
truth been spent on the same convent. Please approach the aforesaid place not
unwillingly when they ask you to, using the solemn rites of a venerable
dedication. Thus the venerable sacrifices of masses may be celebrated by the
priests of the church serving in the above-mentioned place, whenever
necessary. Act in such a way that neither your Fraternity nor the priests cause
any trouble in this same convent, except for careful discipline. And if you
should derive some advantage through the devotion of various people, you
should judge that you ought to be punished. 193 For whatever might happen
to be offered, should benefit the nuns who are serving in the same place.
3.59 Gregory to Eutychius, bishop of Tyndari 194 I August 593
I have received the letter of your Fraternity, brought by a priest of your
church, Benenatus, and I have given thanks to almighty God that we have
found you to be occupied with cases of the soul and with those that pertain
to God. For you have written to us that some worshippers of idols and adher-
ents to the dogma of the Angelii 195 were found in these parts in which you
are established. You have asserted that several of them had converted, but that
some defended themselves through the names of potentates and by the nature
of the region. Giving help therefore to the good works of your Beloved, we
have sent a letter of ours 196 to that glorious man, the praetor of Sicily. We
have asked him, with God's help, to work with you as vigorously as he can,
so that your praiseworthy undertaking can be completed profitably. Your
Fraternity should therefore show the greatest of concern over this matter.
For you will truly follow your episcopal path, if through your zeal and
eloquence you bring back into the unity of the Church those who dissent
from the true faith. 197
193. Two lines after 'punished' were added in PL ('whether it was gold or silver, or an
estate, or white robes, the above-mentioned building should possess it in all ways').
194. Bishop Eutychius does not appear elsewhere. His successor, Benenatus, is the priest
here trusted with his letter. See Ep 9.180. Tyndari was a city in northern Sicily.
195. Opinions differ as to who these people were. Possibly pagan idol-worshippers, fol-
lowing some primitive form of animistic belief. Or Sabellians, who adopted an heretical posi-
tion on the dogma of the Trinity. Or the Angelici, who worshipped angels as if they were
divine, heretics who originally came from a district of Alexandria called Angelio. But their
identity remains unclear.
196. This letter has not survived. For the praetor, Libertinus, see Epp 3.37; 9.28; 10.12
197. The word-play of vere/veritate underlines the pope's concern over local heresies.

280
THE LETTERS OF GREGORY THE GREAT
3.60 Gregory to Fortunatus, bishop of Naples I August 593
We have received the letter of your Beloved, in which you indicated to us that
with the favor of God, you have been well received by your sons, the citizens
of Naples. For this we have offered thanks to almighty God. You should
therefore repay their affection with your own morality, repressing the evil,
opening up to the good with discretion and maximum kindness, and urging
them to follow the better parties more frequently, so that they may rejoice to
have found a father's morality in you, and you too, with the cooperation of
the Lord, may more zealously carry out the pastoral care entrusted to you.
3.61 Gregory to the Emperor Maurice 198 I August 593
A man who is not pure towards our most serene Lordship over everything
that he does and says, is on trial before almighty God. But I, an unworthy
servant of your Piety, in this suggestion of mine I speak neither as a bishop
nor as a servant with an official right, but with a private right. For, most
serene Lordship, you were already my lord at that time when you were not
yet lord of all men. 199
With the arrival here of Longinus, a most illustrious man and equerry,200
I received the law of my Lordship, but I did not have the strengt'h to reply to
it, being tired out then by bodily illness. 201 In it your Lordship's piety
enacted that anyone involved in public administration should not be allowed
to obtain an ecclesiastical office. I praised this greatly, knowing most clearly
that one who hastens to obtain ecclesiastical offices, while giving up a secular
occupation, wants to change what is secular, not relinquish it. But I was
totally amazed that in the same law it is stated that this person should not be
allowed to become a monk, while his accounts can be handled through a
monastery, and it can be arranged also that his debts may be recovered from
that place which accepts him. For, although nobody with a devout mind
would have wanted to become a monk before repaying what was wrongly
taken, he could also think about his own soul all the more truthfully, as he
is the more lightly burdened.
198. The first of eight letters to the emperor (also Epp 5.30, 36, 37; 6.16, 64; 7.6, 30).
Gregory wrote three to his wife Constantina (Epp 4.30; 5.38, 39) ana three to his sister
Theoctista (Epp 1.5; 7.23; 11.27). None have survived to Maurice's younger brother, Peter,
or to his eldest son and heir, Theodosius, Gregory's godson. All were killed by Phocas.
199. Gregory was papal emissary in Constantinople from 578 to 584 or 585, and god-
father at Theodosius' baptism in 584. He asked Maurice not to assent to his election as pope.
200. From sterno ('I saddle'), strator was used for 'groom,' or 'equerry,' here in charge
of the royal stables, an important office in an equestrian society. .
201. He rarely pleads illness as an excuse for not writing, but his health was never good.
His stomach caused him most distress, especially with the fevers of a hot summer. See the
Introduction, pp. 5-6.

BOOK THREE
281
In this law it has been added that no one marked on the hand should be
allowed to become a monk. 202 This regulation, I confess to my Lordship,
has greatly alarmed me. For through it, the path to Heaven is closed for many
men, and what has been legal up till now, is prohibited from being legal. For
there are many who can lead a religious life even in a secular condition. And
there are very many who could not in any way be saved in the presence of
God, unle.ss"ihey gave up everything. However, as I say this to my Lordship,
what am I but dust and a worm? And yet because I feel that this regulation
turns against God, the author of all things, I cannot be silent before my Lord-
ship. For power over all men has been given by Heaven to my Lordship's
piety for this reason, that those who seek good things are given help, that the
path to Heaven is opened more widely, and that an earthly kingdom is in
service to the heavenly kingdom. And behold it is said with a clear voice that
once a man has been marked for earthly service, he should not be allowed to
do service for Christ unless he has completed his military service, or has been
rejected for weakness of body.
To these things, behold, Christ answers through me, the lowest of his
servants and of yours, saying: 'From notary I made you commander of the
imperial guard, from commander of the guard I made you crown prince, from
crown prince I made ou emperor, and not just this, but even I made you the
father of emperors. 2 3 I have entrusted my priests to your hand, and you
withdraw your soldiers from my service.' Reply to your servant, I beg you,
my most pious Lordship: what reply will you give to your Lord, when he
comes and says these things to you in judgment?
But perhaps it is believed that none of them becomes a monk with pure
intent. I, your unworthy servant, know how many soldiers in my time have
worked miracles after becoming monks, and have brought about holy signs
and virtuous deeds. But through this law, it is now prohibited that any man
of this sort may become a monk.
Let my Lordship inquire, I beg you, what previous emperor enacted such
a law,204 and judge more carefully if it should have been enacted. And it
should certainly be considered that every soldier is being prohibited from
leaving the secular world now, at the very time when the end of the world
itself has drawn nigh. For behold, there will be no delay, and as the Heavens
202. It had taken over a year for the legislation to be completed (see Ep 3.64). It is not
mentioned elsewhere, but see Codex Theodosianus 16.2.3, which bans cavalry commanders
and their sons, and public officials, from taking refuge as clerics. For the sign branded on the
soldier's hand, like a slave's, see Ep 3.64, which expands the list of those banned.
203. His eldest son, Theodosius, was crowned as Maurice's successor. In reminding the
emperor of his rise to the throne, and of his prayers and fasting (a major part of Maurice's
daily life), Gregory shows his friendly admiration for his old friend. The carefully
constructed letter does not suggest any anger on Gregory's part, or any rift between them.
At the end of Ep 3.62, 'oaths and hostages bind our souls together.'
204. In Ep 3.64, Gregory declares that it was none other than Julian the Apostate.

282
THE LETTERS OF GREGOR Y THE GREA T
blaze, the earth blazes and the elements flash, the terrifying judge will appear
with angels and archangels, with thrones and dominions, and with principali-
ties and powers. 205 If he should pardon all sins, and say that this law alone
was enacted against his will, what excuse will there be, I ask you? Therefore,
I pray you through the same terrifying judge that all those tears, all those
prayers, all that fasting, and all that alms-giving of my Lordship, should not
for any reason be blackened before the eyes of almighty God. But let your
Piety reduce the force of the same law by interpretation, or by alteration. For
the army of my Lordship grows greater against our enemies when God's army
has increased for prayers.
I indeed, subject to your command, have had the same law transmitted
through various parts of the world. 206 And behold, through the page of my
suggestion I have announced to my most serene Lordship that the law itself
is not at all agreeable to almighty God. And so in both ways I have done what
I should do, as I have shown obedience to mr emperor and have not kept
silent about what I felt to be God's interest. 20
3.62 Gregory to Domitian, metropolitan 208 I August 593
On receiving the letter of your most charming and most delightful Beatitude,
I rejoiced greatly that it had a lot to say to me about Holy Scripture. And
because I found my favorite feasts in it, I devoured it greedily. Some matters
also regarding external and necessary cases were mixed in with these topics.
And you have acted as if preparing a feast for my mind, so that the dishes
offered would give me greater pleasure by their diversity. And if indeed
external cases have less flavor, like inferior scraps of food, yet they have been
discussed by you so prudently that they are happily undertaken. For even
contemptible food is mostly made sweet with a good cook's sauce.
Yet while the truth of history is preserved, what I had said recently about
the significance of Holy Scripture should in no way have been rejected. For
although to me its significance, since you wish it so, is not agreeable, yet from
the very passages surrounding it, what was said from it can be held without
205. A powerful picture of the final judgment, quite often used as a threat (see Epp 3.29,
61; 4.23, 44). See also Gregory, Moralia in lob 32.23.48 and Homiliae in Hiezechihelem 15, 34
and the Introduction, pp. 17-18.
206. No examples of this initial circular have survived, possibly destroyed when the
emended version was received, in 597. See the following note.
207. Gregory is as persuasive as possible, and then uses an old friend, the court doctor
Theodore (Ep 3.64) to present his plea in person, with additional arguments, but without
much success. By 597, the emperor and pope had made some concessions and an emended
order was issued by a more satisfied pope (Ep 8.10).
208. Domitian, metropolitan of Armenia and bishop of Melitene (on the Euphrates), was
on good terms with Gregory while he was at court in Constantinople (see Epp 5.43; 9.4). He
was related by blood to Maurice and was godparent to some of his children, but Gregory
was a close enough friend to use colloquial culinary and jewelry imagery, and a bath house
proverb, and to enjoy a final joke at the emperor's expense.

BOOK THREE
283
hesitation. For even her defiler is called a 'ruler of the region,'209 which
clearly describes the devil. Since our Redeemer also says: 'Now the ruler of
this world will be driven out.,210 He also seeks he.-2 11 as his wife,
because of course his wicked spirit hastens to possess lawfully her soul that he
first corrupted with a secret seduction. Wherefore the sons of Jacob were
extremely angry and took up swords against the whole house of Sichem and
his homelafid, because all who have zeal should pursue men who assist a
wicked spirit. They first forced circumcision on them, and afterwards when
they were in pain, they killed them. For teachers who do not know how to
moderate their zeal are usually too severe, although they may cut off the vices
of corruption through preaching. When those at fault are already bewailing
what they have done, yet those same teachers are still savage through the
harshness of their punishment, and are too hard-hearted. For those who had
already cut off their foreskins certainly should not have died. For those who
bewail the sin of luxury and turn pleasure of the flesh into sorrow, ought not
to feel harshness of punishment from their teachers. Otherwise the Redeemer
of the human race may himself be loved less, if a soul suffers more than it
should for his sake. For which reason Jacob said to the same sons: 'You have
brought trouble upon me by making me loathsome to ... the Canaanites.,212
For when the teachers still cruelly pursue what the sinners are already
bewailing, in a weak mind the love itself for its Redeemer grows cold. For it
considers itself afflicted, -where it does not even spare itself these things.
This, therefore, is what I shall say, to demonstrate from the surrounding
passages that the sense that I have proposed is not improbable. But what your
Holiness said to console me from the same passage, I readily accept. For in the
understanding of Holy Scripture, whatever is not opposed to a firm faith
ought not to be rejected. For just as from gold alone, some men make neck-
laces, others rings and others bracelets, as ornaments, even so from a
knowledge of Holy Scripture, various expounders through countless interpre-
tations, compose varied ornaments, as it were, all of which, however, are for
the adornment of a heavenly bride. And I am extremely happy that your most
charming Beatitude, even when busy with secular cases, vigilantly turn your
mind back to the understanding of Holy Scripture. For indeed it is so very
necessary that, even if the former cannot be avoided altogether, the latter
should not be postponed altogether. But I beg you by our almighty Lord,
stretch forth your hand of prayer to me, as I labor in such great waves of trib-
200. From Gn 34:2, where Jacob's daughter, Dinah, has been defiled by the uncircumcised
Sichem, son of Hamor the Hivite, who then asks for her hand in marriage. In fact Hamor was
the ruler. The sons of Jacob killed them, to punish their violation (Gn 34:25).
210. FromJn 12:31; the future in NAB, and read by r1, is more likely than the present
(eicitur) in the other manuscripts and editions.
211. Reading Quam ('Whom he also seeks as his wife') in the manuscripts, rather than
the qui read by the editions. With qui it would mean: 'And he also seeks a wife.'
212. From Gn 34:30.

284
THE LETTERS OF GREGORY THE GREAT
ulation. Thus I may be raised by your intercession to the heights, as I am
being pressed down to the depths by the weight of my sins.
Althour I am upset that the emperor of the Persians has not been
converted,2 3 yet I rejoice in every way that you have preached the Christ-
ian faith to him. For although he has not been worthy to come to the light,
yet your Holiness will have the reward of your preaching. For the Ethiopian
both enters the bath black, and is black as he comes out, and yet the
bathhouse keeper accepts his payment. 214
As for Maurice, you rightly say that in his activity, I shall know his statue
from its shadow. That is, I shall judge his greater acts by his very small ones. All
the same, we trust him in this, because oaths and hostages bind his soul to us.
3.63 Gregory to Narses 215 I August 593
Your Beloved has said many very charming things to me through your letters,
as you praise my good services, to all of which I briefly reply: 'Do not call me
Naomi, that is beautiful, but call me Mara, that is bitter, because I am full of
bitterness. ,216
Concerning the case of the priests, that involves mr brother and fellow-
bishop, that most reverend man, the patriarch John,21 I think that we are
putting up with an adversary in him, whom you assert wishes to protect the
canon laws. Yet I briefly confess to your Beloved that with all my strength
and weight I am ready to give up this same case, with the help of almighty
God. If in it I see that the canons are not being observed for the apostolic see,
almighty God will show me what I should do against those who despise him.
As for your Beloved asking me in your letter to offer thanks on your
behalf to my son, Lord Theodore,218 chief doctor and ex-prefect, I have
done so.219 Nor have I ceased to commend you as much as I was able to
do. But I beg you to pardon me for replying to your letters so briefly, but I
am oppressed by such great tribulations, that I am allowed neither to read
much nor to say much by means of letters. I say this only to lOu, briefly, that
'I forget to eat my bread from the voice of my groaning.,22
213. Gregory refers to Cosroe II, emperor of the Persians, who had succeeded his father
Ormazd with the help of Byzantine troops from Maurice, led by Narses, which crushed a
military rebellion by Bahram Sobin. Gregory's upset is overstated, and Cosroe's conversion
was of less importance than his military cooperation.
214. The Persian king would certainly not have been amused by the bathhouse proverb.
215. For Narses, see Ep 1.6.
216. See Ru 1:20. Gregory's adapts the original to stress his antithesis. In NAB: it is 'Do
not call me Naomi. Call me Mara, for the Almighty has made it very bitter for me.'
217. This case, concerning John of Chalcedon and Athanasius, monk and priest of
Isauria, was the subject-matter of Ep 3.52, addressed to the Patriarch John of Constantinople.
218. The recipient of the following letter.
219. The letter has not survived. Gregory may have sent it as a supplement to Ep 3.65.
220. Ps 102:4-5, in NAB Ps 102:5-6: 'I am too wasted to eat my food. From my loud
groaning ... .' Gregory combines two separate verses to suit his complaint.

BOOK THREE
285
Greet all of those who are with you on my behalf, I beg you. Pass on my
best wishes to Lady Dominica,221 to whom I have not replied, because
although she speaks Latin, she wrote to me in Greek. 222
3.64 Gregory to Theodore, physician I August 593 223
My tongue does not suffice to express what great benefits I have from
almighty-.G6d and from my most serene Lordship, our emperor. What is mine
to give in return for these gifts, other than a pure love of their leader-
ship:>22 4 For my sins, I do not know who gave him the suggestion or advice,
but in the past year he put forward such a law in his republic that whoever
loves him with purity ought to be weeping profusely. At that time I could not
reply to this law, because I was ill. But recently I made a few suggestions to
the same Lordship.225 For he has decreed that nobody should be allowed
to become a monk who has had a public occupation, nobody who has been
a troop supplier,226 or has a sign on his hand, or was enrolled among sol-
diers, unless perhaps his service has been completed. According to those who
know the old laws, Julian was the first to put forward this law, and we all
know about him, and how hostile he was to God. 227 If our most serene
Lordship did this because perhaps many soldiers were becoming monks and
the army was decreasing, did almighty God subjuate the empire of Persia to
him through the courage of his soldiers at all?22 Was it not that his tears
alone were heard, and by that order which our Lordship knew not, God sub-
jected the Persian empire to his empire? It seems very harsh to me that he
prohibits his soldiers from the service of God, who has provided him with
221. For the Lady Dominica, see Epp 1.6; 5.27, in which she has become a prioress of
a monastery, dedicated to saving souls. There seems to be a joke in the pope's comment.
222. This seems more a political statement than an argument for Gregory's most
unlikely inability to read Greek. See the Introduction, pp. 102-103.
223. Normally the pope would work through the papal emissary, Sabinian, but the doctor's
special relationship with the emperor provided Gregory with a better chance of some unofficial
and tactful criticism of the legislation reaching Maurice's ears. In Ep 3.64 he is an ex-praetor, here
and in Ep 5.46, simply the emperor's doctor. Besides his generosity towards the poor and prison-
ers, and readiness to discuss Holy Scripture, he was a close friend of both pope and emperor. In
Epp 1.6; 7.27, written to Narses, he passes on his best wishes to the doctor. For the letter's topic,
see Ep 3.61.
224. Literally 'footsteps,' but used for a 'lead'; here their 'leadership' or 'example.'
225. See Ep 3.61.
226. The masculine noun optio has a military sense in Gregory (see DUtlogi 4.36.7),
linked with the food supply, a quartermaster; it appears on several occasions in his letters.
227. Julian the Apostate (332-363), although baptized as a Christian, embraced the old
Roman religion, endorsing sun-worship. He revived the Senate and pagan priesthoods, and
attempted to counter the rise of Christianity, exposing its fallacies and weaknesses, and
banning Christian children from receiving the old Greek education.
228. See Ep 3.62 for the cooperation of Cosroe IT and military success of Narses, which resul-
ted in Dara and Martyropolis and much of Armenian Persia being returned to Byzantine control.

286
THE LETTERS OF GREGORY THE GREAT
everything, and who has allowed him to be ruler not only of troops but of
priests also. If his intention is to save property, how were those same
monasteries, which had taken in the soldiers, unable to payoff their debts, and
keep the men just simply for a religious way of life? I have suggested to the
same Lordship that this greatly upsets me. But would your Glory offer my
suggestion to him privately, at an 0J'portune moment? I do not want it to be
given by my emissary in public,22 because you who serve him as a friend
can say more openly and freely what is for the good of his soul. For he is
occupied in many matters and his thoughts are rarely found free of more
important concerns. You indeed, glorious son, must speak on behalf of Christ.
If you are heard, it profits the soul of the aforesaid Lordship as well as yours.
If you are not heard, you have only profited your own soul.
3.65 Gregory to Theotirnus, physician 230 I August 593
There were some ancient philosophers who said that there was one soul in
two bodies, not joinin the two with love, but dividing the single substance
of the soul into two. 2 1 But we say by contrast that we have one soul,232
not by dividing the substance, but by joining hearts. For it was written about
those first Christians: 'there was in them one heart and one soul.,233 I read
this in the Acts of the Apostles in such a way that I recognize it in the case
of Lord Theotimus and me. For he is such a kindred spirit, that when present
in body he never let me down,234 and when absent in body, he is always
made present through his spirit. And I offer thanks to almighty God, who fills
the innermost parts of your mind with the grace of " his love. I pray that he
increases his gifts to you more and more, and grants present benefits to you
here, and eternal joys in your future life.
I recommend to your Beloved my son the deacon, Sabinian, who is com-
ing there, seeking that you love our priests also with that love which you have
for me.
229. For the deacon, Sabinian, see Ep 3.62.
230. This is the only reference to this doctor of the imperial household.
231. This must refer to the fourth book of Plato's Republic, where the 'soul' is divided
into two opposite elements, the better and the worse (431), and then into three elements
(434-443), the governing, executive and productive components of society.
232. The text makes no sense with nos esse'in mentes animam ('tliat we are for minds
a soul'). The mind/soul distinction is irrelevant, and we are certainly not 'a soul.' I suggest
we read nobis esse ('we have') and omit mentes (a likely gloss). See the note below.
233. From Acts 4.32: 'the community of believers was of one heart and mind.' In the
J ames bible it is 'of one heart and of one soul' (preferable for VtVX in the original).
234. This suggests that they were 'kindred spirits' while Gregory was his predecessor's
emissary in Constantinople, the doctor practicing there. With his poor health, Gregory must
have missed Theodore and Theotimus when back in Rome. Both were Greek, it seems,
normal even in the western cities. The young monk would have no doubt discussed his
medical problems with them, and in Greek. See the Introduction, p. 6.

BOOK FOUR
Month of September, twelfth indiction
4.1 Gr to Constantius, bishop of Milan 1 I September 593
On receIvIng the letters of your Fraternity, I offered great thanks to almighty
God, because I was thought worthy of being comforted by the celebration of
your ordination. In truth, your Fraternity should view with maximum consi-
deration the fact that everyone agreed in your being chosen without any dis-
cord, due to a gift from Heaven. For after God, you are very much indebted
to those who so submissively wanted you to be placed before them.
Therefore it is proper for you to respond to their behavior with priestly
kindness in all things, and to agree with their needs with holy compassion. 2
If some of these happen to have vices, you should censure them with timely
criticisms, so that your priestly indignation is itself combined also with the
virtue of sweetness. Thus you should also be loved by your subjects then, even
when you shall be gravely feared. This approach will also provide your person
with great reverence in their judgment. For, just as hasty and repeated fury is
despised, even so discrete indignation against faults very often becomes all the
more frightening, as it is slow to arise.
But John, our sub-deacon, returning here has reportcd to us many good
things about your Fraternity. Concerning these, we ask almighty God to
complete what He himself has begun, so that he may show that you have
made progress inwardly and outwardly, now among men and afterwards
among the angels. 3
Furthermore, we have sent over a pallium to be used according to custom
for the holiness of solemn Mass. While you are wearing it, however, I beg you
to safeguard its honor and divine nature with humility.
4.2 Gregory to Constantius, bishop of Milan I September 593
My most beloved son, Deacon Boniface,4 has secretly reported to me some
matters from a letter of your Fraternity, stating that three bishops,s seeking
1. For Bishop Constantius, see Ep 3.29.
2. The neat chiastic antithesis with benignitate eorum moribus / eorum necessitatibus
compassione, is typical of Gregory's literary style.
3. Gregory again ends with four very neatly balanced pairs (qui coepit / ipse perficiat;
exterius / interius; et nunc / et post and inter homines / inter angelos). As with the quo tarda
fuerit / eo amplius fit that end the previous paragraph, these antitheses show with what care
and artistry Gregory wrote this important letter to the bishop of Milan. There is an echo
of the ordination ritual here. On agreeing to a candidate's ordination, the prelate says: 'May
God, who began the good work in you, bring it to fulfillment.'
4. See Ep 1.50 for this Boniface, future pope and a much loved agent of the pope.
5. One of these was the bishop of Brescia, referred to further in Ep 4.37.

288
THE LETTERS OF GREGORY THE GREAT
out an opportunity rather than discovering one, have separated themselves
from communion with your Fraternity, saying that you have agreed in
condemning the Three Chapters and have made a pledge. 6 And if there has
been any mention of the Three Chapters in anything said or written, your
Fraternity remembers it well, although Laurence, the predecessor to your
Fraternity, sent a very strict pledge to the apostolic see, witnessed by most
noble men, in number as prescribed by law. Among them I also added my
signature to theirs, as at that time I was acting as urban praetor. 7 This was
because, after such a schism had arisen for no reason, it was right that the
apostolic see should take care in every way to protect unity in the minds of
the priests of the universal Church.
But it is being said that our daughter, Queen Theodelinda, 8 after hearing
this report, has withdrawn herself from communion with you. It is quite
evident that, although she has been seduced to some small degree by the words
of wicked men, yet when Hippolitus the notary and Abbot John arrive
there,9 she will be seeking communion with your Fraternity in every way.
I have also sent a letter of mine to her, which your Fraternity should transmit
to her without delay.10 With regard to the bishops, however, who seem to
have suspended themselves from you, I have written another letter. When you
have had it shown to them, I am quite certain that they will offer penitence
before your Fraternity for the superstition of their arrogance.
You have told me accurately and briefly what has been done concerning
both King Agilulf 11 and the Frankish kings. I beg your Fraternity to notify
me in detail what you have learnt so far. But if you see that Agilulf, king of
the Lombards, is doing nothing with the patrician, promise him on my behalf
that I am ready to devote myself to his case, if he himself wants to make some
profitable arrangement with our republic.
6. The pledge was to the pope., upholding the fifth council's condemnation of the Three
Chapters. See the Introduction, pp. 86-87.
7. Accepting praeturam in r, PL and MGH. Most historians prefer praefecturam in R1
(a Vatican manuscript) and Norberg. Support for the reading is found in the best Paris manu-
scripts. This is one of the very few places where Gregory refers to events before his papacy.
Laurence was archbishop of Milan from January 573 to August 592, and Gregory was
ordained in about 578, after at least two years as a monk. So Gregory was urban praetor
between 573 and 575. He had time to serve as urban prefect after his legal position.
8. The Lombard queen, born in Bavaria, followed the Catholic faith rather than that
of the Arians. On the death of her first husband, Autharit, she married Agilulf, in 590.
9. For Hippolitus, see Ep 4.4. A cleric from Milan has the same name in Ep 3.29. John
was an abbot from a monastery in Milan, it seems. Again see Ep 4.4.
10. For Gregory's letters to Theodelinda see Epp 4.4,33, the latter replacing 4.4. For the
queen, see the Introduction, p. 32. The pope was over-optimistic, still trying to win her back
ten years later. The residence of the Lombard kings was at Ticinum (or Pavia), under the
jurisdiction of Milan. Her husband, Agilulf, was still an Arian.
11. Abbreviated to Ago in the text. The patrician was the exarch, Romanus.

BOOK FOUR
289
4.3 Gregory to Constantius, bishop of Milan I September 593
It has come to our notice that certain bishops of your diocese, seeking out an
opportunity rather than discovering one, have attempted to sever themselves
from unity with your Fraternity, saying that you gave a pledge at the city of
Rome condemning the Three Chapters. Of course, they say this for the reason
that they do not know how accustomed I am to trusting your Fraternity even
without-a--pIedge. For had it been necessary, your bare words could have been
trusted. However, I myself do not recollect the Three Chapters being men-
tioned between us either in conversation or in letters. But those bishops must
be spared over their error, if they return to you quite quickly, because
according to the words of Paul the apostle, 'they understand neither what they
are saying nor what they assert with such assurance.,12 For with Truth
guiding us and with conscience our witness, we confess that we preserve the
faith of the holy synod of Chalcedon l3 as inviolate in every way, and dare
to add nothing, and to subtract nothing from its definition. But if anyone is
seeking, contrary to the faith of the same synod, either to add or to subtract
from it to suit his interpretation, we anathematize him without any delay, and
decree that he is alienated from the bosom of the mother Church. Therefore,
he who is not cured by that confession of mine, no longer loves the synod of
Chalcedon, but hates the bosom of the mother Church. And so, if they have
presumed to say with a passionate spirit those very things that they seem to
have dared to say, it remains for them to return to unity with your Fraternity,
having received this assurance, and not to divide themselves from the body of
Christ, which is the holy, universal Church.
4.4 Gregory to Theodelinda, queen of the Lombards 14 I September 593
It has come to our notice from a report by certain people that some bishops
led your Glory astray into such a temptation to sin against the Holy Church,
that you suspended yourself from communion with the united Catholic
Church. The more sincerely15 we love you, the more strongly we grieve over
you, because you entrust yourself to ignorant and foolish people, who not
only fail to realize what they are saying, but what they have heard they are
scarcel y able to understand.
For they say that at the time of Justinian of pious memory, some things
were decided contrary to the synod of Chalcedon. But while they neither read
themselves nor believe those who do so, they remain in that very error with
which they falsely charge us. For we confess, with our conscience as our
12. 1 Tim 1:7. For the Three Chapters controversy, see the Introduction, pp. 86-87.
13. See Epp 2.49; 3.10.
14. For Theodolinda, see Ep 4.2. She was led astray by Constantius of Milan and others.
15. The manuscripts and editions read pure ('purely'), where a comparative purius ('more
purely') is likely, balancingfortius ('more strongly') - a typical pairing in Gregory, like his
neat chiasmus below quae loquuntur nesciunt / vix percipere quae audierint.

290
THE LETTERS OF GREGORY THE GREAT
witness, that nothing has been removed from the faith of that same holy
council of Chalcedon, nor anything violated. However, whatever was done at
the time of the aforementioned Justinian, was done in such a way that the
faith of the council of Chalcedon might be disturbed in no way. However, if
anyone presumes to say or to know anything contrary to the faith of the same
synod, we condemn his view under the imposition of anathema.
Therefore, since you understand our integrity from the testimony of our
conscience, it remains for you never to separate yourself from communion
with the Catholic Church. Otherwise so many tears of yours and such great
and good works may be wasted, if found alien to the true faith. It is proper
therefore that your Glory should send over a message with all speed to my
most reverend brother and fellow-bishop Constantius,16 whose faith and life
have long been highly valued by me. You should indicate to him with letters
sent there how favorably you have accepted his ordination, and that you are
in no way separated from communion with his church. However, I think that
I am saying this to you needlessly, because although there was some doubt in
your mind, I think that it has been removed from your heart, with the arrival
by now of my son, Abbot John, and of Hippolitus the notary.17
4.5 Gregory to Boniface, bishop of Reggio I September 593
It is certainly an insult for priests to be admonished over divine matters of
worship. For they are forced disgracefully to do what they themselves should
enforce. However, in case your Fraternity (and we do not think it likely)
should in any way neglect what concerns the work of God, we have foreseen
that you need to be especially encouraged concerning this same matter. And
so we advise you that the clergy of the city of Reggio should in no way grow
lax, through your Fraternity's slackness, in cases which their office demands.
But in those matters that concern God, let them be compelled to act most
instantly and most assiduously. We wish you also to show concern for the
reputation of the aforesaid clergy of yours, so that nothing evil is heard about
them, and nothing that tends to be contrary to Church discipline. For their office
ought to reflect their embellishment of it, not the foulness of their actions.
However, we have decreed that what we decided concerning the Sicilian sulr
deacons,18 should be observed with regard to yours also. Do not allow. that
decision of ours to be spoilt by anyone's arrogance or temerity. Thus, as long as
you have most strictly obeyed all of our commands, you would_not show yourself
to be a sinner against our warning (as we also believe). Nor would the order of
pastoral role entrusted to you accuse you in any way, as being guilty of slackness.
16. At Milan.
17. See Ep 4.2. This letter was not sent to the queen, being replaced by Ep 4.33, which
starts in the same way. Again, for the Three Chapters, see the Introduction, pp. 86-87.
18. See Ep 1.44, on the sub-deacons in Sicily, and their relationships with their wives.
The see of Reggio was included among the Sicilian sees.

BOOK FOUR
291
4.6 Gregory to Cyprian, our deacon and defender of Sicil y 19
September 593
It has been brought to our attention that a lady called Petronella, who was born
in the province of Lucania, became a nun through the encouragement of Bishop
Agnellus. 20 She bestowed on the convent that she had entered, by a special title
of gift, all of her property in possession, although by law it could have remained
her prope21 And we heard that on the death of the aforesaid bishop, he left
half of his fortune to Agnellus, a son of his who is said to be a notary of our
Church, and half to the same convent. But when they had fled to Sicily because
of the disaster threatening Italy, the above-mentioned 22 Agnellus is said to have
seduced her, after corrupting her morals. Sensing that she was pregnant, he
removed her from the convent, and stole all of her property, and that which he
could hold in possession, as by his father's right. After perpetrating such a
monstrous crime, he is said to be claiming all the property by right of ownership.
We exhort your Beloved, therefore, to have the aforesaid man and the
aforesaid woman brought before you under a strict indictment, and to investi-
gate this same case according to its merits, with a most careful examination.
And if you find it to be as was reported to us, settle this business, which had
been deflled by iniquities, with the utmost severity of expiation. Thus strict plin-
ishment may come upon the aforesaid man, who has paid attention neither to his
own nor to her condition, and who has been the cause of such great sins, whereas
the woman, first suffering a punishment, may be returned to her convent under
penance. All of the property that was removed from the oft-mentioned place,
must be restored there, with all of its profits and accessions thereto.
4.7 Gregory to Gennadius, patrician and exarch of Africa 23 I September 593
We believe well enough that the thoughts of your holy Excellency are inflamed
particularly, in your emulation of divine love, against those things that are being
done unsuitably in your churches. And so we impose on you the correction of
ecclesiastical cases all the more gladly, as we trust in the pious intent of your
mind. For your Excellency should know that news has been brough to us by
men coming from parts of Africa, that in the council of Numidia, many things are
beiQg committed contrary to the way of the Fathers and the statutes of the
canons. And because we could no longer tolerate at all the frequent complaints
over these matters, we have committed their investigation to Columbus, our
brother and fellow-bishop.24 His reputation is well known and does not allow
us to have any further doubts about his gravity.
19. For Deacon Cyprian, see Ep 3.55.
20. His see is unknown.
21. See Justinian, Novellae 5.5, 123.38 (an example of Gregory's expertise in Roman law).
22. Reading supra ('above') as in MGH, rather than saepe ('often') in Norberg; it is the
son, just mentioned above, not the dead Bishop Agnellus, mentioned twice before.
23. For Gennadius, see Ep 1.59.
24. Columbus was a Numidian bishop, whose see remains unknown.

292
THE LETTERS OF GREGORY THE GREAT
For this reason, we greet you with fatherly affection, and ask your Excellency
to lend him the strength of your assistance, in all matters that concern Church
discipline. Otherwise, unless the wrongdoing is inquired into and punished, it may
spread with greater freedom with future excesses, and through longstanding usage.
But know this, most excellent son, that if you seek victories, and if you are dealing
with the security of the province entrusted to you,25 nothing else helps you
more in this than being concerned over your priests' lives, and putting a stop to
internal church feuds, as far as is possible.
4.8 Gregory to Januarius, bishop of Cagliari in Sardinia I September 593
Theodosia, a nun, desires to carry out the wishes of her late husband, Stephen,
in building a convent. 26 She has asked us to send letters of ours to your Fra-
ternity, by which she might more easily deserve your help, thanks to our com-
mendation. And indeed, she asserts that her husband had decided that a con-
vent should be constructed on a farm that is called Piscenas, which has come
under the control of the hostelry of the late Bishop Thomas. And so, although
the tenant of the property would permit her to found this convent on another
person's land, yet the owner seems to be reluctant, with good reason. 27 We
have therefore provided that her request should be agreed to. That is, she
should construct a convent for the nuns with the Lord's help, in a house
belonging to her, which she claims to own at Cagliari. But as she says that
guests and casual visitors are overrunning her aforesaid home, we exhort your
Fraternity to take care to give her assistance in all these matters, and to offer
the help of your protection to her devotion. Thus, your cooperation and con-
cern may make you a participant in the reward for her late husband and for
her sense of duty.
We want the relics, however, which she asks to be gathered in that house,
to be placed there by your Fraternity, with the veneration they deserve. 28
4.9 Gregory to Januarius, bishop of Cagliari I September 593
Pastoral zeal itself certainly ought to have inspired you sufficiently to protect
the flock which you have taken on, profitably and providently, even without
our help, and to preserve that flock with diligent circumspection from the
cunning deceptions of its enemies. But because we have found that your
25. In North Africa, the empire was at that time threatened by-the Moors.
26. Literally, a 'monastery,' one of many such founded with the pope's blessing. Throughout
his letters, he sees the monastic system as a most vital pillar of the Catholic Church.
27. A noun is needed for the 'lord' or 'owner' (dominus), while possessor (as in rl, PL and
MGH) describes the 'possessor' or 'tenant.' Norberg missed the point, reading dominus
('lord of the possession'), from possessio(n) in Rl. The property may have been in Stephen's
hands, but passed into another's control after his death. The new 'possessor' was reluctant to
transfer any of it for Church purposes, it seems, while cultivating it for his owner.
28. See the Introduction, pp. 8-9 for Gregory's use of relics, often provided for such
foundations.

BOOK FOUR
293
Beloved also needs a letter with our authority to augment your firmness, it
was necessary for us to strengthen your hesitant mind for the exertion of
religious vigor, with an exhortation of fraternal love.
For indeed it has come to our attention that you are taking inadequate
care over the convents situated in Sardinia. 29 And, although it had been
prudently arranged by your predecessors that certain approved men from the
clergy sd take care of them by attending to their needs, this has now been
totally neglected. The result is that women principally dedicated to God, are
themselves compelled to go on their own to the public officials for their taxes 30
and other duties, and are forced to run about through the villages and farms
and to engage themselves inadequately in men's business, to supplement their
income. Let your Fraternity remove this evil with an easy correction.
Carefully select one man, proven in his way of life and morals, whose age and
rank leave him open to no suspicion of evil. With the fear of God, this man
should be able to attend the convents themselves, so that the nuns are no
longer allowed to wander outside their venerable abodes, contrary to the rule,
for any reasons at all, whether private or public. But whatever has to be done
for them, let it be done sensibly through the man selected by you. But let thm
offer praises to God and confine themselves to their convents, and provide no
further reason for a suspicion of evil in the minds of the faithful.
Yet if any of them, through the earlier freedom, or through an evil
custom of impunity, has either been seduced in the past or" will be dragged
down into the abyss of adultery in the future, we want her to suffer the
severity of appropriate punishment, and then be consigned to another stricter
convent of virgins, to do penance. There let her improve herself with prayers
and fasting and penitence, and let her provide a fearful example to others of
a stricter discipline. But the man who is found in some wicked act with
women of this sort, must be deprived of communion, if he is a layman. If he
is a cleric, he must also be removed from his office and be confined to a
monastery, to bewail his failures in self-control for evermore 31 .
We also want you to celebrate councils of the bishops, twice a year. This
is said to have been the custom of your province, and is also commanded by
the authority of the sacred canons. Thus, if anyone among them departs from
the form of his proposed life, through the quality of his actions and morality,
he should be corrected with a friendly rebuke by his brethren, and also for the
security of the flock entrusted to him and for the well being of their souls. He
may thus be handled with paternal caution.
29. See the letter before. For Januarius, see Epp 1.47, 60-62; 3.36.
.30. By law properties owned by priests were not to take over those of other owners,
and they were to pay taxes to the treasury on the land held by them (see MGH 1: 241).
31. Another neatly balanced chiasmus (communione privetur si laicus est / si clericus est
... remotus officio).

294
THE LETTERS OF GREGORY THE GREAT
It has also come to our attention that male and female slaves of the Jews,
seeking refuge in the Church because of their faith, are either being restored
to their ungodly masters, or a price is paid for them instead of them being
restored. We therefore exhort you not to permit such a wicked custom to
remain any longer. But, whatever slave of the Jews shall have fled for refuge
to venerable places, because of his faith, you should by no means allow him
to endure any prejudice. Whether he was a Christian before, or has been
baptized now, he must be defended over his freedom in every way, by the
patronage of Church piety, without any loss for owners who are hard up.32
Bishops must not presume to anoint the foreheads of baptized infants for
a second time with the chrism. 33 Rather, priests should anoint those in need
of baptism on the breast, so that bishops might anoint them in the future on
the forehead.
Also, with regard to the founding of the monasteries, which different
people have ordered to be constructed, if you see that some on whom these
works have been imposed are putting them off with unjust excuses, we want
you to put subtle pressure on them, according to the laws' instructions.
Otherwise the pious wishes of the dead may come to nothing (God forbid!)
through your idleness. However, as for the monastery that Peter is said to
have ordered to be constructed in his house some time ago, we have made
provision that your Fraternity should carefully inquire into the quantity of
income left there. And if indeed a sufficient amount of money is held,34
when all that has been removed from the goods themselves, or is said to have
been spent, has been recovered, this monastery must be founded with all enthu-
siasm and without any delay. But if the supply of funds is either not quite
sufficient or is suffering a big loss, we want you to conduct a careful inquiry into
everything, as has been said, and to report back to us. Thus we may know what
we may determine about its construction, with the Lord's assistance.
Therefore, let your Fraternity pay careful attention to all the points
mentioned above, so that you are neither found to have transgressed the theme
of our advice, nor stand on trial before the divine Judge over lack of
enthusiasm in your pastoral duty.
4.10 Gregory to Januarius, bishop of Cagliari I September 593
We certainly think that your very rank should compel you sufficiently to
urgencr5 in fulfilling your pious duties. But so that you zeal should not
32. For the Christian slaves of Jews, see Ep 2.6, and the Introduction, pp. 87-88.
33. From the Greek xplullQ (French creme), the unguent chrisma (oil and balm) was
used in baptism and other sacraments. The same words appear in Ep 4.26. For the baptism,
Jews and slaves, see the Introduction, pp. 87-88. Here Rl, MGH and Norberg read the
gerundive baptizandos ('needing baptism'), rand PL the past participle baptizatos ('baptized').
This is best for the bishops, the gerundive for the priests, who provide the first baptism.
34. The active habet might mean 'holds,' but passive habetur in Gussanvillaeus is more likely.
35. The word imminentia was frequently used by Gregory for instantia ('urgency' or
'constancy'),  it was by Saint Augustine.

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be weakened by the intervention of any sort of relaxation, we have decided
that you should be especially encouraged concerning these duties. For indeed,
we have heard that that magnificent man, Stephen, while he was departing
from this life, directed that a monastery should be founded, by a clause in his
last will and testament. It is said that his desire has so far been postponed,
thanks to a delay by his heiress, the honorable lady Theodosia. 36 Therefore
we exhyour Fraternity to make every effort over the aforesaid case, and to
warn the lady mentioned above that she ought to establish the convent within
the space of a year, as she was ordered, and to construct everything according
to the will of her dead husband, without any dispute.
But suppose she puts off completing anything within the aforesaid time-
limit, through either negligence or cunning, saying: 'It certainly cannot be
there, in the place where it was agreed to; it had better be established some-
where else,' and with the intervening delay, the work is neglected, in that case
we want your Fraternity to build it, with enthusiasm. Once all things are put
in order, let the goods and revenues left by him be brought together by you
for the holy place itself, without any loss. For in this way you will both
escape condemnation for your inactivity before the fearful judge, anq in
carrying out the most pious laws, you are completing with episcopal zeal the
long-delayed and pious wishes of the dead.
4.11 Gregory to Maximian, bishop of Syracuse I September 593
Your Fraternity had certainly been entrusted by our authority some time ago to
correct on our behalf any excesses or unsuitable acts that might arise in the
churches and other holy places of Sicily.37 But since after this, a complaint has
reached us about some points which are still neglected, we have decided that your
Fraternity should once more be specially spurred on to correct them.
For we have learnt that, with churches recently acquired, the canonical
division of fourth parts of the revenues 38 is not applied at all. Rather, the
36. Gregory encouraged a large number of convents to be built, in this example,
through Theodosia, heiress of Stephen. Others built by women appear in Ep 1.46 Vitula (re-
cordandae memoriae, in Sardinia), Ep 1.46 Juliana (abbess, seeking legal possession of the con-
vent) Ep 1.46 Pompeiana (religiosa [emina, in Cagliari), Ep 1.50 Lavinia (religiosa [emina, a
monastery in Corsica), Ep 2.11 Themotea (illustris [emina, in Rimini), Ep 3.58, 59 Rustica
(illustris [emina, married to Felix, in Naples, finished in Ep 9.164, six years later), Ep 9.171
Alexandria (clarissimae memoriae, married to Vincomalus, in Naples) and Ep 9.181 Januaria
(religiosa [emina, in Sicily). See also Abbess Flora in Ep 3.17, ready to construct a convent in
Rome, and the large bequest to a convent by Petronella in Ep 4.6. Finally, Queen Brunhilde built
a convent in Autun (Ep 13.10). That is, 12 in all. For Gregory's success with wealthy, religious
women, and with his monasteries in general, see the Introduction, pp. 8-9.
37. For Maximian's special role in Sicily, see Ep 2.5, written nearly two years earlier.
For more on this friend of Gregory, see the Introduction, p. 99.
38. Gregory defines the fourfold division in his letter to Augustine, bishop of the English (Ep
11.64 in Barmby): one for the bishop and his household (for hospitality and entertainment), one
for the clergy, one for the poor and one for the repair of churches. Regulations on the divisions

296
THE LETTERS OF GREGORY THE GREAT
bishops of these places only distribute a fourth part of the older revenues, but
retain for their own use those obtained now. Therefore, let your Fraternity be
quick and lively in correcting an evil custom, secretly introduced, so that fourth
parts are dispensed, in accordance with the canonical distribution, whether from
the former revenues or from these just collected, or being collected. For it is
improper that one and the same substance of the Church should be rated some-
how with two different laws, that is, the law of usurpation and canon law.
You should not allow priests, deacons and other clerics, who serve the
churches, to become abbots in the monasteries. Rather, they should either give
up their clerical service and be called to monastic orders, or if they have
decided to remain in the role of abbot, they should in no way be permitted
to continue in the service of a cleric. For it is quite improper if someone can-
not fulfill just one of these roles diligently, in proportion to its importance,
and yet is judged suitable for both of them. Thus the ecclesiastical order would
impede the monastic life, and in turn the rule of monasticism would also
impede the ecclesiastical benefits. 39
We have also taken care to advise your Beloved over this, that if one of
the bishops should depart from this life, or should be removed because of his
sins (Heaven forbid!), the hierarchs 40 and all the leading clergy should meet
together and, in your presence, make an inventory of the Church's property.
Everything that is found should be described in detail. Nor should any pre-
cious furniture 41 or any other object at all be removed from the property of
the Church, as though payment for the work of making the inventory, as is
said to have happened before. For we desire those things which concern the
protection of the goods of the poor to be carried out, so that, in their affairs,
absolutely no chance is left for the venality of ambitious men.
Let visitors to churches, and their clerics who labor with them in parishes
not of their own city, receive some subsidy for their work, paid for by you.
F or it is just that they should also obtain a stipend there, where they are
found to be lending their services temporarily.
We most strongly prohibit immature girls 42 from being made abbesses.
And so, let your Fraternity allow no bishop to veil 43 any virgin less than
existed earlier, under Popes Simplicius (475) and Gelasius (494): see Philipp Jaffe, Regesta Pontificum
Romanorum, 2 vols., 2nd ed. (Graz, 1956), 570 (339) and 636 (391). See also MGH 1: 244.
39. For the same decree, see Ep 5.1.
40. The Latin ieraticis came from the Greek adjective L€paTLI( ('priestly').
41. The word species, normally a 'sight' or 'beauty' often has the sense of 'goods' or
'precious furnishings' in Church literature, as here. The editors of MGH take it as 'fruit'
(wine, olives, corn), but in PL (which reprints the Maurist edition) it is rightly 'furniture.'
42. The diminutive iuvenculas from iuvenca ('heifer' or 'girl') is pejorative, and an
oxymoron with abbatissas ('abbesses'), best juxtaposed for effect.
43. The technical term is velare ('to cover with a veil'), explained by a gloss in R3 'vel
ordinare' ('or ordain'). Not that women were 'ordained' in Gregory's time. The veil was that
of an abbess.

BOOK FOUR
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sixty years 01d,44 whose way of life and morality demand it. Thus correcting
both the former points as well as the present one, with the Lord's help, by the
immediacy of your severity, hurry to bind with canonical ties the long broken
condition of holy matters. May divine business be settled not through the im-
proper wishes of men, but with suitable discernment.
Month ctober, twelfth indiction
4.12 Gregory to Maximian, bishop of Syracuse 45 I October 593
We have received repeated reports of such great evils being done in that pro-
vince, that we might believe that it will soon perish (Heaven forbid!), due to
the sins it commits. For the bearer of this letter, on arriving here, complained
tearfully that for several years before he had been supported by some man
over possession of the church of Messina and its fonts. He said that he had
been forcibly married to that man's female slave,46 through various persua-
sions, and asserted that from that union he already had some poor young
boys.47 And he is even said now to have forcibly separated her from him,
removing her and selling her to some other person.
If this is true, your Beloved sees how unheard of and cruel an evil it is.
And for that reason we suggest that you inquire into and disperse this very
great wickedness, with that vivacity which we know full well you show in
holy causes. And if you find it to be just as the above-mentioned letter-carrier
has suggested, you will not only take care to return what has been done badly
to its original state, but you will also hurry in every way to present a punish-
ment which might please God. But make a strong attack on the bishop, who
neglected to correct and improve his people who were doing such things. 48
Propose that, if such a complaint should come to us again concerning any of
those for whom he is responsible, a canonical punishment result, not for the
sinner, but for the bishop himself.
4.13 Gregory to Crernentius, primate and bishop of Bizacium 49
October 593
The bearer of this letter, Adeodatus,50 says that he has been expelled impro-
perly from the position of his priesthood. Although his complaint may be
eXplained by the text of the petition to you added below, it needs to be
44. By law the minimum age for promotion to abbess was normally forty: see note in
MGH 1: 245.
45. See Ep 4.11 for Maximian.
46. The Latin pue/La would normally be a 'daughter' but here her sale suggests that she
was in fact a slave. This is a more common sense of the masculine puer (see Ep 1.18).
47. A diminutive from iuvencus ('bullock' or 'boy'), here with a sense of tenderness.
48. The bishop of Messina in question was Bishop Felix.
49. Bizacium, or Byzacena, was an imperial province of Africa, in northern Tunisia. For
this Bishop Crementius (possibly Clement), see Epp 9.24, 27; 12.12.
50. Adeodatus was primatial bishop of the Church's province of Numidia. See Ep 3.48.

298
THE LETTERS OF GREGOR Y THE GREAT
unraveled a little more openly, in our opinion. For he asserts that in his
position, he was relieved from arranging his own affairs, in favor of some
others, by Quintianus, our brother and fellow-bishop. 51 Because of an illness,
he was absent from his church for the space of two months. Our aforesaid
brother seized an opportunity in this matter, he claims, and consecrated
another man as priest there, in his place. We therefore exhort your Fraternity
to inquire into his case with careful concern. And if you find that he was
absent from his church quite clearly because of the illness, as is argued, you
should not allow any prejudice to be created against him through the ordination
of another priest. But see that he is restored to his position without any hesitation.
But if the matter is said to differ from the apparent content of the suggestion he
offered, inquire into the same man's case according to the law and the canons.
Whatever you decide on in accordance with God, take care with the Lord's help
to make a decision so that no question about this matter reverts to us any more.
But we especially advise your Beloved concerning this, that if his
suggestion were truthful and he were to be restored to his own rank, you
ought to show an acute and strict concern about the priest who was conse-
crated in his place. And if indeed he came to this same rank without any
payment, so that he could not have fallen into the heresy of simony, we want
him to be consecrated for some other vacant church. But if something of that
sort is discovered against him (Heaven forbid!), let him also be deprived of that
very priesthood, if he is convicted of having assumed it not for the sake of
filling a Church requirement, but through personal ambition alone.
4.14 Gregory to Maximian, bishop of Syracuse I October 593
The Deacon Felix, bearer of this letter, has in no way lapsed into the dogma
of the heretics, and has not departed from the Catholic faith, enticed by evil
suspicions towards the synod of Constantinople. 52 But he had removed
himself from the separation of the Istrian church. 53 When he had come to
Rome, he received a judgment from us, with the Lord's help, and having
received the body of the Lord in communion, he corrected his sinfulness. And
so he did not fall into heresy, as has been said, but strayed from the holy
mysteries of the universal Church, as if searching for the right intention.
Therefore, we have considered his weakness and his necessities, and making
special provision for his maintenance in consideration of his piety, we have
provided for him to be incardinated in your church of Syracuse. Thus he may
either fulfill his duty as deacon, or certainly may obtain the salary alone of the
same office, to support his poverty. We exhort your Fraternity to make haste
51. The location of Quintianus' Numidian see is not known.
52. That is, the fifth ecumenical council of 553. Deacon Felix, of the Istrian Church,
had returned from the Three Chapters schismatics to the Roman observance. Gregory
arranges for his future as an incardinated cleric in Maximian's diocese of Syracuse.
53. For the Istrian Church's separation over the Three Chapters, see also Epp 6.38, 47.
Many priests escaped from this schism to live and preach in Sicily (see Ep 9.154).

BOOK FOUR
299
in fulfilling this, and we commend his person also, so that you do not allow
him to be subject to any troubles or needs. You should not be found either
to have neglected the path of our recommendation, or to have given less to the
poor than your rank demands. For we too arranged for a pension to be paid
to him from our Church, so that we could participate in the same service
which we encourage you to deliver.
.-/
4.15 Gregory to Cyprian, deacon and defender of Sicil4 I October 593
It has come to our attention that various priests of Italy have fled for safety
to Sicily, 55 and have taken with them a great many precious objects from
their churches, and this has almost entirely vanished, as the priests either died
or were badly dispersed. Concerned about this matter, we exhort your Beloved
to send messages throughout all of Sicily. Wherever you have found sacred
dishes and church properties located without proper care, have them collected
with maximum strictness. And when they have been brought together and
recorded with a receipt, deposit them with bishops of individual churches.
These bishops should preserve them most securely, with the Lord's help, until
a time of peace shall demand them. And we not only want those who hand
them over to see the receipts for all of the items themselves, but also the
records for these items should be carefully retained by you. In this way,
although it may be necessary to have this security, with the Lord's help the
items could be restored to those who handed them over, without any loss.
Month of November, twelfth indiction
4.16 Gregory to all the bishops in Dalmatia I November 593
Through your respect for divine judgment and with your earthly eyes closed,
your Fraternity should certainly not have omitted anything that concerns God
from a righteous application of your thoughts, nor should you have put any
person's appearance before rectitude and justice. But your morals have been so
degraded by secular business that, forgetting the whole path of priestly honor
within you and all your respect for heavenly fear, you are keen to carry out
what pleases you, not God. And so we have thought it necessary to send over
to you these stricter words, specially written. In them, through the authority
of Saint Peter, the prince of the apostles, we command that you do not
presume to lay your hands on anyone at all in the city of Salona, without our
agreement and permission, as far as it concerns consecration to the episcopate.
And do not consecrate anyone in that same city other than as we have stated.
But if you shall have presumed or attempted to act contrary to this either
of your own accord, or forced by anyone else, we consider you to be deprived
of participation in the body and blood of our Lord. Thus by your very laying
on of hands and your willingness to disobey our order, you are alienated from
54. For his new agent, see Epp 3.55; 4.6; 5.7, 20, 23, 28, 32, 33; 6.4, 13, 20, 38; 7.19, 38, 41.
55. From the invading Lombards.

300
THE LETTERS OF GREGORY THE GREAT
the heavenly mysteries, nor should the person you have consecrated be
accepted as a bishop. For we do not want anyone to be rashly consecrated
whose life is open to criticism. And if the deacon Honoratus is shown to be
unworthy, we want you to report to us on the life and morality of the person
who has been chosen, so that with our agreement, we may allow the beneficial
implementation of whatever should be done in this matter. 56
For we trust in our almighty Lord that, as far as our intention is con-
cerned, we never let happen what could burden our soul, never what could
burden your church. But if indeed the voluntary agreement of all of you
approves of some person, in such a way that he is worthy of God the Creator,
and there is nobody to dissent from his ordination, we are willing for him to
be consecrated by you in that church of Salona, the license being granted in
this present letter of ours. Our only exception is the person of Maximus,57
about whom many evil reports have reached us. If he does not give up his
longing for the higher rank, it remains, in my opinion, that he should be
carefully investigated and deprived also of the very office that he now holds.
Month of December, twelfth indiction
4.17 Gregory to Felix, bishop of Siponto I December 593
In what way help should be given for the redemption of captives, has been clearly
explained by the sanction of sacred canons and secular laws. 58 Since this is
known by all, we were surprised that your Fraternity gave assistance in the re-
demption of your priest Tribunus, bearer'9 of this letter, without being moved
by any compassion. Therefore, what you have put off doing on your own accord,
be quick to accomplish, warned at least by our exhortation. Otherwise, if you
think it should be ignored (which we do not believe), necessity may begin to
impose upon you what free-will has fled. And so, since the above-mentioned Tri-
bunus asserts that he was kidnapped by the enemy and was bought for twelve
gold coins, and laments that he is being urged to pay them back, you ought to in-
quire into this diligently. And if it is so, and you learn that he does not have the
funds from which he could pay back the price given for him, repay the aforesaid
gold coins to the person who redeemed him, from Church funds. For it is very
hard if he finds no remedy from the Church for which he fights. And so, avoiding
any excuse, pay the price that was clearly paid for him, with manifest truth, and
without any delay, as we have said already. Thus his creditor may not regret hel
ing someone afflicted by a temporary need, and when he is freed from his burden
of misery, with a free mind he may carry out his ministry carefully and properly.
56. On the candidature of Honoratus see Ep 3.46.
57. For the presumptuous Maximus, see Epp 4.20; 6.3, 25. He is repentant in Ep 8.36.
58. See Justinian, Novellae 129.9.10 on the redemption of captives, and Ep 7.13.
59. The phrase praesentium latoris is extremely common in Gregory's letters, and is best
read here, as it is in r2 c , Melb, PL and MGH. Other scribes and editors omit it. Barmby
translates praesentiaesents' throughout. The 'things present' are 'this letter.'

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301
Month of January, twelfth indiction
Month of February, twelfth indiction
Month of March, twelfth indiction
4.18 Gregory to Maurus, abbot of Saint Pancras 60 I March 594
The care of churches, which has clearly been established among priestly duties,
forces us to be very much concerned that no fault of neglect should appear in
them. -.But we have learnt that the church of Saint Pancras,61 which was
entrusted to priests, has frequently suffered from neglect, to the extent that
when the people came on a Sunday to celebrate solemn Mass, they found no
priest, and returned home muttering. And so, after due deliberation, we have
settled on this decision. We should remove the priests and establish a commun-
ity of monks in the monastery adjacent to the same church, by the grace of
Christ, so that the abbot in charge there should have total care and concern
for the aforesaid church.
We have also decided that you, Maurus, should be put in charge, as abbot of
that monastery.62 And we make it a condition that the lands of the aforesaid
Church, and whatever has entered there or has accrued from its financial returns,
ought to be directed to the aforesaid monastery of yours, and should apply there
without any reduction. In this way, of course, whatever needs to be done and
repaired in the church should without doubt be repaired through you.
But in case that church might seem to lack the holy mysteries, when the
priests have been removed to whom that church had been entrusted before, we
accordingly order you with the direction of this authority not to stop employ-
ing the non-Italian priest there,63 who could celebrate the holy solemnities
of Mass. However, it is necessary that he should both live in your monastery
and obtain his sustenance from there. But take care over this before all else,
that each day the work of God 64 is carried out there without question, be-
fore the most sacred body of Saint Pancras. And so we consider that you
should do these things through the direction of this order. We not only want
you to carry them out, but we also want them to be preserved and imple-
mented in perpetuity by those who succeed you in your office and rank, so
that no neglect might be found thereafter in the above-mentioned church.
4.19 Gregory to Leo, acolyte 65 I March 594
Our concern for venerable places reminds us to think about their usefulness
in all ways. Thus the church of Saint Agatha, situated in the Subura, that was
60. The church and monastery in Rome. Gregory's Homiliae in Evangelia 27 was read there.
61. Restored by Honorius I (638), mentioned under Leo III (c. 800) and in 1803.
62. Maurus seems to be its abbot already, in the tide, now in charge of the church nearby.
63. The Latin has peregrinum ('foreign'), but Irish monks were self-styled peregrini' at
that time, after making a peregrinatio pro Deo.' This may be an Irish priest, like Columban,
who wrote to Gregory and died in Italy, at Bobbio.
64. The opus Dei, the daily chanting of psalms in the 'Divine Office.'
65. An acolytus was next in rank to a sub-deacon, and the highest of the minor orders.
Besides attendance at the altar, he carried the candles and performed similar duties. Leo's

302
THE LETTERS OF GREGORY THE GREAT
once a cave of heretical depravity, has been brought back to the worship of
the Catholic faith, by the grace of God. 66 For that reason, armed with the
direction of this authority, continue to collect each year the taxes on all the
houses built in this city that the aforesaid church is agreed to have had in the
time of the Goths. However much is necessary for repairing buildings or for
lamps, and for other restoration of that church, you must be keen to pay in
full. But whatever might be left over, we order you to credit it honestly to the
Church accounts.
Month of April, twelfth indiction
4.20 Gregory to Maximus, a pretender in Salona I April 594
Although other aspects of someone's life may have such merit that there is
nothing that might prevent him from priestly promotions, yet the sin of
bribery on its own is condemned by the most severe punishment of canon
laws. And so we have learnt that, by a false or pretended command of our
most pious emperor, while you were unworthy in your way of life, you forced
your way into the office of bishop, a highly venerated rank. We believed this
then without any hesitation. For we are well aware of your way of life and
your age, and furthermore, we are not ignorant of the mind of our most
serene Lordship and emperor, knowing that he does not usually involve
himself in the cases of bishops, so as not to be burdened in any way by doing
us wrong. Added to this is an unheard of sin. For even after our interdiction
that was made pursuant to the excommunication of you and those consecra-
ting you,67 you were led before the public by a military troop, it is said,
after priests, deacons and other clergy had been killed. We can in no way call
this a consecration, as men were conducting it who had been excommunicated.
Therefore, since you have violated the very special and great dignity of the
bishopric without the appearance of any precedent, we command that, until
we have learnt from our own reports or from those of our emissary68 that
you were consecrated not by a surreptitious but by a true command, you and
those who consecrated you should in no way presume to handle anything to
do with a priestly office. Nor should you worship at the holy altar, until you
get our reply. But if you presume to act contrary to this, let there be anathema
on you from God and Saint Peter, the prince of the apostles. Thus through
collection of taxes on Church properties and his supervision of major repairs seem to be an
unusually heavy responsibility.
66. The Subura was a district in Rome between the Palatine and Esquiline hills. Built
or restored in about 472, the church was once used by Arians, but by 591-2, had been
restored to the Catholics. For more on this, see Gregory, DUtlogi 3.30. For the relics of Saint
Agatha, in a monastery of Saint Stephen on Capri, see Ep 1.52.
67. For Maximus, see Ep 4.16. His apparent sins of bribery (simony), pride and violence
were equally abhorrent to the pope. After his penance (Ep 8.36) he received a pallium.
68. In the letters dominicus often has the sense of 'one's own,' responsalis 'emissary' and
apices 'letters' (also used for 'Church leaders' and 'imperial decrees').

BOOK FOUR
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their consideration of your judgment, an example of your punishment may be
provided to other Catholic churches also.
Month of May, twelfth indiction
4.21 Gregory to Venantius, bishop of Luni 69 I May 594
It has reached us through the reports of many that Christian slaves are being
kept Wservitude by Jews living in the city of Luni. This matter has seemed
to us all the more bitter, as the patience of your Fraternity carried it out.
Indeed you were obliged, out of respect for your position and with regard to
the Christian religion, to leave no opportunity for simple souls to be slaves
somehow to the Jewish superstition, not so much through persuasion as
through the right of ownership. Therefore, we exhort your Fraternity, in ac-
cordance with the tenor of the most pious of laws, not to allow any Jew to
keep a Christian slave under his contro1. 70 But if some are discovered in
their power, freedom should be secured for them with the aid of protection
from the law's sanction. But those who are on their properties, although they
too should be freed by the strict rule of law, yet because they have been used
for cultivating the Jews' fields for a longer time, as bound by a condition of
tenure, let them remain to cultivate the fields as they are accustomed, and pay
their tithes to the aforesaid men, and carry out all things which the laws
require from farmers or natives. 71 Beyond this, let no further burden be
placed on them. But if anyone either wants each of these people to migrate to
another place or he wants to retain them for in his servitude, he should think
it over by himself, as he has condemned the right of farming through his
rashness, but has condemned his right of ownership with the severity of the
law. In all of these matters, therefore, we want you to apply yourself wisely,
so that you are not on trial as pastor of a dismembered flock, and your lack
of zeal does not make your Fraternity reprehensible in our view.
4.22 Gregory to Constantius, bishop of Milan 72 I May 594
Through a report of some people arriving from parts of Luni, it has come to
our attention that the religious practice of these same places has so far deviated
from the path of Church discipline, that they in no way consider the statutes
of canonical management in their morality and their activities. Because these
matters needed to be examined very carefully and punished very severely, I
have advised the bearer of this letter, Venantius, our brother and fellow-
69. Luni was a town in Etruria, near the mouth of the river Macra. Bishop Venantius
received several letters from the pope, the last Ep 9.143, dated May 599. He was in Rome at
the end of 593.
70. This letter provides an interesting account of Christian slaves working for Jewish
masters, on farm properties in particular. See CodexfustinUtnus 1.9.10 and Gregory Epp 2.45;
3.37. See the Introduction, pp. 87-88, 95-96 also, for both topics.
71. See Codex fustinUtnus 11.48.11.
72. For Bishop Constantius, see Epp 4.1-3.

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bishop, that they should be corrected at once. 73 But in consideration of the
great deal of disquiet felt by the people leaving Luni, he has judged that he
does not suffice for an inquiry of this sort on his own. For that reason, he has
asked of us that, in examining this same business, the help of your Fraternity
and of your authority should be provided for him. Therefore, although
affection ought to obtain this help from you, even without our letter, yet we
also exhort you especially with the present letter to do this. Summon our
aforesaid brother to you, and force all the clerics and other religious people of
the city named above and of its territory, to come to you, all whose sins are
under some suspicion. Carefully inquire into everything in accordance with
God, on account of the fear of future judgment. If you find that anyone has
abandoned the statutes of the canon laws, correct him with a canonical
punishment. Do not allow those who fail to show in their morality what they
show off in their attire, to roam about any longer in your areas while in
danger. With your pastoral circumspection, you must bring them back to the
straight and narrow. So let your Fraternity investigate everything very care-
fully, correcting what has been announced to us over such matters, putting it
in order and quickly settling it for the future. Thus it may profit your soul,
if you investigate these cases of your office with vigilance and vigor. And do
not allow the judgment that we have always had about the strictness of your
prompt action to be disappointed.
4.23 Gregory to the nobles and landowners living on the island of
Sardinia I May 594
I have learnt from the report of my brother and fellow-bishop Felix, and of
my son Cyriacus, a servant of God,74 that nearly all of you have peasants
on your estates given over to idolatry. And I have been greatly upset over this
matter, because I know that the guilt of subjects depresses the life of those put
over them. When a wrongdoing by a subject is not corrected, the sentence is
turned back on those who are in charge. Therefore, my magnificent sons, I
suggest that you should with all care and all concern be full of zeal over your
souls, and consider what accounts you will render to almighty God for your
subjects. For they have been entrusted to you for this purpose, that they might
serve your advantage in earthly things, and that you also, through your care
of them, might provide for their souls those things which are eternal.
Therefore, if they pay what they owe, why do you not py _what you owe to
them? That is, your Greatness should warn them assiduously, and restrain
73. See Ep 4.21 for Venantius' stay in Rome, thus able to bring this letter.
74. Bishop Felix and the monk Cyriacus were sent by Gregory to Sardinia in 594, to
convert the pagan tribe of the Barbaricini. This was Gregory's first missionary venture, a
forerunner of his later mission to England (see vol. 2 of the Letters). Cyriacus, a monk in Epp
4.25, 27, is an abbot elsewhere (Epp 4.26; 5.2; 9.1, 11). Sent also to Syagrius of Autun (Ep
9.209) and Spain (Ep 9.230), he was a close ami trusted friend of the pope.

BOOK FOUR
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them from the error of idolatry, so that, by leading them led back to the faith,
you may make almighty God amenable towards yourselves. For look, you see
how near the end is closing on this world. 75 You see that now a human
sword, and now a divine one threatens us. And yet you worshippers of a true
God, do you watch the worship of stones by those entrusted to you, and keep
silent? What are you going to say, I ask you, in that terrifying judgment, see-
ing tyou have taken under your control enemies of God, and yet disdain
to subdue them to God and recall them to him?
Therefore, fulfilling this due requirement of greeting, I ask that your
Greatnesses pay earnest attention to burning with zeal for God,76 and in-
forms me quickly in letters who has brought his people to Christ, and how
many. But suppose that you are unable to do this for some reason or other.
Then call upon our aforesaid brother and fellow-bishop, Felix, and my son
Cyriacus, and provide them with support for the work of God. Thus in the
reward for your lives, you can be participants all the more, as you are now
providing support for good works.
4.24 Gregory to Januarius, bishop of Sardinia I May 594
Your Fraternity certainly ought to have been so concerned about pious duties,
that you would not need our admonition at all to fulfill them thoroughly.
And yet, because some items in need of correction have come to our
attention,77 there is no incongruity if a letter with our authority has reached
you also. We therefore notify you that we have heard that it has been the
custom for the hostelries 78 that are situated in' the districts of Cagliari, to
present their detailed accounts on each separate occasion to the bishop of that
city, being managed, of course, with his protection and concern for them.
Because your Charity is said to have neglected this task so far, we suggest that
on each separate occasion, as has been stated, those who are or will have been
stationed in the hostelries, should present their accounts for each with great
care. And let such men be appointed to be in charge of them, who may be
found most worthy in their way of life, their morality and their industry.
That is, provided that they are religious men, men whom judges could not
have the power to disturb. 79 Otherwise, if they were such persons as judges
could summon for trial, a chance might arise for the waste of the fragile re-
sources that reside there. And we want you to show the greatest care con-
75. For a fuller version of the end of the world theme, see Ep 3.61 and the Introduction,
pp. 17-18.
76. Norberg uses accendere here intransitively ('to blaze'), although in 178 other uses of
the verb it is transitive ('to set fire to'). A se must be added (or read accendt).
77. From the letters of Bishop Felix and Abbot Cyriacus (see Ep 4.23), it seems.
78. For hostelries in Sardinia, see Ep 14.2. They also appear in Epp 1.9; 4.8.
79. On a judge in Sardinia, see Ep 5.38. There were African judges there later on (see
Ep 11.7). While the dukes looked after military affairs, the judges looked after the civil
courts. The pope complained about them i several places, especially in Ep 8.2.

306
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cerning these resources, so that they are not given to anyone without your
notification, in case the carelessness of your Fraternity should continue until
they have all gone to waste.
Furthermcre, you know that the priest Epiphanius,80 who is bearing
this letter, has been accused of a criminal act, in the letters of some Sardinians.
We have investigated his case ourselves, as best we could, and finding nothing
in the charges against him, we have allowed him to return to his position. And
so we want you to search out those responsible for the charge against him, and
unless the person who sent these letters is prepared to support his charge with
very strict, canonical proofs, he must not on any account approach the
mystery of Holy Communion.
But as for the cleric Paul, he is said to have been discovered sinning on
many occasions and, despising his habit, he has reverted to life as a layman and
has fled to Africa. If that is so, once he has first suffered corporal punishment,
we order him to be handed over for penance. Thus, in accordance with the
apostolic sentence, his spirit may be saved through carnal affliction and with
a continuous flow of tears he can wash away the earthly disease of sins, which
he is said to have contracted through wicked deeds. But let no religious person
be associated with those who have been suspended from ecclesiastical commun-
ion, in accordance with the rules of the canons.
But concerning ordinations and the marriages of clerics, and those virgins
who are taking the veil, let nobody presume to accept any fee, as is said to
happen now, unless someone chooses to offer something of his own accord.
As for those women who have left convents for a lay life and have taken
husbands, we have spoken quite carefully with the aforesaid priest of your
Fraternity as to what ought to be done. Your Sanctity can be more fully
informed by his report.
Let religious men and clerics beware of agreements with laymen and of
their patronage. Let them be subject to your jurisdiction in every way, in
accordance with canon law. Otherwise the discipline of that church which you
control may be undermined by the slackness of Your Fraternity.
But as for those men who sinned against the aforesaid women who left
their convents, and are now said to be suspended from communion, if your
Fraternity considers that they have been truly repentant over such a sin, we
want you to recall them to Holy Communion.
4.25 Gregory to Zabardas, duke of Sardinia 81 I May 594
From the letters of my brother and fellow-bishop Felix, and of Cyriacus,
servant of God, we have learnt about your Glory's good deeds. We offer great
thanks to almighty God, because he has such a fine duke, who knows how to
80. On Epiphanius, see also Ep 3.36. In Epp 9.198; 14.2 he appears as chief-priest.
81. Zabardas took over from Theodorus (for Gregory's attack over his savagery towards the
priests and people, see Ep 1.46) as duke of Sardinia. The island was part of the province of Africa.

BOOK FOUR
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pay to the republic what are earthly products, so as to know well also how to
show to almighty God his obedience towards the heavenly kingdom. For
indeed they have written to me that you are arranging to make peace with the
Barbaricini, on the condition that you bring the same Barbaricini to the service
of Christ. 82 .
Concerning this matter, I am extremely happy. Should it please almighty
God, I-sJ(all very quickly report your good deeds to our serene emperor. You
therefore complete what you have begun, showing to almighty God the devo-
tion of your mind, and assist as much as you can those whom we sent to con-
vert the Barbaricini. Know that such works succeed in assisting you greatly
both before earthly princes and before the heavenly king.
4.26 Gregory to Januarius, bishop of Cagliari 83 I May 594
We have learnt from the report of our brother and fellow-bishop Felix, and
the abbot, Cyriacus, that on the island of Sardinia, lay judges are oppressing
priests, and your own ministers despise your Fraternity, and while you are
only keen on a simple life, as far as we can see, discipline is being neglected.
For that reason I exhort you to put aside all excuses and rule the church
which you have taken on with God's authority. You must be keen to
maintain discipline for your clerics and not to be afraid of anybody's words.
In fact you prohibited your archdeacon, as I hear, from living with women,
and yet you are still despised over your prohibition. So unless he obeys your
command, we want him to be deprived of his sacred order.
But another matter has arisen which is greatly to be deplored, the fact that
your Fraternity's negligence has allowed the peasants themselves, who still
belong to the Church, to remain without faith. And why do I advise you to
bring foreigners to God, when you fail to correct your own people from their
lack of faith? Thus it is necessary for you to be vigilant in their conversion in
every way. For if I am able to find on the island of Sardinia any bishop own-
ing a peasant who is still a pagan, I shall severely punish that same bishop.84
But for now, if a peasant is found with such perfidy and obstinacy that he
does not consent to come to God, he must be crushed with such a heavy
burden of tax, that he is forced to seek righteousness quickly through the very
penal ty of his taxation. 85
82. For Felix and Cyriacus see Ep 4.23, for the Barbaricini see Epp 4.27; 9.124. Their
leader, Hospiton, is addressed in Ep 4.27. Their clan, driven from Africa by the Vandals, had
settled in the mountains near Cagliari; see MGH 1: 260.
83. For Archbishop Januarius, in this book see Epp 4.8, 9, 10, 24, 29.
84. The pope's threat underlines the seriousness of his attempt to bring Christianity to
all of Sardinia. It is as harsh as the threat of heavier taxation below.
85. Gregory is normally keen to protect the poor from unfairly heavy taxes (especially
in Sicily; see Ep 1.42), but here he suggests that heavier taxes should be used to force
reluctant peasants to convert.

310
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4.30 The miracles of the apostles and relics of the saints. Gregory to the
Empress Constantina 95 I June 594
The serenity of your Piety, conspicuous with a passion for religion and a love
of holiness, has asked from me that I should send over to you in answer to
your commands the head of Saint Paul the apostle or something else from the
saint's body, because of that church which is being built in the palace, in
honor of the same Saint Paul. Although I would long to receive such com-
mands, as I could have very easily shown my obedience through them, and
could have provoked your gratitude towards me more fully, yet a greater
sadness has overcome me, because you order what I neither can nor dare to
do. For the bodies of the apostles, Saints Peter and Paul, gleam with such great
miracles and terrors in their own churches that one cannot even enter there
for prayer without great fear. In fact when my predecessor of blessed memory
wanted to change the silver above the most sacred body of Saint Peter the
apostle, but was standing about fifteen feet from that same body, a really
terrifying sign appeared to him. 96 Yet I too wanted similarly to improve
something near the most sacred body of Saint Paul the apostle and, as it was
necessary that deeper digging should be done beside the tomb of the same
saint, the man in charge of the place itself found some bones, not in fact
connected with the same sepulchre. But since he presumed to lift them and bury
them in another place, some sinister signs appeared, and he died a sudden death.
Besides this, however, my predecessor of sacred memory, desired 97 to
make some improvement likewise near the body of Saint Laurence the martyr.
As it was not known where the venerable body was located, there were
diggings in search of it. When the martyr's tomb was suddenly opened, unin-
tentionally, those monks and sacristans 98 who were present and were work-
ing, because they saw the body of the same martyr, although they did not
presume to touch it at all, were all dead within ten days. Thus no one could
stay alive who had seen the half-burned body of that martyr.
But my most serene empress must know that it is not a custom for the
Romans, when they give away the relics of saints, to presume to touch
anything from the body.99 Rather, a silk cloth is simply put in a small
95. The empress, daughter of the Emperor Tiberius, is again addressed in Epp 5.38, 39.
As her eldest son, Theodosius, was his godson, the pope was a member, of her family.
96. Pope Pelagius II (578-590). In his vita in the Liber pontificalis, he investivit corpus
beati Petri apostoli tabulis argenteis deauratis ('covered the body of Saint Peter the apostle
with silver tablets overlaid with gold'). There is no mention of this startling event in the
lives of the pope, or in the Liber pontificalis. See MGH 1: 264.
97. With the participle desiderans, in the manuscripts and in Norberg, it would be Pelagius
who is dug up. A main verb is essential, followed by two dramatic p without connectives.
98. The most likely meaning of mansionarii is 'sacristans' in this religious context, but
normally they are 'managers' looking after a mansum (12 acres).
99. This statement seems suspect, as Gregory gave away many relics, but they came
from Peter's chajns and Laurence's grid-iron etc, rather than from their actual bodies. The

BOOK FOUR
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box,lOO which is placed near the very holy bodies of the saints. When lifted
out, the box is deposited with due reverence in the church which is to be
dedicated, and through it miracles occur, as great as if the saints' bodies were
specially brought there. From this it happened that in the time of Pope Leo
of blessed memory, as is handed down by our ancestors, when some Greeks
were in doubt about such relics, the above-mentioned pope brought in scissors
and cur{nto this cloth, and blood flowed from the actual incision. For, in
Roman areas and in all the Western parts, it is totally intolerable and sacrilegious
if anyone should perhaps want to touch the bodies of the saints. If he presumes
to do so, it is certain that this temerity will in no way remain unpunished.
For this reason we are greatly amazed at the custom of the Greeks, who
say that they dig up the bones of saints, and we scarcely believe it. For some
Greek monks came here two years ago, and in the silence of the night, near
the church of Saint Paul they dug up the bodies of the dead lying in the open
field. Then they hid their bones, preserving them for themselves until they
returned home. And when they had been held and had been carefully exa-
mined as to why they were doing this, they confessed that they were about
to carry those bones to Greece, as if the relics of saints. And from _their
example, as has been said above, a quite a large doubt is raised for us, as to
whether it is true that the bones of saints are really said to be dug up.
But what shall I say about the bodies of the blessed apostles, when it is
certain that at the time of their martyrdom, believers came from the East to
recover their bodies, as if they were their own citizens? The bodies were taken
as far as the second milestone of Rome, and were deposited in a place that is
called the Catacombs. 10l But when their whole multitude came together
and tried to remove them from there, the violence of the thunder and the
lightning so terrified them and put them to flight through excessive fear, that
they did not presume on any account to try such a thing again. But then the
Romans went out there and raised the bodies of those who deserved it, by their
piety towards the Lord, and put them in the places where they are now buried.
Who therefore, most serene empress, could have such temerity that know-
ing this, he would even presume to inspect their bodies for a while, not to
mention touching them? And so when you gave me commands of this sort,
editors of MGH quote a papal letter in which Justinian sought relics of Saint Laurence for
his new church, a Greek custom not acceptable to the Roman pope, but he was granted
pieces of their holy chain and grid-iron in silver boxes: see MGH 1: 264-265.
100. The word for a 'small box' (buxis) comes from the Greek lfUo. It only appears
in the letters (nine times). The 'silk cloth' is a specialized sense of brandeum, used only here
by Gregory with a saint's body (twice). Its later meaning was a 'belt' or 'girdle.'
101. The Roman Catacombs on the Appian Way, today the Catacombs of San Sebas-
tiano. The church there was dedicated to Saints Peter and Paul, known as the Basilica Apos-
tolorum. Legend has it that the Saints' bodies were temporarily moved there during the per-
secution of Valerian (258).

312
THE LETTERS OF GREGORY THE GREAT
which I could in no way obey, as far as I can see, it is not true to you. But
rather, certain people wanted to stir up your Piety against me, so as to
withdraw the support of your goodwill from me (may Heaven forbid it!). For
that reason they looked for a point over which I would be found to be
disobedient to you, as it were. But I trust in the" almighty Lord that your most
favorable goodwill is in no way being stolen from me, and that you will
always enjoy the power of the holy apostles, whom you love with all your
heart and mind, not from their bodily presence but from their protection.
But the shroud,102 which you have likewise ordered to be sent over,
rests with his body, and it cannot be touched, just as one cannot even ap-
proach his body. But, because such a religious desire ought not to be unful-
filled for my most serene empress, I shall hasten to send across to you a
portion from the chains which the holy apostle Paul himself bore on his neck
and hands, from which many miracles are shown in public. 103 That is, if
I shall succeed in removing it with a file. For many often come and seek a
blessing from the same chains, so a priest stands by with a file to receive a
small portion from the filings. For some of those seeking them, something is
cut from the very chains so rapidly that there is no delay. But for others
seeking them, the file is drawn over those chains for a long time, and yet there
is no chance of anything coming off them.
Month of July, twelfth indiction
4.31 Gregory to Anthelm, sub-deacon 104 I July 594
We ought to give moderate support to those whom our Redeemer deems
worthy to convert to himself from Jewish perdition, so that they should not
suffer from lack of food (Heaven forbid!). And for that reason, by the author-
ity of this order, we charge you not to put off ving gold coins each year to
the children of Justa, converted from Judaism, l 5 that is to Juliana, Redemg;
tus and Fortuna, beginning with the approaching thirteenth indiction. 1 6
You will know that this payment must be charged entirely to your accounts.
4.32 Gregory to Pantaleo, praetorian prefect of Africa 107 I July 594
How the law earnestly prosecutes the most wicked depravity of heretics is not
thought to be unknown to your Excellency.l08 It is no light sin, therefore,
102. The word sudarium was normally used for 'sweat rag' or 'napkin,' but stands for
a 'shroud' here, a more impressive (but impossible) request from the queen. It is used for
'shroud' in Jn 11:44 (for Lazarus) and Jn 20:7 (Christ's burial cloth).
103. Filings come from Saint Peter's chains, except in this case of Saint Paul's.
104. For Anthelm, defender of Campania's patrimony, see the Introduction, p. 100.
105. The adjectival exhebraeis is only used here, for 'ex-Jewish' converts.
106. That is, from September 594.
107. This is the only appearance of Pantaleo in the letters. He served under Gennadius.
108. The Donatists were proscribed under Codex Theodosianus 16.5.38-46 and Codex
Justinianus 1.6

BOOK FOUR
313
if those who are condemned by both the integrity of our faith and the
strictness of earthly laws, discover the freedom to spread in your times. And
so in those parts, as far as we have learnt, the audacity of the Donatists has so
increased that they not only eject priests of the Catholic faith from their own
churches, with pernicious authority, but also do not fear to re-baptize those
whom the water of rebirth has washed clean with a true confession of faith.
And re quite amazed, if it is actually so, that wicked people of this sort
should be allowed to do wrong, with you in charge there.
Firstly indeed, consider what sort of opinion people are likely to hold
about you, if those who were suppressed with just cause in the times of other
rulers, find a path for their wrongdoing under your administration. Secondly,
know that our God requires the souls of the lost from your hands, if you fail
to correct such great wickedness, as far as possibility requires it of you. And
your Excellency should not be offended by this. For, since we love you like
our own children, we accordingly indicate those things that we are quite sure
are to your advantage.
But send to us with all speed our brother and fellow-bishop Paul, 109
nor let anyone be given a chance to impede him with some excuse, so that we
may recognize the truth more fully, and with a rational analysis of it, we can
arrange how the punishment of such a great crime ought to proceed, with
God's help.
4.33 Gregory to Theodelinda, queen of the Lombards I July 594
It has come to our notice from a report by certain people that some bishops
have led astray your Gloryll0 as far as this scandal against the Holy
Church, so that you suspended yourself from communion with the united
Catholic Church. The more sincerely we love you, the more greatly we are
upset about you, because you believe ignorant and foolish people, who not
only do not know what they are saying, but are scarcely able to understand
what they have heard. While they neither read themselves nor trust those who
are reading, they remain in the same error that they have created for
themselves concerning us.
For we venerate the four holy synods: the Nicene, in which Arius was
condemned, that of Constantinople, in which Macedonius was condemned, the
first of Ephesus, in which Nestorius and Dioscorus were condemned and the
Chalcedonian, in which Eutyches was condemned. We also declare that whoso-
109. Paul was a Numidian bishop of unknown see, with whom Gregory collaborated
over the Donatist question. The pope complains about the Donatists in almost every letter
sent to Africa. For Paul, see Epp 4.35; 6.62; 7.2; 8.13, 15. The Donatists clearly had plenty
of followers in Africa, but were under attack when Gregory became pope (see Epp 1.72-5).
110. Constantius, bishop of Milan, failed to pass on Ep 4.4 to the queen, forcing the pope to
write again to her. In doing so, he reused a major part of the earlier letter, but left out the fifth
synod of Constantinople, concentrating rather on the four general synods. The omission of John
and Hippolyrus is odd (the letter may be mutilated; see MGH 1: 268).

314
THE LETTERS OF GREGORY THE GREAT
ever thinks other than these four synods did, is an enemy of the true faith.
And we condemn whomsoever they condemn, and whomsoever they absolve,
we too absolve. We strike down under the imposition of anathema anyone
who presumes to add or subtract from the faith of these same four synods, but
especially the Chalcedonian, over which doubt has arisen in the minds of
ignorant people. 111
Therefore, since you know this from my open statement of it, it is right
that you should no longer have any scrap of doubt with regard to the Church
of Saint Peter, the prince of the apostles. But persist in the true faith, and
establish your life on the rock of the Church, that is to say, on the confession
of Saint Peter, the prince of the apostles. Otherwise, all of your tears and such
great deeds may perish, if they are found hostile to the true faith. For as
boughs wither away without the goodness of the root, so works, however
good they may appear, are nothing if they are separated from the foundation
of faith. And so your Glory ought to send a messenger with all speed to my
most reverend brother and fellow-bishop Constantius, whose faith and life
have long been highly approved by me. Inform him, by a letter directed to
him, with what pleasure you received the news of his ordination, and that you
in no wise separate yourself from communion with his church. Thus we may
truly give thanks, with a shared exultation, over you as a good and faithful
daughter. And know that in this you and your actions are pleasing to God, if
before He judges them, they are approved by the judgment of His priests.
4.34 Gregory to Leo, bishop of Catana 112 I July 594
From the report of many, we have found that this old custom prevailed
among lOu, that sub-deacons should be allowed to have intercourse with their
wives. 1 3 A deacon of our see, Servusdei,114 prohibited anyone from pre-
suming to do so again, on the authority of our predecessor. He did so in such
a way that, at that time, those who had already had sex with their wives
should have one of two choices. That is, they should either abstain from their
wives, or definitely not presume to act as ministers at all. And as far as we
know, Speciosus, at that time a sub-deacon, suspended himself from his office
111. It is significant that Gregory does not mention the council of 553. The supporters of
the Three Chapters schism rejected this council, trying to cause a rupture between Theodelinda,
Bishop Constantius of Milan and the Roman Church. See Ep 4.37 for the pope's explanation of
this letter's wording to Bishop Constantius.
112. For Leo, see Epp 6.30, 47. The letter was probably brought by Euplus (see Ep 4.36).
113. The pope supported celibacy in Ep 1.42, but he thought it harsh for a sub-deacon not
accustomed to chastity to be forcibly separated from his wife, for with her absent, he would turn
out the worse. He proposed that all bishops should be told not to make anybody a sub-deacon,
unless he promised to live chastely, and any who had lived chastely with their wives since the pro-
hibition (three years before), should be rewarded, and encouraged to persist in their good behavior.
114. The deacon was in charge of Sicily's patrimony under Pelagius II. He also appears
in Epp 1.42; 9.8; 13.20.

BOOK FOUR
315
of administration for this reason. Right up to the time of his death he carried
out the office of a notary instead, and ceased from the ministry that a sub-
deacon ought to have served.
After the death of Speciosus, because his widow Honorata had been associ-
ated with a husband, we know that your Fraternity allotted her to a convent.
And for that reason, if her husband suspended himself, as is said, from his
adminisirative position, it ought not to harm the aforesaid woman that she
had sexual union with a second husband, especially if she was joined to the
sub-deacon 115 with no such intention of abstaining from the pleasures of
the flesh. And so, if you know that our information is true, it is altogether
right that you release the aforesaid woman from the convent, so that she can
return to her own husband without any fear.
But for the rest, let your Fraternity be extremely careful, and in the case of
those whom you happen to promote to this office, you must look into this as
diligently as possible, that, if they have wives, they do not acquire the freedom to
have intercourse with them. But you must nevertheless arrange with your own
strict rule that they observe all things with the apostolic see as their model.
4.35 Gregory to Victor and Columbus, bishops of Africa l16 I July 594
All of us created in this life have proved how much a disease, if neglected at
the beginning, obtains strength from our weak points. And so, if the foresight
of clever doctors were to cure the disease at its birth, we know for sure that
it normally ceases before it can do any harm. The message of this
consideration ought to force us powerfully to resist the diseases of the soul as
far as is possible, quickly. Otherwise, while we fail to apply healthy medicines,
they may rob many of you of your lives, with which we are striving to enrich
our God. We must therefore protect with vigilant care 117 the sheepfolds of
our sheep, over which we seem to have been placed as guards, so that the
cunning wolf finds shepherds fiihting against him on all sides, and has no way
of getting into the sheepfold. 11
For indeed, we have found that the'stings of the Donatists have disturbed
our Lord's flock in those parts like this, as if they were not looked after by
the control of any shepherd. And the report has come to us, which we cannot
mention without heavy grief, that very many of them have already been torn
by poisoned teeth. And finally, so as to drive out Catholic priests from their
115. Here their union is at issue, and the dative subdiacono in r2 c and PL is needed, with
iuncta ('joined to'), not the awkward genitive ('such a mind of the sub-deacon') in MGH and
Norberg.
116. An a paribus ('one each') may have dropped out. See Ep 1.24. The letter was
brought to Africa with Ep 4.32. The Church's province referred to by Gregory was
Numidia. For Victor, then primate, see Epp 8.14; 12.8, 9. For Columbus, primate in
Gregory's final years, see Epp 2.39; 3.47; 6.36; 7.2; 8.14, 15; 12.8, 9.
117. The 'vigilant' (vigi/ann) may remind his readers again of his Greek name 'Gregorius.'
118. For the medical and pastoral imagery, see the Introduction, pp. 106-110.

316
THE LETTERS OF GREGORY THE GREAT
own churches, by the most depraved temerity, and many, as well, for whom
the water of rebirth had provided salvation, they have destroyed them, baptiz-
ing them again with the most wicked depravity. And this matter greatly sad-
dens our mind, that, with you in charge there, damnable presumption is al-
lowed to perpetrate such a great crime.
On this matter, we suggest to your Fraternity with the present letter that you
should have a discussion and assemble a council,119 and prevent this disease,
which is still developing in this way, eagerly and with all your strength. See
that it neither obtains strength from neglect, nor stirs "up the damage of pesti-
lence in the flock entrusted to you. For if in any way you fail to resist
iniquity at its outset, which we do not believe, they will wound very many
with the sword of their heresy. And it is certainly a very serious thing to
permit those people to be ensnared by the noose of diabolical deception, when
we can save them from being ensnared beforehand. It is better to prevent
anyone from being wounded, than to discover how one who is wounded may
be healed. And so, considering this, destroy sacrilegious depravity with
assiduous prayer and with all the virtue you can, so that a subsequent report,
with the support of the grace of Christ, may make us delighted over the
punishment given to them, rather than make us sad over their sinfulness.
Besides this, send us Paul, our brother and fellow-bishop,120 with all
the zeal and speed that you can manage, so that, by finding out carefully from
him the reasons for such great sin, with the support of our Creator, we may
apply the medicine of a fit punishment to this most wicked depravity.
4.36 Gregory to Maximian, bishop of Syracuse 121 I July 594
Euplus, the bearer of this letter, tells us that the bishop of Agrigento,
Eusanius,122 was his father, and indicates that a great deal of his mother's
property had remained at his place. Since he says that the bishop has died
intestate,123 for that reason he asks that the property of his mother should
be restored to him, and that he should be allowed to obtain the fortune of his
father, the aforesaid bishop. We charge your Fraternity, in the course of this
advice, to take diligent care in investigating this matter. If anything from his
mother's property can be found in the aforesaid church, provided there is
nothing that could reasonably disqualify the aforesaid Euplus, see that this is
restored to him according to his proper share. Do likewise concerning his
father's goods also (which he is known to have had before becoming bishop).
If his father did not transfer them in any way under the control of his church,
119. For the previous council in Africa, from which he awaited a report, see Epp 3.47, 48.
120. For Bishop Paul, see Ep 4.32.
121. For Bishop Maximian, see the Introduction, p. 99. This letter was brought to
Agrigento by Euplus, probably with Ep 4.34 also. The town was still without a bishop (see
Ep 3.12).
122. This bishop is only mentioned here, active long before Gregory became pope.
123. See Ep 12.14 on the rights of bishops to make wills.

BOOK FOUR
317
as much as Euplus knows legally belongs to his portion should be at hand for
him, to give him satisfaction.
For, it is proved to be entirely contrary to reason and to our proposition,
if we should refuse to give anyone satisfaction and to restore those things
which legally belong to them. Therefore, let your Fraternity hasten to imple-
ment these things, so that the above-mentioned letter-bearer is not obliged to
return--t<5 us again over this matter, for any reason. For, as to the order which
our predecessor of blessed memory had directed, that all of his goods should
remain in the church after a priest's lapse, we believe that he gave this order
for the reason that he should not sink further through the goods. But we now
consider it just that the blame of the father should not do harm to the son.
But, through the dispensation of your Fraternity, let him obtain whatever may
be legally due to him.
4.37 Gregory to Constantius, bishop of Milan 124 I July 594
Having run through the letter of your Holiness, we know that you are
seriously upset, most of all because of the bishops and citizens of Brescia. For
they command you to send a letter to them, in which you must swear:. that
you have not condemned the Three Chapters at all. If the predecessor of your
Fraternity, Laurence,125 did not do so, you should not be asked to write.
But if he did so, he was outside the universal Church, and overstepped the
oaths of his pledge. However, we believe that the same man kept his oath and
remained in union with the Catholic Church. Thus there is no doubt that he
did not swear to any of his bishops that he had not condemned the Three
Chapters at all. From this, let your Sanctity conclude that you should not be
forced to do what your predecessor certainly did not do. But, so that those
who wrote those words to you should not be offended, send them a letter, and
in it declare this under the interposition of anathema, that you neither take
away anything from the faith of the synod of Chalcedon nor receive those
who do so, and that you condemn whomsoever it condemned, and absolve whom-
soever it absolved. And thus I believe that they can be satisfied very quickly.
But you write that very many of them are offended because you name our
brother and fellow-bishop John, of the church of Ravenna, during the solemnities
of Mass. 126 On this, you should inquire into the ancient custom. And if it was
the custom, foolish people should not be criticizing it now. But if it was not the
custom, something should not be done at which some people may take offence.
But I have been at pains to inquire carefully as to whether the same John, our
brother and fellow-bishop, names you at the altar, which they say is not done at
all. And if he does not make mention of your name, I do not know what
124. For Constantius and the topic of this letter, see Epp 4.2, 3. One of the other
bishops at fault had been a bishop of Brescia, near Milan.
125. The pope had dealt with the caution of Laurence in Ep 4.2.
126. For the key letters between the pope and John of Ravenna, see Epp 3.54, 54a.

318
THE LETTERS OF GREGORY THE GREAT
necessity is compels you to make mention of his. H indeed it can be done without
giving offence to anyone, your doing something of this sort is extremely laudable.
For you are showing what love you have towards your brethren.
But you also wrote that you did not want to send mr letter to Queen
Theodelinda, because the fifth synod was named in it. 12 On that, if you
believed that she could be offended thereby, you acted rightly in not sending
it on. Weare therefore doing this now as you thought best, so as to just
approve of the four synods. But, as for that synod which was held afterwards
in Constantinople, which many call the fifth, I want you to know that it
established and decided nothing contrary to the four most sacred synods. 128
Indeed, nothing was done in it about the Christian faith, but only about
persons, and about those persons who are not mentioned in the council of
Chalcedon. And yet, after the canons had been promulgated, contention arose,
and extreme action was kindled over persons. Yet we have done what you wanted,
so as to make no mention of that synod. But we have written also to our aforesaid
daughter, the queen, concerning the bishops mentioned in your letter.
Ursicinus wrote something to you, against John, our brother and fellow-
bishop, and through your letters, combining sweetness and reasoning, you
ought to restrain him from his intention.
As for Fortunatus,129 we want your Fraternity to be concerned, in case
you are somehow deceived by wicked people. For I hear that he has eaten
with your predecessor, Laurence, at the table of his church, for many years
and up till now, and that he sat among the nobles, and signed things and, with
the knowledge of that one-time brother of ours, did service in the army. After
so many years, your Fraternity now thinks that he should be driven from the
condition of his status. 130 This seems totally incongruous to me, and for
that reason I have given this order to you through him himself, but in secret.
And yet, if there is anything that could be held against him with good reason,
it ought to be aired for our judgment.
But we are sending over a letter to our son the Lord Dynamius,131 if
it should please almighty God, by means of this man of ours.
4.38 Gregory to Marcellus, a scholastic 132 I July 594
Our love of your Glory is always so alive in our heart that the absence of
your body does not keep you away at all. For although you are far from our
127. That is, Ep 4.2. The synod was in 553, in which the Three Chapters schismatics
were officially condemned.
128. The emended letter was Ep 4.33. Here the pope's argument is clearly misleading.
129. See Ep 5.18, where the accounts of Fortunatus are examined by the rector.
130. Constantius believed that the military status of Fortunatus was unsuitable for a
position in the Church, a judgment rejected by the pope.
131. The Patrician Dynamius was the defender of the papal patrimony in Gaul.
132. For this most eloquent and learned friend of the pope, see Epp 3.22; 8.24; 9.237.

BOOK FOUR
319
earthly eyes you are never out of our mind's sight. 133 For our wish fre-
quently drives us eagerly to writing letters, but our occupation does not allow
it. And so, while your Nobility's experience may not be ignorant of the
weighty occupations in which our office is involved, you should consider it
due to necessity, not to our wishes, that we sometimes have a break from the
duty of writing letters. But because your Glory in your letter wants to hear
from...us1ater, we do not see with what excuse we can defend ourselves. There-
fore, in this matter I should have defended myself with silence alone, but the
ardor of my love did not let my tongue keep quiet.
Therefore, we greet you with all our affection and sweetness, and admit
that we are greatly saddened. For you have wished to seek from us those
things over which, w.hile we are unable to satisfy your wish since reason dis-
approves, we may seem to sadden you, which we do not wish. For Church
discipline does not allow us in any way to leave this without correction. Nor
is it proper for you to make a petition over such matters, in case we should
seem to be consenting not to rectitude, but to a want of discipline (Heaven
forbid!). As for the case of the same Maximus,134 on whose behalf you
write to us, if he presumes to celebrate solemn Mass, we have already deprived
him of the communion of the holy body. For, at the due time, after mature
deliberation his case was judged and settled as it would have pleased our God.
But we pray the almighty Lord, both to gua,rd you here with his
reconciliation, and to lead you to the rewards of eternal life.
Month of August, twelfth indiction
4.39 Gregory to clergy, senate and people living in Ortona 135 I
August 594
Learning of the death of your bishop,136 we were concerned to delegate the
visitation of the destitute church to our brother and fellow-bishop137 with due
solemnity. We have given it to him with the orders that he should allow nothing
to be taken unlawfuJly by anyone from the church's income, its ornaments and
its holy dishes. It is fitting that you obey his constant exhortations. But know this,
that if it is necessary and he can find men worthy of this office, we have given
him the license to ordain priests and deacons. Thus, in obedience to the church,
a bishop may be sought 138 who has no reason to disagree with the venerable
canons and who can be found worthy of such a great ministry.
133. The mentis in r2 (ut vid.) and in PL provides a chiastic antithesis, but was omitted by
the other manuscripts and editions. The unnecessary tamen ('yet') may be an anagram of mentis.
134. Maximus had unlawfully claimed the see of Salona, and had been excommunicated by
the pope for doing so. See Ep 4.20. Marcellus had apparendy tried to intercede with the pope on
his behalf, but to no avail.
135. Ortona was a town in Samnium that had been liberated from Lombard control.
136. Bishop Blandus was long detained in Ravenna by the exarch. See Epp 1.32; 9.195.
137. The name dropped out, Barbarus or John, according to MGH.
138. From sacerdos exquiratur in r1, r2 c , and PL, MGH and Norberg suggest an over-
long lacuna.

320
THE LETTERS OF GREGORY THE GREAT
When he has been requested with the solemnity of a decree, reinforced by
the signatures of all, and accompanied by a letter of the visitor, let him come
to us for ordination. Before all else, take care that you do not presume to elect
a layman, whatever his way of life and merit. Not only should that man be
promoted to the high rank of bishop without favor, but you also must know
that no intercessions are capable of earning your pardon. But you will know
without doubt that all of you who are known to have favored a layman, must
be excluded from your office and from communion.
4.40 Gregory to Abbot Valentinus 139 I August 594
It has come to our attention that women are appearing everywhere in your
monastery, and, what is even more serious, your monks are making the
women their consorts. 140 As a result, they are having incautious unions
with them. Therefore, in case the enemy of the human race uses this opportunity
to deceive them with his cunning (Heaven forbid!), we give you this warning
accordingly in the course of this order. Do not permit women to appear in your
monastery hereafter, with any sort of excuse, and do not allow your monks to
make them their consorts. For, if this comes to our ears again in any way at all,
you will know that you must be subjected to such very severe punishment, that
the rest are without doubt put straight by the nature of your chastisement.
4.41 Gregory to Boniface, a magnificent man, of Africa 141 I August 594
If your Greatness, as I have heard, was thinking about the life of your soul
with an anxious purpose, you could in no way reply to me about your faith
through letters, but through yourself in person. For, since bodily discomfort
is put forward as an excuse, with the expectation of a time for salvation, you
could certainly accept hard work in return for the advantage of eternal sal-
vation. Thus we may both rejoice, you over our good sense and us over your
true belief. 142 For indeed, what I wrote in my letters should not be re-
peated now, nor should it be demonstrated by another form of reasoning. For
these matters themselves are often an obstacle for the mind of someone who
139. The location of Valentinus' abbey is uncertain, but a priest with his name may
have been abbot of a monastery of Saint Mark in Spoleto.
140. These commatres were the bed companions of some clergy and monks, and the
pope attacks this practice very angrily. Behind his outrage, he was also determined to avoid
any 'double monasteries' shared by monks and nuns, and forbidden in Justinian, Novellae
79. Yet many existed later on in England (at Whitby, for example) and were being founded
in the mid eighth century by Saint Boniface in Germany. Du Cange, Glossarium ad scriptores
mediae et infimae Graecitatis (1688; Paris, 1943), s.v. suggests that in the singular this word
described godmothers of infants being baptized. But it seems that this word was only used
here, and Gregory's ban was adopted by a Gallic council of that time.
141. This Boniface from Africa does not appear anywhere else, but he may have been
one of the judges in Africa or a scholastic.
142. The neat antithesis (with all five words in balance) is typical of Gregory's style, et
vos de nostra ratione / et nos de vestra credulitate.

BOOK FOUR
321
is unwilling, even though the reason might be clear. But for your sake, come
and present yourself to the abode of Saint Peter, the prince of the apostles.
And, unless I demonstrate all that I wrote, through a reading, depart with
whatever disputation you want. However, I exhort you, while a stretch of life
remains, not to allow your soul to be found divided from the Church of the
same Saint Peter, to whom the keys of the heavenly kingdom have been
entrusticl, and the power of binding and releasing has been attributed. Other-
wise, if his benefit is despised here, he may close the gateway to life there.
But if those who are participants in your uncertainty are willing to come
to me, they need not fear any violence in me, as if proceeding from my power.
For we hasten to move people more with reason than with force in all cases,
and especially in those that concern God.
4.42 Gregory to Maximian, bishop of Syracuse I August 594
Our brother and fellow-bishop Bacauda 143 has indicated to us that some of his
clergy in parts of Sicily have come to sacred orders. Since he mentions that he has
neither a priest nor deacons, he has asked that they should be sent over to him.
Therefore, wherever your Fraternity discovers them, as indicated by the bearer of
this letter, send them over there 144 without delay. Thus they may be- called
back to the church in which they once did service, and the aforesaid bishop can
have the relief he wants from them.
4.43 Gregory to Fantinus, the defender I August 594
The bearer of this letter, the Syrian Cosmas,145 has maintained that he has
contracted a debt in the business that he had, and we believe this to be true from
the witness of many other people, and of his tears. And, because he owed one
hundred and fifty gold coins, I wanted his creditors to make some sort of
agreement with him. For the law states also that a free man 'should by no means
be held for the sake of a debt, if there were no further items which might be
added to the same debt. 146 And so, as he asserts, it is possible for his creditors
to consent to eighty gold coins. But because it is asking a lot for them to seek
eighty gold coins from a person who has nothing, we have sent over sixty gold
coins to you through your notary, so that, when you have careful talks with the
same creditors, you may provide an account. For they cannot hold his son, as they
are said to be holding him, according to the laws. And, if it can be done, let them
143. For Bacauda, bishop of Fonni, see Epp 1.8; 2.45. Bishop Maximian appears in 12
other letters in Books 2-4 (see Ep 4.36 above).
144. The hue in the manuscripts and editions makes nonsense of this passage. The young
clergy (ordained elsewhere) are to be sent back to Bacauda (illue, 'there') to fill his gaps,
where they did their first service, not to Rome (hue, 'to here'). The two words were very
often miscopied.
145. See Ep 355, where the sons of Cosmas are held by creditors as security.
146. For this law, see Justinian, Novellae 134.7. Gregory's personal interest in this debt,
and help in settling it, is a good example of his compassion and financial expertise.

322
THE LETTERS OF GREGORY THE GREAT
settle for something less than what we have given. And whatever remains of
the same 60 gold coins, hand it over to Cosmas himself, so that he can live on
it with his son. But if nothing remains, reduce his debt to the same amount,
so that afterwards he can work for himself with freedom. But do this
hred!y, so that, on receiving the gold coins, they give him complete support
In wrItIng.
4.44 Gregory to Rusticiana, patrician 147 I August 594
On receiving our Excellency's letter, I was glad to hear how you had reached
Mount Sinai. 48 Believe me, I too should have liked to have gone with you,
but by no means to have returned with you. And yet, it is extremely difficult
for me to believe that you have visited holy places, and have seen many
Fathers. For, I believe that if you had seen them, you could not have returned
to the city of Constantinople so quickly. Rather, as the love of such a fine city
by no means left your heart, I suspect that your Excellency paid little
attention in your heart to the sacred things that you experienced with your
body. But, may almighty God illuminate your mind with the grace of his
piety, and grant you wisdom, and let you know how transient all temporal
things are. For, while we are saying this, time flies and the Judge is approach-
ing. And behold, the time is already nigh for us to depart unwillingly from
this world, which we do not want to leave of our own accord. 149
I ask that the Lord Appio and the Lady Eusebia and their daughters be
greeted on my behalf. But as for that lady150 who was my ne, and whom
you recommend to me in your letter, I am totally devoted to her, and do not
want her to suffer in any way. But we are oppressed by such great shortages,
that at present we cannot even excuse ourselves from imposts and burdens.
147. For his old friend Rusticiana, see Epp 2.24; 8.22; 11.26; 13.24, covering a period of
seven years. Their shared interest in Constantinople, in the Holy Land, in the Fathers of the
Church and in the family of Lord Appio, is well brought out by the letter. Its ironical start
reveals their intimate relationship, backed up by the pope's old and sickly nurse and his
rather lame excuse.
148. She started her tour after April, in 592. For the monastery built on Mt Sinai, and
its abbot, John, see Epp 11.1, 2. A pilgrimage to this mountain was a frequent event in this
period, Sinai being one of the holiest places for the faithful.
149. This end of the world theme is common in the letters, but may have a very
different purpose here. It usually warns sinners to repent quickly (see the Introduction, pp.
17 -18).
150. The domnam (dominam, 'lady') seems strange for his old nurse, but may conceal
her name Dominica (so the editor in MGH). Gregory sends his best wishes to a 'Dominica'
in Ep 3.63, but she was a domina also. However, such a nurse may have looked after him in the
royal palace, wh.ere he had become part of the family during his stay in Constantinople.

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.This translation of the Registl.111n epistularttnl of
Gregory the Great, the first complete version in
English, will provide all me.dievalists access to
one of the most important documentary collec-
tions to have survived from the period.
All fourteen books of the letters are presented in three volumes, each
with a preface of its own but sharing the introduction found in the
first volume. Books 1-4 appear in volume 1, Books 5-9 in the second
volume, and Books 10-14 (and appendices) in the concluding volume,
which also contains a glossary, bibliography, and indices.
The Introduction provides a brief biography of Gregory and discus-
sions of the historical background, as well as detailed exposition of a
range of topics, from Gregory's missions and his relationship with
Augustine of Canterbury, to the pope's major correspondents and his
use of Scripture. A section on the stylistic features of the letters shows
the range of Gregory's literary and rhetorical art. .
Gregory was pope from 3 September 590 to 12 March 604, thirteen-
and-a-half years. All of his surviving letters were written after he had
become pope, and deal with the administration of the Church's patri-
mony, the government of the Church in both West and East, the main
theological debates and heresies, and the many sinful and criminal ac-
tivities that threatened good governance. The letters provide a de-
tailed picture of a man of God, now contemplative, now a just and
tactful bishop, now a reformer and judge, ever humble, ever friendly
and charitable, except when severity was needed, and ever working
for a better, fairer society, controlled by a united Church, centered on
the abiding presence of Saint Peter.
Gregory, 1.vith an angel, and the Deacon Peter
'- from Montecassino, MS 73, £01. v
@Archivio dell' Abbazia, Montecassino

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