Sociological Aspects of Homosexuality
A comparative study of three types of homosexuals
ЛЬв by Michael Schofield
THE SEXUAL BEHAVIOUR OF YOUNG PEOPLE
Sociological Aspects of Homosexuality
A COMPARATIVE STUDY OF THREE TYPES OF HOMOSEXUALS
MICHAEL SCHOFIELD
LITTLE, BROWN AND COMPANY
Boston
о Michael Sdwfrtld Ij65
АП гжЬгт texmd No part at’ das ooo- stay be reproduced in any fora without pomisna in writing frwn the pul -ЕГ, excel b- > reviewer who «lay quote brio pastare» m a review to be praised in a magi лае ос new^aper.
CONTENTS
Part I. Results «f the Reearcn
labrary of Cocgrcn (Ja.nl ; L_rd No 6j-_‘4 t
Fail ihsb-d «965
ftm rd in Great Britam by The Cattrki ft w lx . IjflDfiOD KDcl ^witKam  Q
and
TVu iLed 1 тоту <: the world, except the l -S~A
tr 1 mW e and dependences, by Iwigiiuun, Gres &. Co LaJ
I. txi toorcncx .A. Reseat1h Dr ‘Zti B. Presentation
3
5
2. HC GKOCP (ПЬЯ ЫН ALl/COKVICTEt»)
A.	Description of the Group
B.	Cnnir al Record C Treaunen1 D Нт EijuJuuuuiid
E.	Coodit»лв before Pnsoci Senieue
F.	Each LapcT^r_jes
G.	H enunexnal Expcncxicx- before Prooc
H Hrrertwcxual txp-nr^rr he r< Pnsoc
7 8
$<?!$ у sc a *g 13 aas&as
BETHEL THE LCG’CAL SEMINARY ST FAUL HiNltSOTA
3.	rc ottovr (FABOOI»HIUACi, COXVICTEP) Л. De>cnptiu« of the Gwop
В Grunina! Rer•ord
C Treatment
D.	Home Ra. J -
E.	Coodii»» befTtr Pi enr> Sentence
F.	Early taper—± t n
G.	Scxxxal Exper era et before ft .«xi
H.	Ileicr' xal Expcncrenei before Prisun
I Tht PC Gruop bmfurai with tue HC Group
4.	Hl- GKOCP (HOMO-EXVAia/PATiP-TTS)
A Dntrripdoa и the Group
B. Criminal Record
C Trainent
D.	Ныне Ila *k"r r" d
E.	Qjnaiuom at the Time of the Tnterricw
F.	Early Experiencbi
G.	Hommexuail Expencnrc
5- si Boer [хоя-ножоажхили/рлтткт»)
A.	Demr pout, cl dir Crup
B.	Crmiirtai Rrourd
S26S49
vi	SocL iogual Aspects of Hemosexuahij
C Treatment	89
D Home Background	<Ю
E- Gond-ncxu at the Tune oi the Interview	91
F. Earlv Experiences	92
G. Heicr- -sexiuil Bch-ii it-ur	56
It Attitude to Homosexuality	97
I. The NP Group compared with	the	HP Group	99
6. но мои» (homose xvals/others)
A. Description Ы the Group	\ tot
В Hume Background	104
C GonuitiutB at the Time of the Interview	106
I). Earty Experiences	109
E.	Нопквсxual Experience	nt
F.	Heterosexual Lxpcncn..t	tlti
G.	The Three Homosexual Groups Compared	F22
7.	Nil GkOUP (NO\-HUMUStXt AU/OrHtRt)
A.	Description of the Group	tag
В Home Background	131
C.	Conditions at the Time of the Interview	134
D.	Eartv Experience»	135
E.	Heterosexual 1 a Vr. ”ir	13b
F.	Attitude to Homosexuality	13.
G The NO Group compared w.th the HO Group	142
Part II- Discussion of the Results	- —
8.	HOMOSEXUALS IN TROUBLE
A. Four Confuvions	147
В Tlu H nnuexual Cuuditruci	rod Homosexual Acts	147
C. Paedophilia	149
D Homosexual OHcnders	156
E. Нсxwsexuab under Treatment	ibo
F. The Etfe« t tveness of Treatment	tb2
g. she other homosexuals
A.	Acceptance	r 73
B.	Promiscuity	173
C Non .’id «inis.ni	178
D Social I» lanun	180
Consents	vii
IO. SOCIOLOGICAL ASPECTS
A The Social Setting	185
B. Dei lent Behaviour	187
C- Noncontonmst and Abn raui Behaviour	tBo
D. Exa^geraicd Importance	190
It. LAW ЯВРОЖМ
А Гиг ALun \rjrura-Titi	103
B. Other Gaitun-nu on the Law	194
12. TOWARDS A THEORY OP HOMOSEXUALITY
A rhown» al Trrtnalatron	«3
B. Variations in the Reactions to Serial Pressures	203
G. The Game of the Social Hostility	205
D Summan- of the Res J u	207
E First Requiremmts	211
APPENDIX. RESEARCH PLAN
A tiencrai ttutlinr	214
В Methods V»ed to Obtain Groups	215
G. Thr Conditioas at the Tune of the Interview	225
D. The Interview	227
1_ The Quality of the Response	229
F. The Verbal Reasoning Test	23г
 EflRENCES	233
AUTHOR IVDlX	241
SUBJECT INDEX	943
ACKNOWLEDG EMENT S
This research was made possible by a о miderate grant from the H me Other and was administered by Birkbct a College (University of London) under the direction of Professor Alec Rodger. It should not, of course. be assumed that either die Heme Office or Birkbedt College agree with all the statements made in dos report.
Valuable advice and a^iitancc was received fr.m Afr Johan Aucamp, Dr J. С. Г irker, Mr Peter Cavanagh, Pr ifess >r Desmond Curran, Mr Michael Davies, Dr Henry Duranr. Mr Alan Elliot, Dr T. G. Grygicr, Miss D gm r Klein, Dr P. B. de Mare, Mr. Louis JR is, Dr AL S. de Mowbray, Dr Denis Parr. Dr W. Paterson-Brown, Mr Phillip Ransome. Mis Eve Saville, Dr Fergus Stallard and Mr Leslie Wilkins, The Prison Commissioners, as they then were, gave permit on and made the necessary arram cments for offenders to be interviewed in Brixton, Wandsworth and W< rmwood Scrubs.
1 am particularly indebted to Mr T. S. I jdgeuf the Home Office Research Unit for his cm luragcmcnt and patience; to Mrs E-Gibson, alsool this Research Unit, forvaluablctomments and advice; tn Miss G- Blunt for her met iodous secretarial assistance; and to Mr Anthony Skyrmc for considerable help iu the preparation of the manuscript in its various drafts. I owe a special debt to Professor Alec Rodger for his understanding and guidance throughout the research. J should like to express my prof und gratitude to all these people without in any way suggesting that they are responsible for the views expressed in this report.
Thanks are also due to the 300 men who . reel to апл ver my questions, sometimes in difficult circtunMances. I hope the cooperation of all these people will lead to a better under !tarating of this difficult prcblcm.
M. S.
The pub’ishen arc indebted to the British Medical Association for permit ion to include material from 'Case 0Г Homosexuality Treated by Avcni Ther jpy’ by Dr B. James, published originally in Biuuh Medical Journal Volume 1, 1962.
AUTHOR’S NOTE
For the sake of clarity, the case histories in the book refer to pet-pie and places bv a l ame tathet than as X ir Y. To render identification impo-ible, all names of people are fictitious; and in each case I have set incidents in other areas which arc however, comparable in social and economic background.
Michael Schofield
PART 1  RESULTS OF THE RESEARCH
I INTRODUCTION
A. RESEARCH DF.StGV
Homosexuality has always presented а сопшлегма! social problem and has aroused strong feelings, not only among me gcnc-al public, but also among the various professional groups who are Irving to adopt a nwiT st tennfic attitude towards this subject In particular the differing opinions of psychiatrists. penal administrations and social «gists may be due to the fact that they come into contact with various types of homosexuals who present disparate problem? and may have dissimilar personalities
The objec t of this research was to study three groups of homosexual'. m the hope that it would advance our knowledge about their differentiating characteristics, and also to compare these group with three equ ivalent groups. Several attempts have been made to classify homoeexuJs in various wavs. Hauser (1962) listed no les than 41 type But these classifications have always relied upon subjective judgements. For the purposes of tnis research a simple objective classification was required, and so the homosexuals were divided into thiee group, aco-rding to the rocial consequeti«cs of their sexual activities.
Researcher» into this subject have never been able to explain why some himsex" > Is keep clear of trouble, while others are sent to prison, or require lung periods of psychiatric treatment, (km-aequently it was arranged that the homosexuals should be classified into: (1) those in prison, (2) those currently under treatment, and (3) tm-c w ho had never been in prison or under treatment. It was also hoped to have three mt responding control groups of non-homosexuals to comp ire with the homosexual groups. These were obtained for two < f the groups, after some difficulties were overcome (see Section В of the Appendix). Unfortunately the Prison Gtminisrtoner* (as they were then called) would not agree to prisoners other than those cons icted of homosexual offences being questioned alwut sexual matters. However, the Prison authorities agreed to an alternative plan which in some ways increased the value of the nr-ults although it meant that the hum «exuab in prison could not be compared with a matching group of non-h« rmsexual prisoners.
The orieinal plan was tn interview only prisoners convicted of homosexual (fences w ith other adults. In fact many of the men in prison for so-called homosexual offences were child mjlcstcrv
4	Sociological Aspects nf Homosexuality
Therefore it was derided to see two group* in the prisons and divide them according to the age of their sex partner.. Altogether 300 men were interviewed and these were divided into six groups as follows:
HC group (Homoscxuals/convicted,. 50 inmates of prisons convicted of homosexual offences with adults.
PC group (Pacdophihacs/convicted). 50 inmates of prisons convicted of sexual oilences with boys under sixteen.
HP group (Homosexuals'patients). 50 homosexuals who arc under psychiatric treatment in a hospital or out-patienl clinic.
NP (Non-homoscxuak/patients). 50 non-homcwexuals who are under psychiatric treatment in a hospital or out-patient clinic.
HO group (Humusexualsj'uthersj. 50 homosexuals who have not received psychiatric treatment and who have not been convicted for homosexual offences.
NO group (Non-humosexuals.others). 50 non-humusexuals who have not received psychiatric treatment and who have nut been convicted for homosexual offences.
A hom>>sexual for the purpose of this research is a male of twenty-one or over but under sixty-one who regards himself as a homo’ exual and is prepaied to say so to the interviewer. A non-homosexual is a male of twcntv-опе but under sixty-one wrho docs not regard himself as a homosexual. Homosexual patients must meet two requirements: (a) they must be regarded as homosexual by the psychiatrist, and (i) they must regard themselves as homosexual and be prepared to say so to the interviewer 1Ч,п-Ьотозехиа1 patients are men who are not regarded as homosexuals by the psychiatrist and who do not regard themselves as homi&cxual.
These six groups can be conveniently illustrated in this diagram:
HC	HP	HO
PC	NP	NO
The three vertical block» are made up of pairs of groups which are comparable with each other (Le. HC; with PC. HP with NP HO with NO). Similarly the three groups along the horizontal top line are comparable (i.e, HC with HP with HO). But the three groups along the ho. izontal lower line arc not comparable because the PC group is not a non-homuscxual control group.
Each man was intcrview'cd and then asked to complete a verbal
Introduction	5
reasoning test and a personality inventory.1 During the course of the interview ihr research worker sought factual information on the family background, social behaviour and sexual activities of each individual. Л detailed description of the interview and verbal reasoning test is given in Sections Л, C, D, E and F of the Appendix.
This research was expected to show large differences between each homosexual group and its corresponding control, but m fact the difference!! between the pairs of matched groups were suprisingly rm all and the differences betw een the homosexual groups w ere surprisingly large. This is a disconcerting experience and, as one hypothesis after another is abandoned, unanticipated problems arise and inevitably the research is prolonged.
B- PRESENTATIuX
Throughout the report the six groups will be identified by the letters given to them m Section A of this Chapter. Thus the HC group refers to the 50 homosexuals who have been convicted, the NP men to those men in the non-homoscxual group of patients under treatment, and so on
Many of the men convicted of sexual olfences against boys (the PC. group) do not accept that they are homosexual. Therefore these men are referred to as paedophiliacs. Indeed it became clear during the course of the research that the men in the PC group had very little m common with the men in the HC, HP and IIO groups. Accordingly it is convenient to use the word homosexual when referring to these three groups, and use the w*ord rarianl when referring to all four groups. Thus the three homosexual groups are HC + HP + HO, and the four variant groups are HC + HP + HO + PC ГЬс NP and NO groups are referred to as the non-komosexual groups, and also as the two control groups because they match the HP and HO groups respei lively.
The word homosexual is both a noun and an adjective. The substantive, as used in this research, has been denned m the previous section of this chapter. The term bisexual is now in common use to describe someone who is orientated toward both the same and the opposite sex, and will be used in this report despite efforts made elsewhere to change the word to the more correct ambisexual.
Part 1 (Chapters 1-7) is a record of the responses given by the six groups to a series of questions. As each group numbers 50, percentage figures are not usually given. Where the results are from
i. The results of the personality test «re not described in this report. They will be published later as a separate nunwgraph by Dr T G. Grygur.
6	Sociological Aspects of Homosexuality
sub-groups or the summation of more than one group, then the number who answer a question in a particular way is usually followed by a percentage figure in brackets
Sometimes the quantitative results are supplemented by quoting from the actual words of the men who have been interviewed With so many answers to choose from and with so varied an assortment of responses, the quotations chosen are bound to be selective. The quotations most likely to be chosen are those which seem to be the most representative, or those which make a pcint dramatically >r succinctly. Some of these quotau >ns are from men ip prison and therefore their truthfulness is open to doubt. It should always be remembered that this is a report of what the men said, which is not always the same as a icport of what really happened. Sometimes it is very difficult to make a judgement as to the truthfulness or otherwise of the answers. This difficulty is diatussed in section E of the Appendix.
Part 11 (Chapters 8-12) of this report is a discussion of the results given in Part J, and include, a first step towards the formulation of a theory which, it is hoped, will help people to take appropriate action when faced with the problem of homosexuality.
4 HC GROUP (HOMOSEXUALS/CONVICTED)
A.	DESCRIPTION OF THF GROUP
Th the spring of tq6l all the inmates of three London prisons (Brixton, Wandsworth and Wormwood Scrubs) who had been convicted of homosexual offences with other men aged twenty-one or over were interviewed by the research worker. In the autumn of the same year a further 16 men were seen at the three prisons in order to make up the group to a total of 50.
All these men answeied all the questions put to them in 50 far as it was within their capacity to give a reasonable teply. The relationship established during the interview was nearly always good, and most of the men were prepared to talk openly and frankly. A research worker, coming from outside the prison, stands a much better chance of obtaining truthful answers than those officers and others svorkirig in the prison wrho arc m regular contact with the prisoners. But this is a group of men who regard with suspicion any investigation mto their sexual offences, and the quality of the response is not as uniformly high as it is fur the four non-pruon groups.
All the interviewees were put into ten-year age groups between twenty-one md sixty. In this group and four of the other groups, at least 36 (72%) of the men were under forty; the only exception is the PC group where 2t (42%) were under forty fhe average age of the group was 34-5 compared to an overall average of 35-5. At the tune of their arrett, 30 of the HC group wert living in London, five in other cities and large towns, 13 in small towns and two in rural communities.
Six of this group were married, another six were divorced or separated and 38 had nut been married When they were asked about their religion, 18 prisoners icplicd that they were Church of England, nine were Reman Catholic, four were Non-Conformist and four others mentioned other sects; 15 said they did not belong to any Church. More men attended church in this group than in any group except the other prison group (PC).
The HC group was the least well educated of all the groups. Only three attended school beyond the age of fifteen, although 13 of the remaining 47 did receive some kind of part-time education at some period of their lives. This group was also the least successful in the Verbal Reasoning Test. Of the 84 men who came in the top three (out of ro) classes, only four were in the HC group. Whereas 27 of the 89 who were in the lowest three classes were in the HC group;
в
Ж Group (Homattxuals'CotivKledi	q
8	Socviiugual Aspect! pJ Hmosexuality
if all six groups were equally represented in the lowest three classes, the expected number would be 15. fThe verbal reasoning test is described in Section F of the Appendix.;
Judging from the occupation of the lather or substitute parent, two could be said to have come from upper middie-class homes, eight from lower middle-class homes and j6 from working-class homes; four could not be rated Questions about their own occupations revealed that two held supervisory jobs, 13 had non-manual occupations and 33 had manual occupations. There were 26 men who were unskilled manual workers and tbis’is twice as great as the number of unskilled manual workers ш any other group; there were 60 unskilled manual workers in all six groups and 43 per cent of these were in the HC group. Before their jrrest, 26 earned under £500 a year , 47 under £ 1,000 a year and none of them earned mure than ,£"1.500; all the ether fiie groups had at least one person earning over £2000 a year. The national average wage at the time the'e interviews took place was /.765 a year.
The appearance of each person was rated by the research worker on two six-point scales This is a purely subjective assessment made at the time of the interview, but in so far as all 300 were rated by one person, it can be expected to have some consistency. On the Ri bust;Delicate Scale, 114 were put into the two most robust dassificatioM, but only 11 <»f these w ere in the HC groups; if all the groups were equally represented, the expected number would be 19. On the Masculine.I-rmtnine Scale i&4 were put into the two most masculine classifications, of which 15 wcie HC men; the expected number would be 27.
The HC group, then, is about the same age as the other groups, comes from the same kind of areas and attended <. hunch more often than most of the othei men in the sample. They were the least well-educated group, the least successful in the verbal reasoning test and tame further down in the socio-economic scale. They appeared to be les* robust and less masculine than any other group.
B.	CRIMINAL RECORD
A famous London magistrate1 once said that 25 per cent of th, -sc convicted of homosexual offences are men with criminal records. Some people took this to mean that a quarter of all hornusexuals c >mmit other offences, on the assumption that those who come before the Courts axe a repicsentative «ample of all homosexuals. But several researches (Liddicoat, 1961; Westwood, igbo; Parr. 1958; Lambert,
t Mr Frank Powell in an article tn 71» Star in January 145В
*954) have shown that most homiisexuah do not come into conflict wntb the law. But the results of this research suggest that when convicted horrkbexuals are considered as a separate group, then 25 per cent may well be an underestimate.
By definition all of the 50 men in this group had been convicted of a sexual offence, but 20 (40%) had also been convicted of a поп-sexual offence, 19 of them more than once. Of the remaining 30 men who had nut been convicted of a non-$cxual offence, 14 had more than one conviction for sexual offences, and eight of these more than two convictions. So only one-third (32' s) of this group are first offenders.
Most prison officer? assumed that homosexuals operated largely in criminal circles and it is not difficult to see why they make thii assumption. During the course of discussions about homosexuality the research worker often came across words like ‘unnatural* or ’perverted*, but inside the prisons the staff were mure likely to use words like ‘degraded* or 'corrupt* or ‘degenerate' Cluse association with a particular type * if homosexual has made must prison officers believe that homosexuality is inevitably connected with other serious character defects and mure than one officer suggested that if these men were not in prison for a homosexual offence, they would still be there for some other reason.
In England and Wales* a hu unisexual can be charged under
eight legal headings, as follows:
.Maximum
Offence	irnuvt
Buggery	Life
Attempted buggery	to years
Assault with intent to	commit buggerv	to у ears
Indecent assault on a	male	10 years
Gross indecency lietween males	2 years
Persistently importuning — Or indictment	2 years
On summary" com iction 6 months
Bye-law indecencies	£5 fine
*1Ъс legal designation of the above charges is often changed to a lesser charge between the arrest and the court proceedings The actual charge depends on the evidence available, the plea of the defendant and the usual practice of the police in a particubr area. In some areas many cases of indecency are dealt with under byelaws, whereas the same activity in other areas ought lead to the
1. The legal решили h slightly different ,n Scotland
го	Sociological Aspects of Homoasiahrp
charge of gro« indecency which carrier a much higher penalty. Therefore two similar homosexual acts can result in different charges depending on other circumstances The distinction lietween these legal designations is not useful here ind so the offence* have been reclassified into Tout mutually exclusive categories, as follows:
No. m
H iMJtxual 'ffencc	HC	^r>up
Importuning	22
Homosexual act with an adult in public	s 16
Homosexual act with an	adult in private	12
Homosexual act with a minor in public or private о
These figure-, refer to the HC man’s last offence, i.e. the offence for which he was serving a term of imprisonment at the time of the interview. So it is surprising to find so many (44 %) of this group in prison for importuning which is usually dealt wfith summarily In fact half (it) of these were given a sentence of over one year, and three of them were given the maximum sentence of two years.
Section 32 of the Sexual Offences Act 1956 states: ‘It is an offence for a male persistently to solicit or importune in a public place for immoral purposes.' Proof of annoyance cr obstruction is not necessary and a man can be convicted >f this offence although he has nut at any time spoken to or touched any body or attempted to do so, and no person has complained as to his conduct or alleged that he has been solicited.1 And it has l>een held bv a Divisional Court that there is no distinction between persistently importuning ind persistently soliciting.’ Radzinowirz. (1957), reporting on sexual offences in 14 districts of England and Wales recorded in 1947, found that 27-2 per cent of all adults convicted of importuning were imprisoned.
In this group 16 men were sent to prison for their first-ever offence and two of these were for importuning; of the others six were for homosexual acts in public and eight for homosexual acts in private. A further five cases had previous!; been convii ted for importuning and were now serving then first prison sentence for the same offence. It is clear, then, that not all judges and magistrates consider importuning to be a minor offence, and not all men charged with this offence are treated with leniency .
Of the 22 men in prison for importuning, half (11) cf these men have been arrested for sexual offences only, but the other half have 1 2
1. Horton г Mead (1913) t K.B. 154, 23 Coot 729.
2. Field ». t hapnuo (1953) G.L.Y 787 , Tic Тише. g On. 1953.
HC Group (H-m-ifxualc-Cnitricud'l	11
been charged with previous non-sexual offences, 10 of them more than once. Although this ь> the first sexual offence foi seven of them, five of these have convictions for поп-sexual offences. Six -if the 22 have a long series of convictions for both sexual and non-sexual offences.
Seven men were serving prison sentences for their first importuning offence, but four of these have been convicted for more than one
Table 2.1 Lergtii of prison scxUnrt (HC group)
Sentence
Offence	2 yean and over	1-2 years	under 1 year	TOTAL
Importuning	3	8	11	22
Homosexual acts in public	4	6	6	lb
Homosexual acts in private	7	3	2	12
T able 2.2 Pn um prison жиежь, HC giuup\
Offence	First offence rvri	Fust tun* in. prison	Others
Importuning	2	5	»5
Hr murexua! acts in public	6	3	7
Homos'xua] аса in private	8	0	4
Table 2.3 Total rtn^Perofaondwru for sexualoadчол-sexualпЦгясс' (HC group)
Numbta of offences	Importuning	Public acts	Private avis
One sexual offence	2	6	8
Two smuaj offences	3	2	1
More than two sexual offences	6	2	—
One sexual offence and one nrm-wxual			
offence	К	—	*—
One sexual offence and more than one			
non. sexual offence	4	3	3
More than one sexual -Аегис and more			
than one пап-sexual offence	b	3	—
I a	Sociologual fapecti Hcmosfxualily
non-stxu.il offence. This suggests that their sexual misconduct was regarded as being merely another symptom of their general lawless behavioui. Of the 22 men arrested for importuning, n (50%) had also been convicted for non-scxual offences and 15 (68%) had previous convictions foi sexual offences.
When a man has been fined or put on probation and then appears in court for the same offence a few years later, the magistrate may well feel that only a prison entencc will act as a deterrent But there is another factor which should be noted here. It is a striking fact that nine of the 12 HC men who weie rated 'fairly effeminate’ or ‘very effeminate’ have been convicted 01 importuning, whereas only four of the 15 HC men rated ‘fairly masculine’ or very masculine’ are in prison for this offence. When only the 15 men with several convictions for importuning are considered, it is found that six (out of eight in the whole group) are rated ‘very effeminate’ and only one (out of eight in the whole group) is rated ‘very masculine’. Ir is known that the effeminate man makes up only a small proponion of the homosexual population - only 28 (14%) were found in all four variant groups, flit following paragraphs suggest reitsons why a higher proportion (24%) is found among convicted homosexuals and why a man who looks like the stereotype of a homosexual is more likely to be arrested for importuning.
Table 2.4 7hf rtletumihtfi bfkvrrn aftyraranct and imfuirtwtinn
Type nf offender	N umbel	Masi uiine/f eminine Scale					
		1	2	3	4	5	6
		%	%	%	%	0/ /0	%
All four variant groups*	200	3'	ai	ai	‘3	a	b
АП HC Group	50	16	'4	30	16	я	16
All Imponuncrs	22	9	У	»7	>4	•4	37
Re< id 1 vis 1 Tmportuners	’5	7	7	•3	‘3	20	40
* Including child molesters
There may be a few homosexuals who stop importuning after they have been convicted of this offence. It is more likely that the majority do not stop importuning, but use more caution, they might avoid public lavatories where nearly all arrests for importuning are made, ami look for willing partners m streets and |>arks w-here the chances of being apprehended arc less. But there is a minority who are regularly arrested for importuning. Some of these are male prostitutes and m their case it seems to be an unavoidable risk of
HC Group (HemosfxtMls G/ncwted)	13
the trade. But the number of male prostitutes seeking partners on the streets is very small A man who sets out to sell himself to other men runs into a difficult problem; he must go to an area where his clients will expect to find prostitutes, and he must be dressed and he must act in such a. way that his clients will recognize him: this means that the police do not have much difficulty in recognizing him Consequently the male prostitutes who work on the streets are soon apprehended and. if they arc to be believed, it is not necessary for them actively <0 solicit a man before they are arrested.
They know me. I’ve only got to walk down Piccadilly and they lun me in. (HC 31 is a male prostitute and Iras been arrested eight times for importuning )
But it seems possible that the police sometimes assume a man is a male prostitute because he is effeminate At all events there is another type of homosexual who is often arrested for importuning although he may not be a prostitute. There were several men m this group who had been arrested several rimes for importuning and the only thing they have in common is that they are all very effeminate.
Three times I have been arrcried by th< same policeman. He told trie whenever he sees me, he’ll an^st me Once he dragged me out of a car to arrest mt. Another time I was waiting for my affair at a street corner. (HC 42 with five convictions for importuning.)
You don't have to do anything for importuning. If the C.I.D. think you're importuning, they’ll nick you for it and it is no good arguing. (HC 19 with four convictions for importuning.)
The policeman said: ‘1 know you. You've been in before and I'm going to take you in again? 'HC 13 with 12 convictions for importuning.)
The police have a difficult job. Obviously they larmut arrest someone Ibr importuning unless they are there at the time the offence is committed. They are not likely to catch anyone in the act if they arc standing there ui uniform, and if they are in plain clothes inevitably they are accused of entrapment. Some of the following stories appear to have the ring of truth about them.
I went into ihr W.C. at Villiers Street on my way to the Royal Festhal Hall 1 really did need to gn there and 1 did what I wanted to do and started tn walk out. At the end there was a fairly young chap and is I went out he turntd round and looked and smiled. So I went back into the place. We stood there foi a bit- This chap was looking and leaning over, but I didn't do anything because there was another chap at the othet end. Then suddenly both of them jumped ou top of me. I thought they were going to rob me. but they were plain clothes men. At the station I pleaded
14	Sbwltigwal Aipa h of Homoxrxuahty
guilty T didn't think anyone would believe me if I told them what really happened. (HC 25. First offence. Three months.)
On the way htnnr I h-Aed in a shop window an J got talking to a mar. Tie asked if hr could come home with me and he said he’d grre me £2 if be could have sex with me. We walked on a bit and then another C.I D man came up ami they both grabbed me and took me to the station. I got sot months foi unportun.ng. I'd never heard the word before- It's true I would have had sex with him and he didn’t have to offer me £2. I didn’t know any thine about renting then. By the time I left prison. I knew all about it and all about how they make tnonev on the game HC 20 describing his first arrest;since then be has been convicted oQmporruning on four luor* опаяяь )
I was no more import unmg than fly mg but I’d been in before (oncebcfoec for importuning and several times for non-scxual offences), and *0 I kt mv lawyer persuade me to plead guilty so as to get a light sentence. Eighteen months is a light sentence ? <HC 36)
I had been to the London Pavilion and 1 came out with the man I’d been sitting next to. We talked for a bit and then he left. Then the police came up and arrested me They said they’d seen inr accent four men. I asked thrm to help me find the man I’d been in the film with. Hr hadn't been gone five minutes. But they wouldn't listen. HC. 14
It is one of the problems of research m prisons that so many prisoners protest that rhev are innocent There is no way of checking on these stories, but it does uteni possible that an individual police» nun may sometimes misjudge the situation and assume that a man who looks like a ho*n<-exual must be importuning. And , it к also posuble that a magistrate is more likely to believe the policeman's evidence than the story of in effennuate man standing in the dock.
I don't want to go back on thi game. I want to work. But the trouble is the police know me and they think I'm still on the game If they sec me round, they think I’m looking for trade. 1 was picked up at the Piccadilly. < ircir. Vndrrground and I wasn’t doing anything. I’d just come up from the tube and handed in mv ticket and a minute later they picked me up. Now 1 daren’t even go down there If I want to use the I nderground and I'm near Piccadilly, I walk to Leicester Square or Green Park. (HC 8 with five cunvccuuns for importuning )
I wav so drunk I don't remt-niber what happened The Judge raid 1 was st.ll "'porwblf for rm actum but all I <an retncndier is	in the
bar with a crowd of the lads. Bur I’m not homosexual. 1 made a fool of mvself by pleading guilty The police said 1 would only get a fine. (HC -p. Fitst offence. Six months.)
They just picked me up for importuning because they couldn’t pin a drug charge on me. Fair enough. I was selling the stuff, and that tames a far
HC Gnntp (HamuMxuals'Cooivietfi	15
higher sentence than importuning. ШС 38. First sexual offence, but with three uon-sexual convictions.’
The 16 men who were arrested for hummexual acts in public were usually caught м fantmie delicto cither in a public Lavatory cr in a park.
There teem to be twe types uf men who arc liable to be caught in this way. The first type gets involved in a homosexual situation in a thoughtless or 1 1 iuitous way; only raiely docs he take part in homosexual activities and he does not appear to have a strong homosexual drive, but in n? merits of stress or weakness, be succumbs to temptation; of course he appreciates that what he is doing is wrong and he is Likely to suffer from strong feelings of guilt afterwards, and yet he seems to enter ii to these activities in a casual way, without being aware uftf e dangers and the scnoui consequences if he is caught in the act
If you had told me a month ago that I’d get mixed up in a thing like this. I’d have said you were out of your mind. For some tune while the wife was carrying the baby, she’s been having trouble internally and she's bcm suffering a lot. For the last three months I haven't been able to touch her and it’s six г «mths since we slept in the same bed I don’t know if this is the reason. I don't want to make excuses. Anyhow one lunch lime I went *0 the toilet wh ch is in a park just acmes the road from where 1 work. In this e war a young man and he showed me that he had a hard on. Wed, quite frankly I was a bit intrigued and after looking at him for a bn I went up to hub FLcn the | ark keeper r amr in and giabtxd kid of this chap, saying he’d been keeping watch and he knew this swung (hap had been in the toilet for user half an hour The. park keeper told me I could make a dash for it, but I thought I ought to see it through. To I ell the truth I felt horribly guilty and peered with myself for letting myself do a thing like this. I’d blotted my copy book and in a sense I wanted to be punished So I went with them to the station and made a statement. Whs! I didn’t realize is that the law is heavily weighted against the hours! When it came up in Court, the magistrate was told that 1 had no past record and an excellent character, but be gave me at days - 1 suppose because this other chap was so much younger (if course it was a terrible sb<k. My wife expected me back that day and I haven’t seen her since,so I don’t fasow how she’s taken it She was very good about it when I told her about going to the poute station. She said it was her fault, but I told het she mustn’t blame herself IHC 24. Aged 39. Engineer earning /•1.050 a year.)
Well 1 must say I was stupid drunk at the time and I was caught playing about with u.'«other man. HG 50. Fust offence. Three months.)
I just drifted into it. I’d dropped it altogether for years. If I hadn't fallen ill land so been off work) and run into this chap by mistake one day, it
i6	Sociological Aspects of Homosexuality
wouldn’t have storied again. (HC 5 and married. Furst offence. Two years.)
1 had a quarrel with my affair, in fact we broke up II'that hadn’t happened, 1 wouldn't bfin here. 1 started going with just anybody, trying to forget the quart*!. 1 mci this chap near where T work and we went on a bomb site. Someone saw us and telephoned the police. (HC 47. First  (Fence. 21 months.)
1 went into the toilet and J saw things going on between others. Two were wanking each other off and two were admiring each other Then three of them left and this left an old man wlw pulled his uousers down and pushed his backside at me I said, ‘You'll get locked up for that.' Just then the police came in and took us to the station. The detective said he believer! my story but he persuaded me to plead guilty. 1 wanted to make as small a splash aS possible because my mother has a weak heart. fHC 45. First offence. t8 months.)
Until I Was caught, I never did it in public. I knew the risks and I knew it was a silly diing to do. (FIC »2. First sexual <flcncc. 12 months,)
But there is another type who make regular visits to public lavatories to ecek uther homosexuals. More often than not, they are not looking for a willing partner to lake home, but prefer mutual masturbation in the lavatory because thia activity is quick and anon'Tnous. Some of these men arc lonely or inadequate characters who are unable or unwilling to sustain a hum tsexual affair of any length. Others are not in a position to have a homosexual fuend; three of the r6 were mlined and seven more were living in conditions which made it impossible for them to take homosexual partners back to their home-.
Bur there are others among the tvpe who make regular visits to lavatorie who find some attraction in the danger or the sordid surroundings. All the men in the four v inant groups were asked if the illegality’ of homosexual acts added an extra геч to the experience. Of the 200 who answered this question, 42 (at%) said Chat they gamed an extra thrill from knowing that what they were doing was a8ain*t the law, and 25 of these were in this HC group. The remarks of several of thc’C prisoners show clearly that the law is not a deterrent to them,
My whole life is against th* law and I admit I gel sr-mc kick out of it. fHC 38)
If just doesn’t worry me any more. It isn’t too bad in here, you know If thev provided a few more cigarettes and a bar, they could throw away the key. The food is no worse *han in the army and it’s an easy life. HC 48) I don’t de it because I want to do tlicsc things. I get very lonely outside. When 1 get out, I miss the companionship ol the schools and prisons, and
HC Group (Homosexuals (Convicted)	17
by the end of three or four months I want to get baek tn the nick. (HC 23. Aged twenty-four, with many convictions.)
If two men were involved in a public homosexual act, the charge was usually gross indecency as well as indecency under a bye-law; if there w’as no one eke present other than the police officer, the man was usually charged with importuning. The sentences varied considerably and it is difficult to find from 2 study of the 16 cases why some men got far longer periods of imprisonment than others. As one man went into Court, his lawyer said to him, “I’m afraid we’ve got the wrong Judge’; he was sentenced to 21 months for hrs first offence Four men got over two years, six got 1 -2 years, and six got 12 months nr less.
The reconvii tion rate for the first type is probably low Although they entered into the homosexual relationship casually and without thought, the arrest and the appeal ante in Court is a great shock As these men do not appear to have a strong homosexual drive, it is possible that they have learnt then lesson and a term of imprisonment for a first offence mav be иппссечагу In this group nine of the 16 were in prison for then first sexual offence, but three of these had been convicted of non-sexual offences.
Nearly half of the men (ijoutofaB) convicted for importuning or for public homosexual acts had also been convicted for non-scxual offences, whereas only’ a quarter (three out of 12) of the men arrested for homosexual acts in private had convictions for non-scxual offences.
The 22 met 1 arrested fui importuning and the 16 men who committed homosexual acts in a public place would .still be in prison even if the main recommendation of the Wolfcnden Committee had been accepted and the law amended. This leaves a total of 12 men who were charged with committing homosexual acts with adults m private.
Table 2.3 shuwa that four of these had previous eonvictions. One had served a previous sentence of 12 months for a homo'cxual act in a public place and he believes this led to his latest arrest.
A chap dime and joined the firm. He was an obvious queer.. . Il happened hve or six times, then he left and we didn’t sec each other any more About  year later he was caught with lomronc else and because of my previous record, the police gnt on to me 1 made a statement admitting some things, but 1 didn’t admit buggery, though. (HC 4b)
The ether three had a long string of non-sexual offences although this was the first sexual offence in each case One man had seven previous convictions fur stealing clothes or money. At the time ofhis
i8	Soacl-gual Asptcli of Homtexualtty
arrest he was sharing a flat with another man who was interviewed by the police because they suspected him ef receiving stolen goods. After a series of calls and a thorough search of the flat, the police decided to drop the charge of receiving against the other man, but charged them both with homosexual offences. (HC 30)
The second man had eight precious convictions fur nun-*exual offences including three for possessing drugs. This чтс he gut four years for homosexual acts with two men who were living in the same hostel. The other men got two years and three years. (НС 18)	\
Tlie third man had seven convictions for theft The last time xvas when he stole £tb from his employer:
1 never thought he’d report me (because they were bavins regular homosexual relations together). It might have been his wife who gave me up. I was so wild I told them all about the sex. НС 16)
This leaves eight men who were sent to prison for their first offence in private with an adult. The situation that led to their arrest is retold in each case using their own words where pussiblc.
My fnend was picked up for being drunk and di: rderfy. 11,- police tried to pin a job on him. They kept luin there all night and in the end he confessed about us, so as to explain where be had been the night hr was supposed to have done the robbery. I think he really confessed so as to get out of the station. People do tunny things when the police question them for hours. . . (When he discovered that his friend had tcId lb*- police everything they wanted tn tniw) . . I thought 1 might as well admit it, and I admitted it with two other men which wa»  mistak*. My friend got 18 months but 1 got four years. The Judge said I was the corrupter. (HC 11 Charge buggery, bentcncc four years |
After hr had bcm at work a few weeks, we had conversations about sex and love and he told mt he’d been around with severs! men. Then it started to be quite a regulai thing with us, usually al night after we’d bcm left to lock up (at their place of work' Wc grew very fond of each other and I think other people must have seen it. At any rate tongues began to wag. (After three years) the police suddenh appeared at night when we were alone m the ,workshop} 1 heard later that they kept a watch on it several nights and not ited that on some nights we left 1 ithir late. On the night they came, they looked around but thev didn't set nothing. But they followed Jim home and took him to the station He was kepi there a foils tirue and in th* end he gave the whole game away, When the police told na that he’d admitted it, I made a statement and admitted everything. The police thought uthn1 were involved .end que,:.uned me for a long tune, but thert weren’t no i then They got very annoyed and said they’d throw the book at me unless I adni .tied there were others. I IC 10. Buggery. Seven years.)
HC Gtmtp (H mnsexuahConvicted,	ig
1 still don't know who first set the police on to me 1 came home late from work one night and I found the police waiting for me. I don’t want to make excuses fir tnyself. but I’d been working long hours and I was very tired (He was a foreman engineer earning jfqoo a year and had said earlier in the interview; ‘Work has been my downfad. If I hadn’t been working such long hours I’d had never have got into trouble.'. The polit e raid it 1 came down to the station. Id soon he bath and it wouldn’t interfere with the work next day I didn’t even take a packer of cigarettes with me. I was there for eight hours, never alone far a moment. Eventually 1 was pesuaded to tnakr a statement. It was only then that 1 realized that they hadn’t the famrest idea who the other mar. was They asked questions and made up a statement from it, bit by bit. I was a fool to sign it. I told my defending counsel about this but he never mentioned it in Court. If I knew what I know now. I’d have realized the police had nothing to go on until 1 let the cat out of the bag and got a lot of other people into trouble as well (HC 15. Buggery . Tour years.)
Il all came out when ihu other chap was arrested and be told the police that I’d been iixitmg him. I made the mistake of admitting it. I thought tf I pleaded guilty, I’d get it all over quietly. fHC 35. Gross indecency, ic months.)
Wc suckec each other off and then the next thing I know he was trying to choke me. I went out for the count. When I woke up, he was standing over me fullу dressed and then helped take me to the hospital I was tn a terrible meu My jaw was smashed. I think he must have stamped on my face. I was in hospital for two months. 1 had to have an operation on my face. The police kept coming to see me, asking who'd done it- They even came to thi rest-home where I went next. Just about then another man was taught and at the police turion he admitted having sex with me. I gave m then ai id told them everything. (HC 6. Buggery' Foor yean I don’t know how they found out I was picked up one Jay and I told them everything I'd done in the last four years (i-c. since his first homosexual expel entж at the age -if ao). (HC 12. Buggery, Five years.)
The seventh man, who was a teacher, felt sure that an ex-partner had reported him to the polite. They had lived together for three years and then, after a violent quarrel, they had parted. A few months alia this the police interviewed him:
Although the police immediately assumed that I had interfered with the boys and questioned manv of them, there was not the slightest truth in it.
He told the police he was only interested in adult males and made a statement. (HC 4. Grow indecency. Two year*.)
The eighth man was ciunrhl in one of the chain rear lions that are started by one man in< riminating several others, who in turn incriminate still more men. Tills man also made a statement and gave the name, of his partners. (HC 39. Buggery. Five years.j
20	Stxurlogual Алраи </ /iumoscxvalifj
All eight men made statements and pleaded guilty. It is also interesting to note that six of the eight were charged with buggery. This mav be because when a homosexual act is committed in private, ii is usually possibly for buggery to rake place, if both men agree to this whereas in a public place this may be impossible. Another possible explanation, h .wever, is that once a man has agreed to make « statement, he can be led on to admit buggery without being aware that this is regarded as a much m< i e serious crime and subject to far severer penalties. Seven of the 14 men who меге serving sentences of over two years had committed humqfexuai acts m private, whereas - inly four of the 16 men who committed hom<nexual acts in public were serving sentences of over two years. Most people would regard a bom'^cxual act in public as the more objectionable offence, but only those with previous convictions were rervine Jung sentences. Fir л offenders for this uffence teceived shorter sentences th. n men whi»e first offence was m private with ancther consenting adult.
C. TRtAtMENT
Only one of the 50 HC was receiving psvchiatnc treatment in prison. In all, seven of this group had received treatment at some period of their lives, two had sought psychiatric help as out-patients after their first arrest for a homosexual offence, three had been inpatients at mental hospitals for reasons not dtiectlv connected with their homosexuality, and one other sought out-patient treatment for nun-iexuol reasons. Two of the seven had been treated fur less than three months, three for less, than a year, two for over a year, while the one man at present under treatment m prison liad only been attending for a few week» and seemed unlikely to continue for long
I've been seeing the psychiatrist here, hut 1 don't fed at ease with him. There are a lot of dungs I don’t tell him (HC 1).
It is typical oi this group that none эГ them sought treatment heli re their fir t arret, and yet a large number demanded psyi hia-tric aid after thetr first conviction for a homosexual offence. The case records uf tim group arc full of complaints about the lack of facilities for psychiatric treatment in prison.
1 rid th- dotlur when I was finisent to prison that the Judge said: I’m going to send you to prison, not BootaL because in prison you’ll get proper treatment.' The doctor said , 'The Judge wasn’t speaking to you. Hr was speaking to the general public (HC 33;
HC. Gf'tup > H.-rrnosexuals'Camicted}	21
I’ve asked many times tor Treatment but they don’t take * bit of notke. (HC46)
I’m ntit like most homosexuals. I don’t go the full extent. I’ve never doue it and I don’t want to Thai's why I'd like to have some treatment. (HC 21) I saw the prison psychologist but he »aid he couldn't do any шт» fur me, (HC41)
Ii may be difficult to view these complaints with sympathy when it is clear that noite of these men made the effort to seek treatment before they got into trouble. But it should be remembered that it is not easy to arrange for psychiatric help under the National Health scheme, and any other method would be far too expensive tor most of these men First of all the man ha> got tn lake the decision to ask for help. Many of them find it extremely difficult to make the first move. Even when he has got as far as arranging for regular visits to a psycliiatitst, it mav be difficult or embarrassing to get permission to do this during working hours, and there is a limit tn the number of people a psychiatrist can take for evening sessions.
Then the m-mrui. comes when he ж arrested, and suddenly he is ready and anxious for psychiatric treatment. It u a mistake to durcgitd this sudden change of heart, for it is an opportunity that should not be missed. Most psychiatrists would agree that the prognosis is nt or for a homosexual who is quite content with hii condition, and Ль Is precise!) Ле state 1 if mind of most of these men before thev run against the law. It is Ле weeks and months immediately following then arrest when for Ле first time many of Лет become aware of Ле social consequences of Лей deviation and ac tively wish to rid themselves of Леи homosexual tendencies. This is the golden opportunity, the chance to help and treat these men who would not otherwise be interested in Ле offer of psychiatric assistance.
It is a pity that mure cannot be made of this opportunity. For Ле nun who is fined, or put on probation, or discharged on condition he receives treatment, there is some hope that the chance will nut be missed. But for the man who is sent to prison, it is must unlikely that he wiU receive treatment despite assurances from Ле magistrate or Ле judge.
The prison psychiatrist is pul in an impossible situation. He must know that he cannot see all thc^e who a-,к for trcAtment. Wiffi the limited rime at his disposal, he decides to select those men who are most likely to benefit fiurn treatment. Meet people would agree that the, decision is Ле only possible one in the circumstances But where does it leave the other men who have not been selected for treatment ?
22	Soa-rloguai Lpan oj H.mosexuality
It would be possible to tell them that they cann-.t have treatment in prison because in the opinion of the psychiatrist it would riot do them пшЛ good. A few of the ргьопегз in tl s group Ease been told as, much, and not surprisingly it produces a feeling either of despair or cynicism; it is easy for the homosexual i »tell himself that he cannot be helped, he cannot be blamed and therefore has a right to continue with his homosexual activities.
More often the prisoner is not told anything. His request for treatment is passed to the authorities and this is the last, he hears about it. Sometimes a man may be seen briefly by the psychiatrist. In this group io of the men had ar. interview with a psychiatrist, or a doctor or a psychologist (they w ere mt always sure if this interview was connected with their inquest fur treatment' Others do not have even a preliminary interview, hut are turned down on the basis of their recotd because, for example, they are loo old or unintelligent or have too many previous convictions. Whatever the reason, there is nc doubt that these decisions cause much it eminent and the men leave prison convinced that they are etthei bevond help, or that no one Lares.
This is an unfortunate state of affairs although it would be a mistake to make too much of it. In the present state >f psyclwlogical knowledge there is little doubi that there are some men who cannot be helped It can also be argued that thete are others whu w ill der.ve so little benefit from a course of treatment that it is hardly worth the time and money - and it shi uld be remembered that psychiatric treatment is always costly.
I’ve talked to friends whn've been to psychiatrists. It doesn’t seem to have dunr Urm mut h g"»xl ind anvwa > when il Comes i i <Low n to it - I don’t thmk I want to be cured. (HC 47;
I’ve seen three doctors, not to become normal, but because I wanted to change niy sex. (HC 42)
They say you’ve got to have a guod head-pieie on you before they can cure sou (HC 19)
Nevertheless, the present situation is that there are many men sent to prison who are under the impreuon that they have been ’promised’ treatment by the judge or magistrate. And each year there are men leaving prison who arc resentful and embittered about the lack of treatment facilities. In such circumstances the chance that they will give up homosexual activities is 1 emote. Although reconv.ction rates for homosexual ofleiw es are not so high as for many other offences, most of the homosexuals who leave
HC Group (HomoUxuah CuKBultd)	23
prison go out with the determination not tn get caught again, but not with the idea of giving up homosexual practices.
There are some men, however, who even after at rest and prison sentence, do not think that psychiatric treatment can help them.
One is not in a position to change, It’s not a qu^rvwi of human frailty. Some things arc possible, some things aren’t. This isn’t. HC 15)
I saw a specialist onee. He said there really isn’t an; thing that can be done, which I am mre is the right answer. fHC 22)
The doctor sent me to a psycho, but she admitted she tuuldn’t du much for me so I newr bothered alter that. (HC 30}
I don’t see the sense in treatment. A Enend of mine had it and it didn’t do him no good fHC 36)
In the army an officer asked 11 1 wanted tr»\atrru-nl but I said, ‘No, Гm quite happy as I am’. He said ’But ;uu may get into trouble’, but I didn’t think so then. (HC 23)
The chap I saw said the only thing he could do was ghe me tablets that would cut down all the sex, inchrdunr sex with the wife. Well, what’s the good of that? (HC6)
These views are tirmh exorcised, and yet almcst any variation in the prison routine is welcome. Such men may regaid a weekly session with a psychiatrist simply as a waste of tunc Certainly that is what many of the pn-on officers would think And yet here is the chance to give some firm of treatment tc men who would not dream of seeking it outside ргьоь. And it b not beyond the iralms of possibility that many of them would derive some benefit from it, despite their initial hostile attitude to the idea.
But perhaps this is taking idealism too far. Obviously the first objective should be to rncrta*e the staff of the prison medical servite so that those who ask for treatment, and so are at least receptive to it, shall be given the oppoitunity. Eventually we should try to assist those who need help even if this means tliat the first part of the treatment is to overcome strong psychological objections.
n. HOME BACKCROCNU
Much of the literature on homosexuality has a tressed the importance of the background and in particular the influence of a disrupted home or manta! disturbance of the pare 1.is Allen (1958-, Henry (<950), Jonas (1944) and many others have suggested that disrupted homes may be a basic factor in the development of hcmosexual tendencies. Kolb and Johnson (1955) placed particular emphasis upon the parental role in promoting homosexuality. Wtst (1959)
c
24	Soaafopcat Aspats rf Hama^exuahn
compared 50 hornosexuab with 50 controls and concluded that a cl uiract eristic of the homosexual group was a combination of an over-intense mother and an uiuattsfactory father. Bieber (1962puts much evidence on ‘the over-closeness and sedut:tivenc»’ of rhe mothers of homosexual^ and the hostility of the fathers.
In this group, before the boy was twelve, the mother had died m six cases, and the father had died in nine cases; in four other cares the parents were divorced, the boy remaining with his mother in each case.
Table 2.5 Dimpled hornet (HC group)
for dtsr jpt-d nume	L ndrt 12	12- 18
Motbct died	6	5
Father died	9	4
Parents divorced	4	2
The number who lost their mother! is not significantly different from any uf the other five groups, nor is the number of divorced parents. In the four variant groups, however, the number who Jost their father in early childhood (31 out of 200) is signilu antiv higher than the number in the non-homosexual groups (10 out of >00).
Other rcasrtu besides death or legal separation may i'au.v one parent to be absent for a lung period. If either the mother or father was dead or abrent from the home for a period of over five sears between the age o-15, the HC man is classified as coming from a disrupted home. Six of this group were brought up in institutions. Apart from these, 31 came from homes where both parents were present, three were brought up by step-mothers or aunts, and in to cases there was no man in the home In litis HC group 38 per cent came from disrupted homes compared with 35 pex cent in the four variant groups and 24 per cent in the non-homusexual groups.
Although it is accepted by most investigators that the early home environment is particularly important m the development of homosexuality, Westwood (i960) in hit study of 127  eh-cuiifc- ~ed homosexual! found that 30 per cent came from homes where both parents were prerent, whose patents’ marital relations were average or better, who got on well with their fathers, whose nxthers w ere not possessive, and who described their childhood as happy. Using the same process of clumiuuon here, it is found that 16 per cent of this group appear to have enjoyed a happy secure, unemotional b me life as a child. Among hvmorexuab not in prison, the percentage is 2Й per cent; but this will not surprise the many researchers who have
ИС Croup {Hi mosexuals^CmncUd,	25
found that a common factor in a prison population is that most of the inmates come from insecure or unsatisfactory backgrounds. This suggests that some convicted homosexuals may have mure in common with other prisoners than with other homosexuals.
Table 2.6 77k nmber НС чп sciA endisnirbed tadl pwndi
Total number in HC group	50
VimlxT from disrupted homes	rg
3» th 31, tne zuuiial nhuom ,4" the parents were poor in 9 cases	q
22
Of these 22, the mother was reported to be possess; , с ш 7 cases	9
•3
Of these 13, the relations with die father nrre bad tn 2 ltd	2
11
Of there it, the man’s childhood was described as unhappy in 3 cases	3
HC men from undisturbed backgrounds 8
The HC men tended to leave theii family home at an ел i lia age than in any other group. By the time they were seventeen, 20 (40%) had left home, compared to an average for all six groups of only 23 per cent, By the rime they were twenty, 31 HC men had left home, 12 of them for reasons outside their own control, but four decided to leave home for reason* specifically connected with their horn /sexual condition, and 15 for other reasons. By the age of thirty, all hut 12 had left home and only six were living at the parental home at the time cf their arrest.
I fell I wasn’t understood at home I was always a bit effeminate, even then So I went to the West End and started to tun aroui-d with c livers like me. I found ifwtr company preferable ’HC 36)
Belfast is a big place, but by this time I was too well known all over the ary and so 1 thought I’d better come to London. (HC 47)
1 wanted to see th*- world. HC 49)
I came 10 London to better mysrifas it was called in three days. HC 22)
2b	Soculogual A spa is uj Homosexuality
My muther uickcd me into a mental hospital and once in there I couldn't get out. HC i)
Father made me leave because the sieht of me made him sick. {HC 16)
All but eight of this group were reared in conditions which were unsatisfactory m some way. This confiims the findings of the many researches both on homosexuality and on criminal behaviour, but as will be seen tn later chapters, a close study of the backgrounds of many men will often reveal indications of insecurity or depth ation.
\
E. CONDITIONS BEFIRE PRISON SENTENCE
As all the prisons visited were in London, it is not surpn-.ing that 30 of the HC group were living in London at die tunc of their arrest-But only eight of the 30 who lived in London were born there; seven were b->rn in cities or large towns, ro in small towns and five came from rural areas. So only 27 per cent of the men who now live in London were bom there According to the 1951 census 4G per cent of the population living in the metropolitan area were born in Londoi This is m accord with the strong tendency for h' rnosexuals to migrate tn Load wi. In the non-honr>scxua] groups 58 per cent of those who lived in Ijondun were also born there, compared with 38 per cent in the four variant group;. Thus the movement towards L>nd>n is more pronounced in thi<- group than m any of the other homosexual groups.
None of the eight HC men who vs ere bom in London moved elsewhere but 25 of the 32 men who were bom outside London moved to larger communities; only two of the eight who were born in a rural area still liv e there. ’1 hus it can be seen that homr«exuality is essentially an urban phenomenon, with a tendency for homosexuals born in small towns and rural areas to move to London and the larger conurbations.
Only five of this group owned property of their own; before they were -ent to prison, 40 lived in rented rooms, Hats or hostels and six were - till living w ith their parents. Twenty-four lived alone, 14 with their families (six of these were married with children), and 12 shared with other men /seven of the other men were homosexual ).
All these men were questioned about the physical opportunities for bringing liack horn' -cxual partners to their homes- For nearly half (24) this group it w as impossible, but the other half had found a place where they could have homosexual relations with friends (10) or with casual pick-ups (16). The physical opportunities to have hom j exual relations with casual partners was higher than in the other homosexual groups, but the frequency of homosexual acts
HC GfVttp (Homosexuals ICoiUKtetT)	14
in their own homes was much less than in the HO group, many of whom lived w ith their regular partner*.
The questions about work revealed that the two pri-on groups contained many m re unskilled or semi-skilled manual workers, and this was the only group w here over half (26) were unskilled manual workers. Over half (26) were earning less than £500 a year, which was less than the national average at the tune of the interview. Sixty-seven (22%) of the 300 men in all six groups were earning over £ 1,000 a year, but only three of these came from the HC group.
But although the men in this group are less skilled and lets well paid, they seem tn be as happy in their work as the other groups, and far more content than the two patient groups. Thirty of the men in the HC group expre->-<-d satisfaction with their work compared with 23 in the HP group and 19 in the \'P group.
It wa* not possible to give much time to question* rn leisure and therefore the information is not very thorough. The must that was attempted was to find out from each man if he had any particular intern tr that took up a lot of his -pare time and a few other questions gave the research worker a general unpresiion of his leisure time artiviurs. Then he was placed into one of five general categories. The last of these categories was headed f'ajru and it was used when the man ‘ecmcd unable to describe to the interviewer how he spent his time away from work. In this group 10 men were put in this category which is twice a* high as the average (5) for all six groups. Fhc other men were equally divided among the four remaining categories (arinhc, intellectual, auidoor, and racial), but few of them took a strong interest in any particular leisure activity.
F. BARIY EXPERIENCES
As noted in the first sec tion of this chapter, the men in this group were less well educated tlutn the men m the other groups. Only seven of this group attended a Imarding school, whereas an ivcrage of 10 people in each of the six groups bearded al school during some period of their education.
But the extent of formal sex education received at school u not significantly less m this group. Only 56 ol the 300 men received any kind of sex education al school and seven uf them were in the HC group. Three men can remember receiving instruction on sexual matters from their parents. This includes one man who was instructed both by hrs parents and at school, so 41 received no sex education.
It was mostly ‘don’t do th и and don't do that', but it did contain a little informauon. ,HC 22 on sex education ai school.)
28	Sociological Aspects ojHvmutexuality
We used to have let turn (on sex education), bui they didn't tell me anything I didn’t know. (HC g)
Th<. teacher did try but he was rnort embarrassed than we were.. My uiutbci told the girl* things, but not to us boys. (HC 48)
It was him his step-lather) what put mr ufT women. He  jlkid a lot to me about V.D. and prostitute*, looking back, 1 think he got a kind of kick out of telling me, but I was only 12 and hr frightened me away from girls (HC33)
1 never got a lesson on sex in my life. HC 15)
Until I was seventeen I thought children came out of the ngvd. tHC 38)
ЛИ talk about sex was absolutely prohibited. (HC 43 at a R.C. school.)
As so few had received any formal education, enquiries were made from each man as to how he found out about sexual intercourse. Most seem to find out from other boys, but so many {22) men were unable tc answer this question that it is not possible tn give any precise figures.
Tt was passed down thr line as it was bound to be in a school with boys aged nine to fifteen- (HC 24)
By instinct. I just picked it up. 1 can’t remember anyone telling me. iHC 48)
It comes natural, don’t it? HC r)
It was even more difficult for most of the men to say how and when they first heard about homosexuality. But from the ones whi-could answer, it is interesting to find that some had considerable homosexual experience before they had heard about homosexuality, at any rate by that name; whereas others knew about it, or at least accepted that they found men more sexually attractive than girls, before they had ever had an oveit homosexual experience.
I always knew I wаз difiertnl. but 1 didn't hear the word hi imoscxualtту) until I was sixteen. (HC 36, whow first humosexual experience was when he was fourteen.)
] knew I was different in some way 1 just didn’t fit in, ’tho I didn’t know bour homosexuality until a long time after that (HC 31 talking about his fust h-moscxual txpenence )
From about the age of twelve 1 knew 1 was more attracted to men than females, although I didn't do anything abuut it then. (HC 7)
At sixteen or seventeen I realized I was inclined to males but nothing happened until I was nineteen. (HC 49)
It had always been an attractive idea to me long before I started. (HC 37)
As many <d the men were introduced to homosexual activities while they were at school, all the men were asked about the
HC Group (Homosexuals'Convicted}	2g
prevalence of homosexuality at the schools they attended, even if they did not take part in such activities. In the HC group, 15 said homosexual activities were very frequent, 12 said that hi mosexual practices were discovered occasionally, and 23 said that none of the boys took pan in homosexual activities at their schools as far as they knew. These figures are not significantly different from those found in the other groups.
He was the super athlete of the school. Everyone thought he was terrific and when he asked me to go for a walk in the woods, it was the last thing I expected. (HC 33, at the age of fourteen at a boarding school.)
It was all very seent, but a lot went on. (HC 35, at a boarding school.)
I knew it went on. Some of the boys asked mr to cotw down to the lavatory with them, but 1 wouldn’t do it. (HC to, at a day school. Fust homodbxual experience at the age of twenty-two)
I remember a couple cf men making advances to me, but 1 always turned them down. Sex be tween buys at school) was just a yigglc m those days. (HC 29 at a day school./
We used to wank each other but I never heard of anyone having real sex (ix. anal intercourse) -HC 36 at a day school.)
Six of the seven boys who attended boarding school reported a high rate if homosexuality, compared w tth nine if the 43 buys at day schools. One of the three (33%) boys who had received a better education reported a high rate of homosexuality at hi« schools, and 14 of the remaining 47 (29%) also made similar reports. This confirms the findings of another research (Schofield, 1965) that there is a greater chance of finding schoolboy homosexuality at boarding schools of all types, but boys who stay at school bey ond fourteen or fifteen do not seem to be much more likely to take part in schoolboy homosexual activities.
It has been magested elsewhere (Westwood, 1052) that the amount < Г homosexual activity at school is unlikely to be an indicate-n of a homosexual history beyond the age of twenty-one. Tu trvt this hypothesis, each man was asked whetha or not he still knew any of his schoolboy partners. If he ’till knew them fairly well, he was asked if he was certain they were homosexual, if he suspected it, or if he was sure they were not.
1 n this group 36 cither no longer knew any of their sexual partners during schooldays or else did nut liave homosexual relations at school, but 14 replied tliat they were still friend* with ar least one of the buys who participated in homosexual activities with them. In two cases the other partner was known tu be homosexual, and in the
JO	Serological Aspect! of Hmtuxvality
remaining га cases the men felt sure that their ex-partners weie not homosexual.
I should think about 50 per «nt of those who wen- at the Children’s Home with mt are still queer. (HC 30)
They grow out of it. I know several lads I used *0 muck around with, bat thcv’re all quite normal now. HC 39)
1 know others have these experiences and shake it off bul somehow I didn’t. ,HC 4)
As a matter of fa t my last laitiior I wa» <чэе ы iny old sbool chains. He liked to mess ab iut as mtn h з  I did in thwe days. but now he’s mamrd with three lovely kids. 'HC 47)
All four of the boys who attended an Approved School or a Borstal reported exten ive homosexuality at these institutions, and usually in situations assoc iated with bullying and violence. In some Boritah there is a ‘Daddy’ or gang leader who is strung enough to enforce his will. A new boy entering such a Borstal is initiated, usually by receiving a beating up from some of the older boys, and sometimes this involves homosexual activities. The stotics told by ex-Borstal boys put the re-can h worker in a difficult position. It is probably not unfair to suggest that ex-Borstal boys are less truthful than most, and some of them .ire thrrwd enough to see that a story of being forced into 1.emosexual relations is a good excise for Later homosexual activities. The1 suggestion is that he cannot help being the «ay he is. because he was seduced when he was young Thu is not only a Ьсе-saving explanation to give to the authorities w hen he is chained with performing some homosexual act, it also acts as a sup to hts own pride: it fc no good making any effort to control his homosexual impulses because he was corrupted in his youth. Such ь the attitude of mind, and one can <ee how it produces a strong incentive to embellish a story about seduction at Boistal. Nevertheless m the opink .1 of the» icscarch worker, at least one of the stories has an element of truth in it.
I was threatened with being beaten up if I didn’t I refused twice and was beaten up each time. 1 hr 1 bird time I let them do it Mind you, there must have been something Лете, otherwise I wouldn't have gone vn doing it after the first time I hated the violence part of it. and it’s true I had no choke the first time, but I did have inclinations that way. 'HC 38. First-ever homosexual experience aged seventeen in Borstal.)
All the men were asked al«>ut their very first homosexual experience. Sometimes it was difficult 1 ir them to distinguish between simple schoolboy curiosity and other forms of homosexual experience. In this group 32 people first experienced homosexual
HC G»ntp (H-m-'icrualt'Cmincted,	31
relations bef re they were seventeen, and in 22 (6p%] of these cases it was with another boy; in 15 cases with a boy about the same age and in seven cases with an older boy The firm homosexual experience n often the result of casual experimentation between two bms and is usually a physical reaction м ith very little emotion attached to it. It is little more than childhood sexual play of the kind experienced by many adolescent boys who later develop strong heterosexual interests.
Much mure significant is the fir*t experience with an adult, either when the HC man was a boy or when he him elf was also an adult. Ten boys had their fint experience with an adult before they were seventeen, five had their first experience with an adult when they were between seventeen and twenty, and eight mere had their first experience as an adult with another man.
Table 2. 7 Age of fint henmuxati parton HC group)
Age of partner	V— at first homosexual experience					
	Under 13 13-16		17-20	21-30	30+-	TOTAL
Wxingrt	—r	—	—	—.	1	I
Same age	5	IO	3	i—	—	18
Older bov	4	3	——	—	—	7
Adult	2	d	5	4	4	23
TOTAL	II	21	8	4	5	49*
* One HC	man	main tamed	that 1Х	had never	had a	h'mrk-cxiial
experirn. e leading to otgztm.
Table 2.8 shown that in six cases the first partner was a casual pick-up, in t«u cases it was a family friend, and it was a teacher and a relative in the other two cases. In these to cases the very fint partner was an adult. In a fin iher 21 cases the HC man had at least one adult partner before he had reached the age of seventeen, although his very fint experience was with another boy. In these circumstances the first cxperiercc •. ith an adult was usually a pickup, but in five cases it was with a family friend, in three cases with a member of the aimed forces and twice with a relative and twice with a teacher.
I bad rntrrcoursi with a soldier when I was fourteen. It wasn’t the first time, bul it was the first time with a man. I was nervoui and yet excited. After that I had it whenever I got the chance. (HC 30. Started with boys when he was twelve
32
Sociological Aspects oj Hcmtrsexvahfy
Table 2.B The firtt ®&tt partner {HC troop-
Type of	First-ever	First adult AU first	
adult	experience partner		adults
Pick-up		12	18
Family friend	2	3	5
Ar-ned Fanes	—	3	3
Relative	1	I	2
Teacher	I	I	2
Workmate	—	I	• \ \
total 10	31	31
I knew what 1 wanted bat I didn’t know how to get it. Orf day I was at humr with my uncle and everyone dsc was out. I got the subject n-ui d to sex and then I asked him to do it to me. He wouldn't, and so I said Id scream tuy head off if he didn’t. . . (Eventually) I persuaded him to do the full thing and it wasn't the only time. We went on doing it on and off for about six months. It wasn't quite as bad as it sounds I’m not often wrong about tnen and I knew he wanted to. Only he was nervous because I was so young (HC ib, when he was fifteen.)
1 don't want in give you the impression that he (a teacher at his school) was some awful type who fiddled around with half the school. There was very great affection between us, and the sex pact was only a small part of the friendship. (HC 4. when fifteen.)
I met an elderly man at Southend and this was my first experience. For a long time I'd known about it and wanted it 10 happen, but when it did happen. I was rather disappointed. The whole tning seemed to be overrated. (HC 7)
Jt has been suggested that the effects of early sexual experiences with adults has been exaggerated, and that the social effects of a homv-exual relationship between a youth and an adult arc more important than the sexual effect*. In this group the 31 men who had early homosexual experiences with adults were asked to continent upon the subsequent influence of such an experience.
It hurl, but it was a nice sort of hurt. It had some influence- After that everything «*mcd to fall into place. (HC 14)
I blame my brother for all tiu>. I’m pretty certain that is the cause of all my trouble. HC 28 had homosexual experiences at the age of eleven whm h** hr ithcr was fifteen. His brother и now married * ith three children and 'defiiutely not ЬотинехиаГ.)
It was just casual. Something new. but not very exciting. (HC 47)
I wasn't all that struck on it. (HC 44)
HC Grvup (Hmosexuah Conrrtedi	33
At first I wanted to rind out w hat it was all about, but when it happened I seemed tn take it for granted. As far as I can recall I seemed to like it. It seemed to please me. [HC 17)
If I hadr. t started then, I would have started a bit later, wouldn't I? (HC 11)
Long before I let anyone do any thing to me, I used to go out wearing my sister’s make-up. HC 42)
I’d knocked about with queers for over a year before I had my first experience. They were a bit older than me - the rent boys of Birmingham, they were. I bad an idea what they were up to. but 1 didn’t face the bet, not at first. I just liked their company (HC t6j
It started me off because before long it was known (at the Borstal) that I did it. So naturally I got m-ire invitations and 1 must say, once the violence aspect was over and now that 1 was nut being forced into it, I enjoyed getting these invitations And after all 1 was a bn effeminate even before all this happened. That is why the hard nuts picked me out when thrv decided to rape someone HC 38)
None of those whu had their first adult partner after the age of twenty-one felt that thrs experience had any influence on them, but 12 uf the 31 who had experiences with adults in their youth felt that in some way this had influenced their subsequent development. But as the quotations above indicate, few ?ecm to harbour any resentment or indeed seem to regret the expei ience. For most of them it is just a usefid explanation to excuse their later behaviour, and 16 others clearly stated that their early homosexual experiences had no subsequent influence on their sexual development.
G. HOMOSEXUAL EXPERIENCE BEFORE PRISON
The frequency of h< mosexual acts is usually periodic and depends in many cases upon the opportunities encountered It was nccevary to spend quite a king time on this question with all groups in order to get an average frequency that was more than guesswork With other groups the man could he taken back over the prev.ous weeks and months and hv getting him to describe each sexual encounter, it was possible to obtain a fairly accurate average frequency However. with the two prison groups this method could not be u«ed as it w as necessary to have some idea of the frequency before ancst, and in some cases this was two or more years ago A few of them were having regular homosexual activity in prison, but these frequencies were not considered to be sufficiently typical to allow comparisons with other groups. Must of the men in prison did their best to try to remembei their frequencies in the weeks before their ancst, and the
Л	Sxwloipral Aspttu of Honvutxuaiitr
later questions on promiscuity provided a further check It seems probable that the information on frequencies is not much less accurate in this i<roup than in the Other groups.
Only one man claimed that he was having no overt h mosexual relations and this is lar less than any nF the other three groups. Throughout the range, the frequencies of the HC men w ere generally higher. Twenty-one HC men were having eight or more sexual acts in a month compared to 11 HO men, six HP men and two PC men. Only the heterosexual frequencies of the NO men approach this high rate; 17 NO men were having sexual inter course eight or more tunes a month.
At the other end « f the range the men who were having homosexual relations three times or less each month (inducting those having n  overt homosexual activities arc mu h more numerous in the PC group (44), HP group (40) and НО .< up (32); about half (26) the HC men had these lower Frequencies. Once again it Is the heterosexual frequencies of the XU men that mtrt nearly approach this and indeed, throughout the range, the Frequencies of the two groups are remarkably similar.
Discounting the men who did tu 1 admit t  any sexual experience, the percentages for these two groups are shown in Table 2.9
Table 2.9 Л  tmpjzriim of HP tind „VO smtal fnq«meuj			
HC Group		NO (Jroup	
I irtfUOKi of homoaevual acts per mon th	%	39 U Л>	Frequency of ctujI .nl-ri nirw per munth
O-l	»7	*7	o-r
«•3	24	33	23
4-7	6	0	4-7
a 1.	*4	«7	8 it
12 <-	49	20	12
Tliirty-four of the 39 NO men were married and were therefore under no social restriction as regards the Frequency of sexual intercourse Thirty-seven of the 49 HC men felt free to take part in homoscxu«il relations whenever the opportunity occurred and therefore can be said to feel lice from social restriction. To a greater extent than any of the other homosexual groups, those in the ПС group were less concerned about the social disapproval of homosexuality, and it is interesting to note the similarity’ between the
HC Gicup (Homojfxuals Conricte/T,	35
heterosexual and homosexual frequencies in rhe two groups which were least affected by social restraints,
Л limited enquiry was made into the sexual techniques preferred by the men in the four variant groups. The pattern of behaviour is quite different in the PC group, and no useful comparisons can be made with the three homosexual groups. About one-quarter (26%) of the HC men preferred passive anal intercourse, and a similar preference was expressed by 24 per cent of the HO men and 20 per cent of the HP men. But there the similarity ends, for 34 per cent HC men preferred active anal intercourse complied with 12 per cent HO men and 8 per rent HP men; the I IO men and the HP men usually preferred some technique other than anal intercourse The large proportion of HC men who preferred to play the active part in anal intercourse fits in with the later susrerstion that there are more bisexual men in this gn >up compared with the other homosexual groups. In the HC group 11 were rated Kinsey 3 or higher compared with four m the HP group and none in I he HU group.*
It does not follow, however, that bisexuals always prefer to play the active part in anal intercourse. Л dichotomic classification into active and passive is not ireful and does not describe all cases. The same person mav be active with one person, passive with another, and both active and pastive with a third. Furthermore Chesser (1958). Bcrglcr (1956). Glover (1957), ami others have noted that a Large proportion of homosexuals do not like anal intercourse. Braff (19621 writes: ’The homosexual community shows a diversified pattern of sexual practice which d ies not routinely permit a classification of active or pa live.’ People who divide homosexuals into active and passive do not always make it clear whether they are referring to the rex position adopted, or whether they are describing personality traits.
The men in the group were also asked to try to remember the number of different partners they had in the month previous to their arrest. Some were able to do this quite accurately, but For others it was difficult or impossible. However, the inaccuracies in
ТаЫс 2.1O jVvmbtr of snaai partiars Й tht талЛ
Nunih»e	HC	HO	HP
None	♦	•5	27
One	'5	20	11
«-5	20	'3	9
6 +	11	2	3
« The complete Kuisey Scale is shown on page 122.
jb	Sociological Aspects oj Homosexuality
the Table apply only to the more promiscuous men in the group.
It is diJlicult to make comparisons with the other homosexual groups as 15 HO men and 27 H P had no homosexual relations in the previous month. However it is clear that the HG men are the most promiscuous. Twelve HP men and 15 HO men had more than one partner in the month before thru interview, but 31 HG men had more than one partner in the month before their arrest.
As the number of homosexual acts depends in many cases upon the number of opportunities which arise, each person was asked where he usually found a sexual partner. Л few of t|iem left it to chance and did not actively seek partners in anv particular place. But most of them were able to state where they most often had found partners and others used to go to favourite places or streets where they had often found partners tn the past.
Nearly throe-quartet» (36) of the HC group found their partners in public places such as public lavatories (15}, bars (13) and streets (g), where»» only eight men usually found their partners vithm their own group (6), at homosexual parties (1) and by introduction (1). Three men did not answer this question because their homosexual activities were with one partner only and three more did not meet many homo-cxuals or had very few homosexual experiences. In the other two homosexual groups an even larger number did not answer this question for the same reasons. Nevertheless it is possible to make a comparison between the three groups.
Table 2.11	Thr plart where sexual partner 1 were mc-rf often fount					
Group	In public		In private		TOTAL	
	No.	%	No.	%	No.	0 /0
HC	36	Й2	8	18	44	too
ITT	21	tq	IS	3*>	13	IOO
HO	«4	5»	«3	48	27	100
Considering only those who go out to seek homosexual partners, the HG men arc much more likely to go to public places. Furthermore this applies to most members of the group, whereas less of the HP and HO men seek their partners in public places and a larger number of the men in these groups do not go out looking for partners at all.
When they were asked where their homosexual activities usually took place, it was found that about half (46%) the HC men used their own homes. This is not very different to the HO group tn
HC. Group (HomusemalsfConmcted)	37
which 4Я per cent said these activities recurred in their own home but 12 (24%) of the HC men said they usually took place in a public lavatory; thb is four times as many as there are in the HO group (6’ oj but not many more than in the HP group (20%).
Before they were imprisoned the men in HC group had more sex than the men in the other homosexual groups and almost as much as the men in the heterosexual control group. More of the HC men preferred ac tive anal intercourse and this suggests their preferences as well as their frequencies were closer to the heterosexual control group than to the other homosexual groups. They were also more promiscuous than the other homosexual groups ana they were more likely to find their partners in public places.
Ft- HETEROSEXUAL EXPERIENCE BEFORE PRISON
In the previous section 11 was suggested that the HG group contained more bisexuals than the other homosexual groups. Further confirmation of this is provided by the answers given to questions on heterosexual experiences. In this group 16 men said that they had felt a strong sexual attraction for girls. (Inly five HP men and four HO men experienced a similar attraction. More paedophihacs (PC group) were strongly attracted to girls; 22 of them were strongly attracted to a girl at some peitod of their lives. The two control groups were not asked this question.
At some period of their fives, 12 HC men were having regular heterosexual intercourse compared with four HP men and three HO men. The extent of regular heterosexual mtcrcoursc is higher tn the PC group (21) and, аз expected, much higher in the NO group (31).
When the extent of heterosexual intercourse is confined to the previous year, the pattern changes slightly. There are still more HC men who had sexual intercourse at least once in the year before their arrest; there are 11 such HG men compared with only one in the HO group, but there ire eight HP men who had at least one experience of sexual intercourse in the year before their interview. This is probably a reflection of the continued elf irts of the HP men who were under psychiatric treatment to make some kind of adjustment to heterosexuality.
In all, 30 men in the HC group had experienced sexual intercourse at least once although eight of these had not had intercourse more than twice All 30 were asked if they preferred heterosexual or homosexual relations. Ten said they preferred heterosexual intercourse, 14 preferred homosexual behaviour, aud six were unable to make up their minds Comparing these figures with rhe two other homosexual
jfl	Sociological Atpecit of Homosexuality
groups, i g HP men have 11 id sexual intercourse at least once and one of them preferred heterosexual to homosexual relations; in the HO group 17 have had sexual interoourse and none if these stated a preference for heterosexual relations.
When the remaining 20 HC men who had never had sexual intercourse were asked if they thought titty would develop heterosexual interests al a later date, only two felt they would and three more were unsure. None of the eight tnen whose experience was limited to sexual intercourse on one or two occasions only felt they would develop heterosexual interests.
Six of this group w ere tnanied and Living w ith their wives. Three of them were still having regular sexual intercourse with their vt ives Three men were separated from their wives and another three were divorced; two of the 12 men who had been married admitted extramarital relations during the period they were living with their wives. The 38 unmarried men were asked if they intended to get married.. Only seven of them could sec this as a possibility, three hoped to get married soon and Гош eventually; only two of these men were under thirty. Although it might he thought that unmarried men under thirty are more likely than the older nnc* tn express a wish to get married, 111 fa< t 18 of the 20 men under thirty said they had no intention of getting married.
Although this group contains 22 men who had experienced sexual intercourse on more than two occasions, it is clear that few of these men are capable of settling down to a stable heterosexual relationship with one partner. Only six of these men arc living with their wives compared with 34 in the NO group and 17 in the PC group.
When all the heterosexual and homosexual history was taken into account, it became possible to rate each man on the Kinsey Scale. None of the HC men were rated Kinsey О (exclusively hetero-sexual'i, but eight men were considered to be more heterosexual than homosexual (Kinsey 1 and 2); only two HP men were so tated and no HO men were thought to be more heterosexual than homosexual. Thus, more men in die HC' group catnc 11110 the top half of the Kinsey Scale than ui either of the other two homosexual groups, but they are still a small proportion of the whole group, In facl nearly threc-quaitcrs (37) of the group were considered to be more homosexual than heterosexual (Kinsey । 6} and almost a half (23) were rated as exclusively homosexual (Kinsey 6).
A summary of the results obtained from the HC group is given at the end of the next chapter when a direct; comparison is made with the other prison group.
PC GROUP (PAEDOPHILIACS/CONVICTED)
A DESCRIPTION OF THE GROUP
The PC group was obtained 111 the same way as the HC group If the partner in the homosexual act was under sixteen, then the man was placed in this group. The same diihculties ofgaihering information m a prison were encountered in addition, there was a further complication which may have affected the validity of the material. Many homosexuals let their fellow prisoners know that they have been convicted of a homosexual offence; some of the HC men allowed this to become known so that they might receive advances from fcilow prisoners, and a few of them disclosed that they led a sex life as active in prison as out of it. But no man who was in prison for offences with young boys let tins lie known if he could possibly help it. If the other prisoners did get to hear of it, the paedophiliac was made to suffer, not just from ribald jokes, but front a succession of insults and indignities. Whereas a homosexual was tolerated by must of the non-homoscxual prisoners, nothing was bad enough for the paedophiliac. It is interesting to note that the prison population was able to make some distinction between paedophiliac» and adult-seeking hi .moscxuals but Members of Parliament and other authorities outside seem less capable of drawing this distinction ; perhaps this is because the men m prison see the problem at closer quarters.
In order to minimize the chance of giving away his secret, the paedophiliac was not told why he had been chosen for an interview and it was assumed that he would not talk about it afterward.. It is hard to say whether this procedure was successful. Gossip thrives in the atmosphere of a prison and it seemed unlikely that some rumour did not go round. But whatever the pii«oncrs suspected were the real reasons for the interviews, no man appeared to know why he had been selected when he first met the research worker. The plan was helped unwittingly by the records clerk in one prison who seemed unable to comprehend the purpose of the 1 esearch and made out a list which contained a rich selection of other offenders including rape and incest. As the research worker did not check the man’s prison record until after he had been seen, occasionally the fact that he was not a homosexual did not always become clear until the interview had been in progress for tliirty minutes or m ire. l-cft with the man in the cell, there seemed no other course but to continue with the interview, although this was a waste of (he research
40	Sociological Asprctt oj Hbnw.uxuality
worker’^ time It was, however, mtere-ting tn see after earth one of these interviews whether the man had in fact been convicted of a homosexual offence but refused to admit it at the interview. But in every case where a man would not admit any homosexual interests, it was found that he had been piarrd on the list by mistake and therebre none of these men are included in either group.
All the pacdophiliacs admitted the reason for their arrest and many of them described other offences against boys which were unknow n to the police. Having admitted it, mte t f them made "a dean breast of it*, as they often called it. But some of them told stones which did not conflict with the account in the prison- record, but which made out their actions to be either relatively harmless or grossly misunderstood.
It is pmbable that the replies given by this group have the lowest validity of all because of the nature of the offence and because many of them seemed to be genuinely ashamed of their actions. They were unable to brazen it out ('Why shouldn't 1?’} like some of the homosexuals and therefore were inclined to leave out some of the more sordid activities or describe as little as possible of the details. Against this there wete s<>me who earnestly desired that 'something should be done about it’ and who were prepared to co-operate with the research to the Fullest extent. To -ummarize the validity if this group: at be«t, a few of the records are remarkably full and frank; at worst, the Eutual outlines arc correct, but the elaboration is -mall or var"jr
Originally it was hoped to obtain a rough match by age and education between the HC and PC groups, but although the range of education is similar, there were m >t enough у oung PC men or old HU tueri to obtain a «ample matched by age. However, as it was posoble to interview almost ail the men eonviclrd of homosexual offences in the three prisons, the age difference between the two groups probably gives a fair indteat mn if the age difference throughout the prison population.
The PC group had the highest average age of any group. More than half (29) were over f rty and the average age fur die group was 42-1 compared with 35-5 for all six groups.
PC and HC men received a similar range of education. In each group 39 received the minimum statutory education, leaving school at fourteen or fifteen. Seven of the remaining 11 had had a good education, and two ol them had university degrees. Adding the two prnon groups together, if is found that 72 per cent of the PC and HC men are in the lowest educational grade compared with 40 per cent in the other four groups.
PC Group \Paedophitiacs/Comickd)	41
In the Verbal Reasoning Test, f2 of the PC men came m the tnp five grades, compared with 12 m the HC group, and an average of 25 in ail six groups. Three PC men and one HC man were unable to complete the test, so this leaves 35 in the PC group and 37 in the HC group who came in the bottom fave grades, compared with an average of 25 over the six groups. The results of rhe test suggest that the intelligence of rhe PC men was similar to that of the HC men, and significantly lower chan the results obtained by the 200 men in the other groups.
Far fewer of the PC men lived tn London than the HC men, or indeed than the men m any other group. Nearly half the PC men lived in small towns or rural areas; in all six groups 70 men (an average of 11 per group) lived in areas with populations under 50,000, and ar of these were from the PC group.
Twenty-five of the PC men had been married, and eight of them were now divorced or separated. There are more married men in tins group than in any of the three homosexual groups, but only half as many as tn the NO group The number ol men divorced or separated is higher than in four of the groups and the same as in the NP group
This is also the most religious group. Although the spread of the various denominations is about the same as in the other groups, these men go 10 church more often Seventeen PC men went to chur-ch every w cek and nn ^-iher group conta_ned hajf this number of regular church-goers. Only 18 (36%} of this group laid they never went to church compared with 55 per cent over the whole sample. Only the other prison group approached the PC men in their interest in religion.
This group also had social class stmilanues with the HC group in contrast to the other groups. In only seven (14%) cases did the fathers of these men hold supervisory positions compared with nine (18%) in the HC group and 85 (42%) in the other four groups. Twenty-eight (56%) PC men came from homes where the lather was semi-skilled or unskilled compared with 30 (60%) from the HC group, and 77 (38%) from the ther four groups. Thb difference may be even mure matked than these figures suggest because it was not possible to give a social class rating to 13 (26® >) of the PC men as information about the father’s occupation was not available.
There were 14 PC men earning under £ую a year There were more men in the HC, HP and NP groups in the lowest income category, but many of the men in these three groups were much younger than the PC men who would, therefore, be expected to be earning more than the national average wage. In fact 44 men in the PC
j2	Sociological Aspects of Homosexuality
group made Less tban f i ,000 a year and only the HC group with 47 men had so many earning less than this. The earnings of this group arc lower than one would expect considering then age. However four (8%) men were earning over £1,500 a year and this is only a little below the average (io-6%) for all six groups.
Unlike the other prison group, the appearance of these men did not differ from the non-homo exii.il groups. They were just as masculine as any other group and they appeared to be. as robust as any other group.
B.	CRIMINAI RBCORD
All 50 0Г this group were in prison following a conviction foi a sexual offence against a lioy aged sixteen or younger Since this is often regarded as the most serious of all the homosexual offences, it is not urprising to find that must ol them are serving lung terms of imprisonment. Thirty-four of them were sentenced to over two years* imprisonment, seven for a period between one and two years, and nine for one year or less. In the two prison groups 48 men were serving a sentence of two years or more and 34 (71 %) of these were pa cd iphiliacs.
Even so, 29 PCI men were first offenders and a further three PC men were in pwn for their first sexual offence although they had been convii red previously for a non-scxual offence. Nevertheless, 20 (t>3%) of thr«e 32 men were serving sentences of two years or mure, and 18 of them were first offenders.
The other 18 rncti had previous convictions for sexual offences and Tour of these also had convictions for non-scxual offences. Not unexpectedly these men w ere dealt with more severely and 14 (78%) of them were serving sentences of two years or more. All of these men were reconvicted lor sexual offences with minors (some of them with girls as well as boys). None of these t8 men had convictions for homosexual offences with other adults.
Two men hail < 1 ly one non-scxual conviction and five had mure than one. The crime) committed by these seven men were mostly cnmes against property, bul their was one case of deserting from the army and black market offences in Germany, and one case of bigamy.
The recon I shows that these men are more law abiding than the HC men as regards non-scxual offences, but they are more likely to be convicted for the »amc sexual offence. 1 luting the interview 14 uf the-e men uImj admitted offences against girls of under sixteen. Unfortunately it was not possible to see the men in prison for indecent
Pt’ Group {Paedophihacs'Convicted)	43
assaults on girls under sixteen, but it seems probable that the case histones of some of these men would reveal offences against boys. Interwoven w ith the problem of paedophilia, there is the added complication that some men feel the compulsion to molest children of both sexes.
A further complication is that three men were arrested for offences with their own sons, and one uf these men admitted offences with two daughters as well as with his son.
In a number uf cases the man was unable to say how the police had come to hear of his offences.
I never bothered to enquire how it саше to light. I just admitted the whole thing when the polite came round. (PC 8)
1 thought enough is enough, so I moved away to Plymouth and got a job them. I don’t know how 11 all came out. It was weeks afterwards that the police came round. (PG 31)
In other cases it was the- parents of the child, and sometimes the boy himself who went to the police.
When the boy had gone I discovered that he’d stolen my wallet, so I went to his father who took his son to the police where the buy told them everything 'PC 41)
The girl (aged twelve; told her parents and when the police came round 1 told them about three girls and two boys. 'PC 29)
It was only after the fifth time that it happened that the buy told his parents. They told the Chief Education Officer who sent the Inspector to me. 1 told the truth and it was reported to thr police. The parents »ay they are very unhappy that they are the cause of my downfall and wish they had come direct to me. (PC 2 - an ex-headmaster.)
One day I took him and my own sun lor a trip.. . . We were un top of a church lower afld I held up Jimmy (his son) to look out. 'Пил other boy got jealous and started making a fuss. In the end 1 slapped hit ear-hole for him. That night he told his father what I’d d«-ne to him, and his father told the police. (PG 22)
I was coming back from the pub and 1 was a bit groggy, you see. and this boy stopped me and asked for money for die bus. I’d never seen him in nay life before. I had some money in my room and so I took him up there and that’s where it happened. Wliat 1 don’t understand is that it was the buy’s idea and he went straight to the police. It would never have happened if I hadn’t been drunk and if the boy hadn’t asked lor it. (PG 28)
After we’d been doing it for a bit, one of the boys aikcd for money but I wouldn’t give him any. 1 think h- was die one what told the police. (PC 45J
I
44	Sociological Aspects of Homosexuality
Sometimes it was the woik of an enquiring and efficient policeman that brought about the man's conviction, and sometimes n was sheet coincidence; often it was a combination oi both these elements.
1 was on a building job and this boy (aged thirteen) was hanging around. I had to go out the town so get a load and he catne along just Гог the tide. Outside the town I wanted to go to the toilet and «о I stopped and went behind ionic bushes. He camr along with me and that’s how it started. A police rar camr along and saw die lorry parked there. They thought it might have been pinched and camr round and caught us. (PC io)
The ridcr one (aged fifteen; was mixed up in a case with a schoolmasier and he turned Queen’s ev.dence and told about me, although I hadn’t seen him for two years. (PC 14)
I took the (two) boys to my caravan for the weekend. On Monday morning 1 went to work and left the boys there. The police saw the boys at the caravan and had a talk with them. They denied anything had happened, but the police were waiting for me that evening and 1 admitted everything. (PC 42)
A fortnight later w<- were sitting in the Scout Hut, just the buy and I Wc didn’t have the lights on because the infra-red heat gave enough light. Wr otten used to turn ofT the main lights like this, even when the whole Troop was in because they were naked bulbs and rather glaring. We were discussing Troop affairs when we were inti nuptrd by two policemen. The Troop hut had twice been damaged by hooligans and so they quite rightly enquired when they hoard talking but couldn’t see any l.ghts from outside They seemed quite satisfied and left, but one constable waited and followed the boy home and gradually dragged the whole story cut of him. tPCg)
It started when a young girl complained about me in the cinema and the police took me in and I told them everything (PC 18)
Strangely enough 1 was accused by a child 1 had never touched He was a difficult maladjusted buy and I told him off one day. He thought it would be a good idea to accuse me of interfering with him, although he later admitted this wasn’t tiue But by that time other boys had been interrogated In the end 1 pleaded guilty to two charges which were false and to three which were correct. (PC ie)
This last case shows how easy it is to make fake accusations. As it happened this man was guilty of several offences, hut it emphasizes the difficulty when accusations of this kind arc made against a man who is innocent.
An indecent assault in law can he committed without violence or physical harm being done to the victim 'An assault can be committed without touching a person. One always thinks of an assault as the giving of a blow to somebody, but that is not necessary. An assault may be constituted by a threat or a hostile act committed
PC Group (Paedophiliac?'Convicted'	45
towards a person.’1 A man can be convicted of an indooent assault although his conduct does not constitute an overt homosexual act as defined in this research. An assault can be indecent in law without there being any physical contact with the genital organs of the victim. Thus putting the hand on the thigh» of the boy can be an indecent assault. A boy under sixteen cannot 111 law give a consent which would prevent an act being an assault. A reasonable belief that the hoy is over the age of sixteen is no defence (a* it is in the charge of unlawful sexual intercourse with a girl over thirteen and under sixteen8) A man can be convicted of an attempt to procure a gross indecency if he extends an invitation io a boy to commit an indecent art, even if the buy refuses and no indecent condui t takes place
In the quotations from the following five cases, it is n .t necessary to believe every word that these men say. One can suspect their motives even if their actions do not constitute what arc usually judged to be overt homosexual acts. But each case illustr ues how a stupid or thoughtless act can get a man into a hopeless position.
I was a conductor on a bus and ont day this lad of thirteen took a seat al the back upstairs. As we approached Camden Town, I checked die bus and spoke to the lad. H<- srrmed friendly and I sat down next to him. Th.-n I just touched him on his trousers. Nothing more. He got off at his stop and nothing else happened until two days later a couple of detectives came round and questioned me about it. I told them what had happened and 1 was arrested and given three months  I don’t know' why J did it. ) must have gone mad for the moment [PG 6. First offence.;
1 was in tlui public convenience and this boy (aged fourteen) stood back and displayed himself. Then he went into the toilet and left the door open. For some reason I went in. Hr was standing there with his trousers down. J looked at him, that’s all . . (He was arrested as he left the lavatory as the police had been looking through a hole in the roof.) The boy Mid the polit e I never touched him, but they said 1 was trying to reach him You get nothing from the police, you know. I was led on by the detective at В —. He said: 'h’s up to you. If you plead guilty the case will be finished tomorrow. If you plead not guilty, you'll have to wait a long lime.' I’d no experience of this sort of thing and so of <nurse I did what he said, i PC 40. First ofTcnre.)
1 ’d known these boys a long time. One day Cyril asln-d if they could come round to my house. They were only thirteen «nd I didn’t think arrvone would even think a dirty thought, so I let them come. They’d been coming regular for two mon die and behaving themselves all nght. 1 hen one day I left them there and went out and did a bit o| shopping. When I got back
r R d. Rolfe (1954) 3b Or. App R. [, pei Lord Goddard C. J. al p. 8. a. Thii defence u only open to meu under 1 wenty-three tin one occasion only,
46	Sociological Aspects of Homosexuality
I found them both in the bedroom half naked on the bed. I told them off and said Tm very disappointed in you’ They said: ‘Don’t be a spoil sport', and suggested I lie on the bed. 1 wrestled round a bn with them. I was really trying to pull them off the bed. I didn't do anything bad. I smai.ked their bottouu but I’ve no indmatiOM towards boys. Nothing like that happened again, but about a month later someone reported to the police that these buys were always coining to nay place. The police talked to the boys and they tuld them about all three of us being on the bed .Somehow the story got twisted around It wouldn’t interest me to mess around with boy*. I've no patience with anyone who docs that. Bul the police went on and on. In the end I signed a statement for them 1 know it was silly uf me but I was tiled . . I didn’f'know what I was doing at the police station. In the end I said I'd sign a statement when they promised to keep the boys out of it. (PC 44. T irst offence. 18 months.)
It was last November and 1 was beset by problems at work and at home I jaw three bovi misbehaving in a railway carriage and 1 accosted them and told them off. After a lot of arguing • we were all on the platform by now - I suddenly put my hands in one of the boy’s pockets. The whole thing took about ten seconds, bul I realized immediately the position I’d placed myself in. A man came up and threatened me and c alled me names. I was just dazed, I couldn’t understand why 1 had done this The whole world became inverted. 1 don't want boys or men. I didn't want to put my hand in his pocket. . Things just Went from bad to worse. The police arrived and the man said 1 had mv fly buttons undone. I showed them I hadn’t but this came up again in Court later. My whole case was made to look ridiculous. When I said tn Court that I would hardly attempt to assault a buy on a public platform, the prosecution said something about safety in numbers. (PC 7. First uffem c. Six mouths.)
Their father was a friend of mine. I asked the buys 'aged ten and thirteen) to come away for the weekend. It wasn’t really sex Just fondling. Th' re wasn’t any buggery or anything like that . I heard uf a chap who raped a girl of eleven. He gets two years. I’d wring hi» bloody' neck. And I get four years fix fondling a couple of boys. I'm not grumbling about having to pay for what I did. Il’s the way I liave to pay I'm complaining about. What good will tour yean do to a man uf my age ? (PC 46. First offence. Aged 55.)
.Ml the’e five men made statements to the police and pleaded guilty. None of them tr ied to convince rhe research worker that they were really innocent. There are three other cases in this group in which the men insisted upon their innocence. Nevertheless all three pleaded guilty and two of them w ere persuaded to make statements. One of the men was a schoolmaster and hie main concern was to deny the charge of buggery; the second was of low intelligence (with a very low score 111 the verbal reasoning test) and he did not seem to
PC Group {PacdrpHiiafj:C<mbtcled) understand the charge al all; the third protested his innocence before and after the trial, but not in Court.
There are good reasons for suspecting men who plead guilty and la ter claim to be innocent. And yet the cirt umstances surrounding these three cases uresuch that the research worker is nut prepared todismiss their stories. It was the first offence for all three men; none of them admitted any sexual interest in boys, and the background information gave no clues of a homosexual deposition in two eases,1 and no evidence of overt homosexual conduct in the case of the schoolmaster, It is also probably worth mentioning that several others said they war innocent tn the early stages of the interview but later admitted the charges. The research worker can only retell the story of each man in his own words and leave it to the reader tn judge each case.
I was arrested and accused of buggery with four bovs. This pathologist said one of the boys had been interfered with 14 or 15 times Now, how ran he make a statement like that ? As for the boys, it seems ns U the police ran make ’hem say anything they like In fact whal I did was a very minor indecency. One of the boy 1 was homesick and I embraced him and cuddled him and patted hi: behind. .And ruey made this m-'unum out of that molehill. But I felt I had to plead guilty to save the boy* from coming into Court... I’m not a practising homosexual, if’ Fin homosexual at all, Tve never masturbated a boy in my lift- and I wouldn’t want to. I admit when I have masturbated my erotic image was a boy. How can one draw the line between attraction and desire? I freely adnut that I have often given their bottoms a pat or a squeeze. That’s a silly thing to do - even a dangerous thing for a schoolmaster to do, bul 1 wouldn’t has e thought it was criminal. ... One ha« as much chance of fairness in a trial 0Г ihis sort as someone accused of being a witch in the times ofjamrs I. Incidentally, the man who reported mt has now got my job. (PC a I. Four buys admitted buggery to the police, but did not give evidence in Court. Sentence five years. 1
I went up tn the allotment to get the other run ready fur the cockerels. I started to cut the long gra-s and I heard »omeune cry out Then I saw this bloke with tins Jud. I knew this buy He lived in the village and we’ve talked a few times, but I'd never wen the man before. I wai so angry I hit this chap and hr ran off A few days later the police uunc and I told them what had happened. They said I’d have to come to Court, but when 1 got there this bov told the judge I’d interfered with him I thought I was in trouble for hitting this Ыокс. I don’t know why the boy had it in for me. He seemed all messed up He said I was wearing a blue suit and I haven’t even got a blue suit. Hr said it happened at ten and I was back tn the house by twenty past nine. My wife Could have told them that I told the judge I wanted another trial but he wouldn’t listen. It’s the first time I’ve 1 A psychiatric report mad after the arret of one ex these min state* that 'there are no indications of humcoexuaiity*
j 8	Sociological Aspects of Homosexuality
had anything like this happen. I’m losing money while I'm in here. (PC 33. Sentence three months-)
I’d had a few dnnks and а» I tame down the road, an elderly woman kidded me saying I'd had a good time today as I'd obvioudy been celebrating She said. 'Aren't you going tu ask us up for a drink ?’ I told her I hadn’t gut a drink in the flat but I said she was welcome to come up ior a cup of tea She said she wasn't interested in tea, but there was a buy (aged fifteen) there and hr laid he’d like to come up for a cup of tea I'd only met him a week before when he was kidding me about England beating Scotland. .Anyway he came up and the upshot of all that was he went to the police and said I had interfered with bun. . . He wanted money, that's the truth of it He went out for a packet of t igarrttes and I was supposed to have interfered with him before that So why did he uutne back? . . . He asked me to show him the rest of the flat and in the bedroom he saw a cheque book and hr said, ‘Have you got any money far me?' I said, ‘Why should I give you money ?' and he said. ‘You didn't invite me up here fot nothing, did you?’ and he touched my flies. I told him tc get out, and he said he would tell the police that I’d touched him. So then I hit him and said I’d give him something to tell the polite about. He fell in the passage and stalled to cry. So I pushed him into the bathroom and told him to wash his face. When he came out he went away and told the boss of his shop who look him to the police station. Later that evening a detective came round and asked if I’d mind answering some questions Then they said would I object ti a medical examination. A doctor came and examined me and there was no evidence of recent intercourse, but they had examined the boy and there was supposed to be evidence of him being buggered. Then they took me to the police station and they tried tu persuade me to plead guilty to indecent assault because there would be less publicity and it Would be less »erious than buggery. At dial lur.r I waan’t worried I knew I hadn't dc.nr anything and I felt sure it would all Cvine out right in the ei.d I a lay rd at the police station, and they evoke me up in the middle of the night, saying I might as well plead guilty I said. 'If you've woken mr up to tell me that, you’ve waited your time.' . Bin when my own counsel suggested it, then I began to change my mind. He said 'it is a fifty-fifty chance whether they believe you or the boy.’ He said, 'Put yourself in their (the jury’s) place. He’s a de< ent looking lad. They’ll say a boy wouldn’t make up tilings like that' In the end I was persuaded to plead guilty to indecent assault, but not to buegery. I think I was persuaded *o that the boy should not be dragged into Court I supposed everyone «ays they're innocent. 1 just didn't tbmk this could happen. I was the sort of person who'd have gone to help a policeman if he was in trouble. But now I wouldn’t cross the t«wi if I saw a policeman lying there in a pool of blood. (PC 49. Sentence 12 months.)
It is not possible to decide if there has been a miscarriage of justice tn these three case* or in any of the other cases in this group.
PC Group {PaedophiiiacfCanrictcd’)	qq
But it is not difficult to see how such a thing could happen. As an assault does not neccshanly involve bo»Ji!y harm, no proof of injury is required. Since an indecent a»ault dues not necessarily involve a specifically overt homosexual act, the offence, if it takes place, may he exttemcly brief; a mere gesture could be misunderstood.
Although magistrates are wary of a child’s evidence without corroboration, conviction in many cases must depend upon what the boy says and upon the ability of the polic e to persuade the accused to incriminate himself. It is not necessary to stress that the evidence of young people in Court is open to question, perhaps because the boy is confused, perhaps because he wishes to avenge some slight received from the man without being aware of the full consequences of his accusations, peihaps because, having been the original cause of the proceedings, he is frightened to retract a hasty untrue remark Or exaggeration. Furthermore, the police arc aware of the difficulties of getting a conviction in these cases where observation or witnesses arc unlixely and, like everyone else, they feel strongly that child molesters should be stopped This means that their efforts to persuade a man to make a statement may sometimes go beyond the actions permitted in the Judges Rules.
They promised that if I pleaded guilty the boys would not have to go to Court. In spite of their promise the police brought the children into Court. (PC 26)
I said I would give them enough evidence so that they didn’t have to put the buy in the box. That taught me a lesson • never tu trust a policeman because they did get the boy tu give evidence. (PC y)
The late Sir Basil Henriques (tybi), Dr Gibbens (1963) and others have suited that more harm may be done by biinging the boy into Court than by the actual crime itself, Another possibility, nnt suggested by these authorities, is tliat die police may use this situation to persuade a man to take rnutc than his share of the blame.
No doubt many judges and magistrates take into consideration the^e difficulties and dangers in cases of this sort. However, there is another danger not often considered. Not surprisingly lawyers do not like defending such cases and this research provides ample evidence that the accused felt that he wax not given the help he required to put the bed possible light on his case. In addition to some of the cases already quoted in this section, there were other cases where the law yer fui the defence cutild Lave been more helpful to hrs client.
He (the defending lawyer) took £ 100 and all he did was tell me to plead guilty. ‘You plead guilty’, he said, 'and I'll sec you get a short sentence.'
BETHEL ’	- Al s. ,.i.W
30	SoaologKai Aspects of Homosexvahiy
Ik didn’t с1тп stand up for m' al uhc irial. PC 34. «aiciiKXd to tnr > rars (or buggery on his own son.)
Th- defending solicitor >aid *1 can't do any tli-ini Lt you, old bey I (ust don't want you to fed on your own up there.’ PC 46)
The eases quoted in the latter half of this section may lease the impression that paedophiliac: molest child ter. in isolated moments of aberration. But this й not always the rase. In this group there are also a few men who will take the chance to molest a child whenever the epportunity presents itsdf. For cimplc. the criminal record of one man (PG 16) may be summarized as follows
Aged *4.	Indecent assault.	18 months.
Areri «<>-	Indecent assault.	2 years.
Agvd 28.	Indecent assault	2 years.
Aged 31	Indecent assault	ID 1Г tubs.
.Aged 34.	Indremt assault	3 years.
Aged 37.	Indecent assault	3 years.
Aged 40.	Indecent assault.	7 years PJB.
The victims were boys between the age of ten and twelve in every case. Another (PC50) was cunvuted of an indecent assault n a boy of 11 and fined £10 and put on probation. Л few weeks later, while still on probation, he was convicted of an indecent assault on the same buy Another (PC id) on his third charge of indecent assault asked for offences with 34 other boys and girls to be taken into consideration A well-educated man (PC 20) was first attested for buggery when he was fifty-two years old, but he told the research worker that he had ‘hardly eve1 been without a regular buy since I suited at tiie age of twenty-nine’.
C.	TREATMENT
Many adult-seeking homraexuab stoutly maintain that they have no need for psychiatric aid and some are even insulted when a course of treatment is sugges ted, declaring with emoiion that hom-wexuah do no one any harm and all would be virii if only they were left in peace. But a child molester is not really in a position to use this argument (although one of the PC men did use it) and one would have supposed that tr is clear to every paedophiliac that he is in urgent need of help of some kind.
In fact only foui out of the 50 PC men had received psychiatric treatment One was an in-patient and two were out-patients; and the fourth man was an in-patient at a mental hospital for reasons nut specifically connected with Ins paedophilia. So the numhei of
PC Gmtp (Pcftlopluiia j'CotmcUdf	51
PC men who rl..l not receive treatment is as high as the number if men m the other prison group.
Treatment lasted less than three mouths in one case, between three and twelve months in tvi о cases, and Over a year m the remaining case. In addition to these tour men- sever other men had seen a psychiatrist once, or at the most twice, but, for various reasons, did not undergo a course of treatment.1
When an attempt is made to find out why these seven men plus the other 39 did not seek psychiatric treatment, the reasons given were often vague or evasive The answers have been classified into seven categories and the results of the PC group are given in Table 3.1, together with the other two relevun groups.
Table 3.1 Rrssnu fir nri vthxg ргу&иа&й tnrhnmi
Reas »  rated	PC	HC	HO	TOTAL
Not accessan	12	16	20	48
D" not believe it will help	7	to	18	35
LX1 no' khuw w here to r1	12	7	3	22
'loo late, too old	6	6	4	16
Inconvenient	3	—		3
Other reasons	2	2	3	7
Don’t know	4	2	2	8
TOTAL	46	43	5P	«39
Although these figures reflect the feeling among many of the adult-seeking homosexuals in the HP and HO croups that they did not need psychiatric help, it is -urptisfrig to find that 12 PC men were of the same opimur. tnd another th tec gave answers which can only be categorized as 'inconvenient5. Th» may not be due to a lack of concern about their disability, although there was at least one such case.
AVhat good would treatment do me? I’m a true homosexual Some of these people in here aren’t, true homosexuals In some cases they are so ugly. they muldn’t get a gid, so they go with a boy. But they are not really homosexual. But it’s in me. It’s part of те. 4by should I try to chance: You can’t change nature. {PC 20)
But it is more likely that the majority thought of it as a question of will-power or a matter of sclf-disciplinc. not something requiring professional help. Others felt that only their faith could help them
t. F«r the purposes of dm research a man who has seen a prychiatrot ooh once or twice и. not mi 'hided axno 11* those who have received treatment.
52	Sociological Aspects of Homosexuality
although only five said that they had received any comlort in their difficulties from their religion.
Another 13 men felt that nothing could be done for them and this feeling may well be justified, especially for the sis men who said it was ‘too late’, as all but one of these were over 50. But out of the 46 men who did not receive treatment, only 28 per cent gave this reason, and so lack of confidence in the effectiveness of psychiatry is not the dominant reason as it is in the other two groups where 44 per cent of the 50 HO men and 40 per cent of the 43 HC men gave this as their reason for not scekuig treatment,
Apart from the 12 who did not know where tn go arid the one who fell it would be too expensive, the paedophihacs cither refused m admit their disability or else hoped vaguely that the temptation, and thus the situation, would not occur again.
Yet tn a series of questions addressed to these men and the homosexuals, a prolonged effort was made to find out how they regarded themselves and their disability This seems to show’ that in a muddled kind of way they were frightened, shameful men, who were afraid of self-knowledge and yet were unable to shut off these sexual episodes from the rest of tbeit lives.
Only 11 PC men said they had made no serious effort to rid themselves of their disability; 37 HC men, 16 HP men and 28 HO mm had never made this effort
Only 10 PG men said they did not go out of then way to avoid temptation compared with 37 HC men, 15 HP men and 25 HO men.
In the PC group. 23 men said thev found that their sexual activities were unsatisfactory more often than not, compared with iB HC men, 23 HP men and 19 HO men
Thirty-three PG men had strong feelings of guilt after each sexual episode; but only eight HC men, 30 HP meu and to HO men had these guilt feelings.
Each man was asked whether or not he felt that he had come to terms with his condition and learnt to live with it. Only seven PC men gave an affirmative reply, in contrast to 32 HC men, iB HP men and 48 HO men.
There are some surilaritics between this and the HP group, especially as regards the dissatisfaction with sex and feelings of guilt. Everyone in the HP group was under treatment and many (48 '0) of them had sought p&ychi.itrii aid particularly because they were worried about homo’exual problems. Apart from this, there is a striking difference betwTcn the PC group and the three homosexual groups, and this divergence may be even greater,
PC Group {Paed phiiiaulConoicted/	53
because some of the PC men were arrested soon after their first sexual experience with a child and were not, therefore, in a position to look back on previous experiences and so give an answer to these questions.
In the mam it is a picture of hopelessness There are signs that they have a strung desire to rid themselves of their disability and yet they ,.cem to view their situation in an unrealistic way, with the result that they du nothing very much about it.
D.	HOME bACKUROUND
In the PC group 12 of the men came from homes where there were no brothers or sisters. This is not significantly different from any of the other groups; 67 of the 300 men were the only children of their parents, making an average of 11 ovei the six groups. In the PC group there were 23 youngest or only children; the average over the six groups is 26. So there is very little ilitferer.ee between the PC group and the other men in this respect.
There were five men in the PC group who w ere the only sons amuito listen, the average for the six groups is nine, and in even the NO group 11 men were the only sons. So there docs nut appear to be an association between paedophilia and being the only male child in a family
Many writers (Gross, 1962; Allen, 1958; Henry, 1950. East, 1939} have suggested that homosexuality may be developed when the man is an only child or the youngest son because he is more likely to be pampered by an over-protective or possessive mothei Other writers (Martensen-Larsen. 1957; Rado, 1940) have suggested that an only son among sisters may develop homosexual tendencies as he spends most of his early years m fcnunuie company and learns tn appreciate tcminine things arid lacks the opportunity to identify w*h other boys and practise masculine pursuits. The results of this research suggest that neither of these theories applies to paedophihacs. Nor for that matter docs it apply to any of the homosexual groups (see Section В of Chapter 6}.
five of the PG group were brought up in institution*. A fuither 16 were brought up m a situation where there was no man in the home; in 11 of these cases the fathers had died before they were 12 yean old. Onlv slightly more than half (27) of the PC men were brought up m homes where both parents were present and this is below rhe average ({4J for all six groups. In the two control groups 12 (12%) out of 100 tethers were absent: in the three homc-exual groups 30 (20%) out of 150 fathers were absent: in the PC group 16 (J2%) of the 50 fathen were absent.

54	Sociological Aspetb of Homosexuality
The relations with the father who was in the home were said to be bad by 27 per cent  if the two control groups, by 4? per cent of the three homosexual groups and by 33 per tent of the PC men There were only slight diHercm.es between the six groups in the child/ mother relationship».
Unlike the HC men, the paedophihacs were not in such a hurry to leave the family home. By the time they were 17, 11 men (22%) had moved away fioni home and this is close to the average for all six groups (23%). All but six had left the family home at the time of their arrest; 13 for reasons outside their own control, 12 at the time of their marriage, and 19 had de ided to leave he me tor other reasons. None of the PG men left home f >r re wens specifically connected with then sex impulses, whereas 16 (1 т , in the homosexual groups left home for the«e reasons.
As in Set tu <u D of Chapter 2, it is possible to construct a kind of elimination table. By taking away all those who came from disrupted homes (23), all those who desrnlied then parents' ma 1 mil relations a? poor (6), all those who thought their moiher was possessive (7), all those who reported poor relations with their fathers (3), and all those who de-cribed their clildhvod as unhappy (1 , there remain 10 PC men who appear to have come hum undisturbed backgrounds. Tliis coinp ires with eight in the HC gioup.
Thi< section has shown that a large number of PC men, like the HC men, came from homes which were unsatisfactory in some way. Unfortunately, it was not р>ьчЫс to get permission to obtain a nonhum cxual control group from the three prisons where the PC л nd HC men were interviewed. However the results of other researches (West, 1963) suggest that an unsatisfactory home background is often found in samples taken fn m the prison population. It is probable that the 40 PC men with unsatisfactory home backgrounds reflect a common factor in all prison populations, despite the fact that 58 per cent of the PC men were first offender*.
E.	CONDITIONS BEFORE PRISON SENTENCE
There were fewer PC men livui with their parents at the time of their arrest than in any other group and this is tu be expected because the PC group contained a higher proportion of men over thirty. But with 17 PC men married and eight mure separated or divorced, one might have expected more than seven of them tu be living in their own property. In fact there is very httlc diflcrence betw een the six groups regarding the type of residence, except that there are rather mure PC and HC men in hostels or with landlords
PC Group {Paedvphihacs Convicted)	55
on the premises (i.c. more often ’digs’ rather than a self-contained fiat) and thl* is usually a reflection of an unsettled and impermanent residence. It is perhaps noteworthy that the type» nf residence in the PC group are similar to the other groups; as there are more older men and more men from rural communities in this group, it might have been expected that there would be greater signs of being settled with more property owners and more men living in houses with absent landlords.
Table 3.2 Type f residence						
Residence	At rime of arrest		At time of the 1ГЛСП1ГИ			
	Pt;	HC	NO	HO	HP	NP
With parents, trial ires	5	b	5	4	l6	7
Own properly	7	5	18	7	6	8
Absent landlord	17	’3	«3	20	5	lu
Landlord on premises	18	20	«4	7	18	35
Homosexual landlord	—	I	—	10	—	—
Hostel, institution, etc.	3	5	—	2	5	—
In the PG group 22 men lived with their wives, parents or relatives; 24 men lived alone, one lived with a woman and three shared with other men, none of them homu-exuals. ТЬь does not show much variation from the other groups except that in all three homosexual groups, there are some men who share a home with another homosexual, but this is never the case with the PC men. In fact nut one of the PC men had any homosexual friends and to the direct question - do you know anyone who is homosexual9 — only four replied that they did; the paedophiliacs seem to know fewer homosexuals than even the nun-homosexual men from the control groups.
Unlike the i-lher prison group, there is no sign that these men chose tu live in conditions where they wiuld be unrestricted in their sexual behaviour. Only six could have casual or regular sexual partners in their homes compared with 21 in the HC group. Another 18 PC men said they might be able to have sexual partners in their home in exceptional circumstances or if they were very careful.
Of the 20 PC men living in London, to were bom there, and five came from other large towns. Six of the to brought up in rural communities still live in similar surroundings, and 11 out of 16 brought up in towns with a population of less than 50,000 rtill live
8
56	Sociological Aspitis of	stxaaiilp
in «mall towns. The tendency to move to London and ocher large towns found in all three homosexual groups is not evident in the PC group. The movement towards urban areas is no mere pronounced than in the control groups.
All the PC men were employed at the time of their arrest; to of them said they were doing the kind ol job they really wanted to do, and only 65 in the 300 were able to give this reply. The number of PC men who were content in then-job was similar to the number in the HC group, lower than the numbers in the HO and NO groups, hat higher than those in the HP and NP groups.
A similar relationship was found when all the meh were asked about their relations with their employers and with their fellow workers. Tables 3.3 and 3.4 show that the PC men had a similar distribution to the HC men, but generally had less satisfactory relationships than the HO and NO men, but better relationships than the HP and NP men.
Table 3.3 Rtlaims aiih employers, classified iuiojour categories
Relationships	PC No. %		HC No. %		HO No- %		NO No- %		HP No. %	NP No. %	
Very good Quit. goud	*s>	70	21 ’ 12		26 2° J	93	у	78	“15й MJ	9) 4	• 46
Nut so good Bad	111 3J	28	r	>28	Я	2		20	7}з=	71 to J	34
N/A or NK	I	2	3	6	3	6	1	2	6 12	io	20
Table 3.4 Rciatiaui with jrlltvi axnlurs, dauijita mio four categories								
Relationships	Pt. No.	%	HC No. %	HO No.	%	NO No- %	HP No. %	NP No. %
Vm gurri Quite good	ii]	66	ii}*	»51 «3 J	78	:?}»	u}*6	»}*
Not *0 good Bad	”)	33		2}	18			”}’6
N/A or NK	1	2	4 to	3	6	a 4	8 16	9 18
The men in the PC group -eemed to lie less ambitious. Thirty-nine men said they did not want more responsibility in their work
PC Gr^up {PatdbpluliatsiCoKtKtei)	37
than the) have now; this is seven more than any other group and compares with an aveiage of 31 for the six groups. It is hard to say if this is became they are older, mere settled or more realistic.
The ratings for leisure activities show that fewer (2 J PC men than average (6) were interested in artistic pursuits and more (zi) than average (it) take part in active outdoor leisure avtivities. When these men w ere asked if they felt their disability held them back in their social activities, 18 replied that it did. But this is not so high a proportion as was found among the homosexuals who were asked the same question. Tn the three homosexual groups 93 men felt that their homosexual condition held them back in their social life, this makes an average of 31 per group which is approaching double the number cif PG men. However, this docs not mean that must of the PC men had an active social life; when they were asked whether their friends were mostly women or men (homosexual or otherwise), 18 PC men could not be classified because they said the) had no friends.
F.	EARLY EXPERIENCES
The PC men fared гн1 better ihan the ttn in -лЬег groups in »he way of sex instruction at home. Only four PC men received any sex education from then parents and this is close to the average (5'5) over the six groups. Perhaps the disappointing factor in these figure* is that the other groups do nut have signifitandy more men who have benefited from sex instruction in the home. The PC group contains twice as many men over forty as any other group and if, as is often supp<wed, we are now more enlightened about sex and can see the value of discussing it uncmutiuiially, then one would have hoped to have seen some sign of this reflected in these results.
There are signs that sex education at school is. more common among the younger age groups. Only two PC men were given any sex education at school; every other group has at least three times as many men who have received sex education and the average for the six groups is 93.
About half (24) of the PC men reported that there was some kind of homosexual activity at their school. Of there who look part ш homosexual activities at school, 16 could not supply any information about the later history of their ex-partners, but the eight men who srill knew their school friends stated, in every case, that they were certain that their ex-partner was not now a homosexual.
One of the theories which has been suggested (East, 1939) to account for the phenomenon of paedophilia is that a conditioning
58	Sociological Aspects of Homosexuality
process is set up during the early experiences -if sexual activity; the first experience with another schoolboy creates such a powerful impression that thereafter the paedophihar is for ever seeking to recreate that situation by choosing boys of the same age as bis original partner An alternative suggestion (Berg and Allen, 1958) is that a strung attai hmenl to another boy will arrest the emotional development and thereafter the paedophiliac continues to seek a love image in the form of the first love object. One rea«on to doubt this theory is that the present investigation and other researches (Liddicoat, 1961) have shown that schoolboy homosexuality в usually a very casual aflair with little or no emotional Involvement, In the six groups 164 men had early homosexual experiences and yet only 24 of them became paeduphiliacs Furthermore the results of this tesearch make it clear that many (52%) paedophihacs do not have homosexual experiences before the age of sixteen.
One of the most striking things about the PC group is that 22 (44%) men did not have any sexual experience with boys until after they were twenty-one. In the three homosexual groups, only 17 (n%) had not had a homosexual experience before they were twenty-one. Furthermore 15 (30%) of the PC"! men had no sexual experiences with buys hy the age of thirty compared with five (3%) in the homosexual groups. In fact some (6) of the PC men had their first sexual experience with a boy when they were over fifty. There arc others (it) who liave had no further experiences after a period of experimental sexual activity with boy’s uf their ow n age until they Started again in middle age.
Some people seem to think that child moles ting is a sequel to homosexuality, that when a man has grown too old or too ugly to find another adult partner, he turns to young bovs; or perhaps after he has tasted too much of one kind < if sexual excitement, he becomes satiated and *eeks other variations. But many of the paedophihacs in this group seem to have led sex lives that are blameless, in the legal sense, until they have reached the age of forty or moie. Ibcrc may be some kind of menopause in the life cycle of the male which has the effect in some men of changing their sexual appetites. But a menopause suggests some physiological change and there is no evidence for this.
There arc signs, however, that some men develop a sexual interest in buys when they are no longer obtaining heterosexual experiences. In the PC groep 2П had been married at some time in their lives, but only 13 of these had sexual intercourse in the year before their arrest (to with their wives, three with other women). Altogether 33 PC men had extensive heterosexual experience, but only 14 of
PC Croup (PaedophiliacsI Convicted)	59
these had sexual intercourse during the year before their arrest. Nineteen of the 33 men with extensive heterosexual experience did nut turn to boys until they were ovei twenty-one; in fact 15 of them were over thirty, and six of them were considerably older than that. The results ol this research indicate that paedophihacs are more likely to be heterosexually orientated than humosexually orientated. Table 3.513 a summary’ uf the different sexual partners of each man after the age of twenty-one. It shows that 31 men had adult women as partners as well as children under sixteen, whereas only five men had adult male partners as well as boys under sixteen.
Table 3.5 Type of partners after the age of tueniy-oru (PC group)
Type of partner	No.	%
Boys under 16 and adult women	>7	I fin
Bovs and girls under 16 and aduil women	4	
Boys under 16 only	IO	20
Boys under lb and adult men	5	10
N/A	4	8
All PC group	50	too
Four men (of whom tw’o had extensive heterosexual experience) arc nut included in Table 3.5 because they did not have any overt sexual experiences with boys.
There does not appear to be any overlap. None of the men who had heterosexual relations had any homosexual experiences with adult men after they had reached the age of twenty-one; none of the men who had homosexual experiences with adults had sexual intercourse with adult women. It seems, therefore, that there are two, perhaps three, types of child molesters. Some paeduphiliacs (яо per cent of this group) are only interested in boys under sixteen. Others (io per cent ol tins group) also have experiences with adult men arid may be using boys as a substitute, in which case there is little doubt about their homosexual condition But the majority (62%) are able to establish satisfactory heterosexual relations and only turn to boys in moments of strex, or weakness, especially as they get older and perhaps after the cessation of their heterosexual activities.
O. SEXUAL EXPERIENCE? BEFORE PRISON
In this research a sexual experience is defined as a sexual activity which culminates in orgasm. This definition may not be completely
6u	Svciv'-jgital AiperU of Homnexuality
satisfactorv but, like Kiusev (1948), it has been found that tins и the only workable definition. T he men in the different groups had no dithculty in understanding what was meant by a sexual experience when it was defined in this way, although a man ш the PC group might have been arrested for an indecent assault on a boy without either of them having experienced an orgasm. In (act there arc six cases in this group where men have been found guilty of an indecent assault without any evidence bring given in Court that they touched the boys’ genitalia. It should also be noted that heterosexual frequencies are not included 111 the totals given in this section.
The frequencies of the PC men are much lower th ah any of the homosexual groups In the month before their arrest 34 PC men had less than iwo sexual experiences with boys and seven had had no such experiences m the 12 months before lheit arrest. In four other cases the sexual experience with the boy appears to have been an isolated incident, or to put it another way, these four men were arrested soon after their fim sexual experience with a boy partner.
These low frequencies may be due to lack of opportunity’, as it is obviously dangerous as well as difficult for a paedophiliac who relies upon the chance encounter to find a boy partner. But even the two men m this group w ho had found a boy willing to meet them regularly over a long per tod did not have high frequencies. In the PC group only two men claimed to have had more than eight sexual experiences with boys in * month In the three homosexual groups 38 men (an average of 126 per group) said they had eight or more h‘ moscxuil experiences in a month. In the two control groups 26 men (an average of 13 per group) hud eight or more heterosexual experiences in a month. Thus it ran be seen that high frequencies are much rarer in the PC group than in the other five groups.
In die pacdophiliac situation it is usually assumed that the boy is the lev experienced partner, but this may not always be the case Bender and Blau (1937) state that the boy is often the initiator, and many of the PC men were relatively inexperienced. It has been found that when the participants m n homosexual activity are inexperienced, there is a tendency to piefer the more elementary sexual techniques (Westwood, iqbo). Of the 42 PC men who stated a preterencc, 27 preferred these more elementary techniques.
Mutual masturbation was the tutted preference of ig PC men, compared with eight HC men, two 110 men and 11 HP men. A preference fur the more sophistii ated techniques such as anal intercourse or oral-genital activities was expressed by 15 PG men, compared with 34 HC men, 20 Hu men and ig HP men.
None of the PC mtn preferred to play the passive part in anal
PC Gnup {PMikpkiitaaiC.nricled)	6r
intercourse. The research worker has been told of cases where boys of fifteen or sixteen have played the active pan with older men but he has not heard of cases where the boy has been younger than this. A preference for the active pari in anal mtcrcuur«e was expressed by 15 PC men, and since 33 men in this group had more than spasmodic experience of heterosexual intercourse, a higher number t.f men preferring this technique might have been expected. In any case this was only a stated preference and it is doubtful whether it was the usual technique employed, either because the boy was unwilling to play the patsrvc part or because anal intercourse was not feasible in the situation where the activity took place-
Eight of the PC men stated a preference for what has been classified as genital apposition, but in these eases it usually amounted tu fondling and caressing the boy. The other eight men did not state a preference.
The men in the PC group were far less promiscuous than those in the HC group. Tn the PC group there were eight who had had m sexual experience and 26 who had only had one partner in the month previous to their arrest. Of the remaining PC men, all except one had had less than four partners during that time. In the HC group, however, 15 men had had one partner 12 less than four, and 22 more than four in a comparable period < f tune. The extent of promiscuity is limited by opportunity and it is probable that many pacdophiliacs would have been more promiscuous if they could have found willing boy partners. Even so the sexual adventures of the PC men are limited by < ther things besides opportunities and circumstances, such as feelings of guilt and shame, neither of Which were important to the HC men.
Most homosexuals living in a town would know exactly where to go tn find a willing partner (although many of them did not like this kind of pick-up), but when the paedophiliacs were asked where they usually found then partners, no particular pattern emerged. One said he found his [ utner in lavatories and 16 mentioned parks or streets, but the otheis found it difficult tn be specific. Sometimes the pacdophiliac was a friend of the boy’s famdy and had known the boy since be was a baby. At other times he had met the buy during the course of his work, someumes when he was in charge of a group of boys for some reason.
It is discouraging to see how ollcn these paedophiliacs took advantage of a position of trust, although it should be noted that few of them deliberately set out to create a situation so that the opportunity would arise or took on a position with the specific intention of betraying that trust. Paedophiliacs art frequently
na	Sociological Aspect} of Homosexuality
advised to keep away from youth work or any other situation where they are mixing with young boys. But they are slow to take this advice. Undoubtedly there are a few who seek such positions in order to make opportunities for themselves, hut most of them take on the work sincerely convinced that they can resist the temptation, even those who have fallen frequently before It is also unfortunate that many of them have a genuine affection for boys and in every other way make excellent youth workers. Here is an example:
I never felt an inclination towards a boy until about two years ago. Th>r I found myself becoming sexually attracted towards a boywho was in the archcrv club I was running I was very fond of this boy. but I didn't realize there was anything special about this untD on* day 1 was instructing him on how to hold his bow, standing behind him, and I gnt on erection. Then the penny dropped. I resigned from the club and made it difficult for this boy ever to sec me alone. That was two years ago. About a year ago I was asked to help with the local Scout Troop. I thought perhaps my action with the archery dub was a bit drastic, and after a lot of hesitation, I agreed. All went well for a rime. There was one boy 1 saw quite a lot of because he was a good scout and a jsuod organizer. We got on well together and used to chit-chat about this and that. He was an intelligent lad and curious, and asked some questions about sex. This rang j bell and I warned him oft men who might n.rxr advances. But he wasn't satisfied and whenever we were alone he brought up the subject of sex. By the end of that month I’d made a suggestion to him. He said he would think it over. The following week he brought up the - object again and he said he wanted to try it. It happened twice more after that. He didn't raise any objections. On the third occasion 1 said 1 w on't going to do it any more. He didn't say anything (A fortnight later PG g was arreted. First offence. Three years.)
Paedophihacs do not use public lavatories to the same extent as homosexuals either to find their partners or to participate in sexual activities. Nevertheless for 36 of them it was difficult or impo-sible to take the boy back to their home, and so inevitably much of the sexual activity took place in public places such ar parks and open spares.
it seems to be true that the paedophiliac has to tike great risks in order to satisfy his sexual desires. Not only does the activity often occur in places where he may be discovered, but he can never be sure that the boy wdl not tell his parents or the police. In addition, some of rhe boys practise a form of blackmail.
I was scared to death of that buy. If only I’d had the guts to tell someone. I paid pounds to get rid of him, , . One time when 1 paid him two pounds I said this is the last time. But he said ’I’ll krep on coming, don't
PC Group (PtudophuiacslCoruicUf	63
worry’. ... He just drove mt nuts. God knows how much I paid him. IPG 47. First offence. Five years.)
He used to come to my lodgings asking for monrv I usualb gave him two shilling» to get something. He knew he could get me into trouble. Г11 never forget the last time I s aw him. He came up • о me and said, < ould I lend him some money because he wanted to go to the motor-cycle scramble. I said, I haven't got any money. Гт out of work, 1 said. He turned round and said: *You*d better get some, or else’. .. I just pleaded guilt)". They’d only have said, a man of your age ought to know better, so it’s no grod making excuses even if the boy was a little tramp and a blackmailer, too. IPG 37}
Л man who is sexually attracted to young bovs seems to be less successful in finding sexual partners, has lower frequencies, is less promiscuous, mid is much more likely to be arrested than the homosexual who prefer, another man as a sexual partner.
In the four variant groups an attempt was made to get each man to describe hie ideal partner. Whereas the average homo-cxual can give a detailed description of bis ideal man including fairly specific requirements about age, the paedophiliac does nut seem able to du this. At first sight this seems difficult to understand because it may be thought that age, for example, is particularly important to the pact! jphiliac. But probably it was expecting too much to ask these men to describe what they found sexually attractive about the body of a child- Thirty men were unable to answer these questions, so the remaining figures are of little interest, except to note that four men said they preferred their partners to be over twenty-one. This suggest that а »mall minority of child molesters use boys as a substitute for men.
When the PC men were asked for the age of the youngest boy with whom they had ever had sexual relations, иб remembered experience» with boys under thirteen, 16 had sex relations with boys between thirteen and sixteen, and eight men were either unable to remember or had not had a sexual experience with a boy as defined in this research.
H. HETEROSEXUAL EXPERIENCES BEFORE PRISON
It has been noted that the HC group had stronger heterosexual interests than either the HP group or the HO group The PC group had more pronounced heterosexual interests than any of the homosexual groups Twenty-two PC men maintained that they had felt a strong sexual attraction to at least one girl at some pei lod of their lives; this compares with an average uf 8 3 for the three homosexual
64	Sociological Aspects of Hrmosexualilj
groups. Only «7 PC men said they did not find women sexually attractive, compared with an average of 28 in the three homosexual group».
Thirtv-three PC men had had heterosexual intercourse at least mure than twice, compared with 22 HC men, 12 HP men and four HU men The incidence of heterosexual intercourse in the PC group is closer to the two control groups than to any of the homi -sexual croups. However, when they were asked if they had experienced sexual intercourse in the last year, the number dropped sharply. Only 14 of the 33 heterosexually experienced PC men had sexual intercourse in the last vear compared with 13 HC rrten, eight HP men and one HO man.
The 36 (72% I PC men who had at least one heterosexual experience were asked if they preferred adult women, adult men or boys as sexual partners_ Thirty {6o%| staled a preference for women, four (8%) for men and two (4' ,) for boys. Of the б-5 *44-6 ,) men who had heten -sexual experience in the three homosexual groups, 11 (7’3%) preferred women. 43 (28-6%) preferred men, and 13 (8-6%) said they liked men and women partners equally In other words 83-3% (30 out of 36T of the PC men with heter «sexual experience preferred this to humusexu d experience, but only 16-4 j (ti out if 67J of the men with heterosexual experience in the three homosexual groups preferred to have women partners.
When the remaining 17 men who had never had sexual intercourse were asked if they thought that they would develop heterosexual interests at a later date, five felt they would, three w ere unsure, and the other nine men did not think they would ever have a heterosexual experience. The three men who had experienced sexual intercourse one e or twice at the most all said that they did not expect to repeat the experience.
Tn the PC group 17 are married (one has been married tw ice} and are living with their wives. F >iur are divorced, four are separated and three are widowers. Ten of the 17 were «till having regular sexual intercourse with their wives in the la months before they were sent to prison. Four of the men still living with their wives have bad sexual relations with other women and six others have had heterosexual experience after leaving their wives.
Of the _a menwho have been married at some periodof their lives, only 13 (46-4 у,) hive had heterosexual experiences in the year before their arrest; 10 with their wives and three with other women and seven of the 17 men still living with their wives rm longer have heterosexual intercourse Of the 33 men who have had extensive heterosexual experiences at some period in their lives, 19 (57’6%)
PC Group (Paedophiliac! (Л-нгиled'	65
did not have any heterosexual experiences in the year before their arrest.
Therefore there are signs that some paedophiliac* turn to boys after a long period of heterosexual activity1. Some of these men may choose boys as a substitute fur adult women.
I'm not normally at tear tea to thr young ones. On both the last two occasions I’ve gut into trouble, it's been when my wife was expecting and I couldn't have normal relations ;PC a j has been arrested for two offences against girls aged seven and fourteen, and one offence against a buy aged tune In between proem sentences he lives with his wife and ha> regular wxnar mrerroursc with her.)
But mauy men have their first sexual experience with a boy when past the age of fifty. Leitch (1959) writes; ‘Sometimes old men as a result of senile changes commit oHcnces against boys, and it is common in these cases tn find no history of previous homosexual behaviour.’ Table 3.6 lends some support to this theory. It shows that most of the older men no longer have heterosexual experiences . Of those over forty years old, 15 out of 22 have now stopped; and seven out of to of the over-fifties have now stopped. About a quarter of the oldest age group {51-60; have never had a period of heterosexual behaviour, about half no longer have hetero-exual intercourse, while the lemaming quarter continue to have heterosexual experiences. Tne proportions are -imilar for the over-forties.
Tab и 3.6 Is*1 tndtwjrvmml ufuLtir ui PC coup
Age groups	Heterosexual expenem c.			
	In the last year	Not in the IxU yi ar	Little or ГЮОС	TOTAL
21-30	2	I	7	IO
3I-4U	5	3	3	XI
4t-5»	4	s	3	>5
51 -bo	3	7	4	«4
TOTAL	«4	>9	'7	50
It is difficult to get evidence on th« point and no physiological evidence has been reported to support this theory. Bui it seems possible that some tnen turn to boys as sexual objects only after the del line of their heterosexual activities.
Об	Sociologies Alperts of Homnitxualify
I. THE PC GROUP COMPARED WITH THE HC GROUP
This chapter ends with the main quantitative difference» between die PC group and the HC group. Some of the>e differences have already been noted in previous sections; others arc expected dirtereni.es and so no comment is required in the text.
When the difference is statistically significant the value for p (or probability) is given in brackets. If/ = -ooi, then there is lesi than one chance in a thousand of the observed distribution occurring; if p^'Oi, tren the possibility of this distribution occurring by chance is less than one in a hundred. Where there is observable trend but the difference is not statistically significant, the letters NSS arc written in brackets. In addition a note has been made of certain items where there is no significant difference between the two groups although a difference might have been expetted in these cases.
There is no significant difference in the number in each group that come from disrupted homes.
There is a slight tendency for the HC men to be the youngest child in the family (NSS); otherwise the birth order is similar in both groups.
The PC men are more likely to come from homes where the discipline is strict (p^-oo^).
There is no difference between the two groups as regards the relations with either the father or the mother.
The fi th er was more often away or absent in the PC group (NSS).
The PC men were shghtlv better educated than the HC men (NSS..
The fathers of the PC and HC men did not have significantly different occupations.
’fhcre was no difference in the number of manual and nc-n-ma nual jobs, but the HC men were mure often m unskilled jobs (p ••oui).
Mure PC men were in supervisory positions (p = -O2).
PC men earned more than HC men (J>> -oai.
There was no significant difference m the number of men who expressed contentment with their work situation.
Relations with employers, and with fellow workers, were similar in both groups.
There was no significant difference between the two groups in the Verbal Reasoning Test.
HC men appealed to be more delicate than PC men (^-*-005). PC men tended tu look mot e masculine than HC men (p = ‘ooi).
PC Grvup {PeedepkiliacilCowickd)	67
PC men were more likely to be living in smart towns and rural areas (p » 005;.
There were more married men in the PC group (p - -005).
More PC men were likely to have had regular sexual intercourse at some pen id of their lives (р = -ооз). But there is no significant difference in the number who had sexual intercourse m the year before their arrest.
Comparing only those with heterosexual experience. PC men were more likely to prefer heterosexual to homosexual relations (NSS).
Mute HC men had their first homosexual experience before the age of twenty-one (p = -oot).
The PC men were more likely to have strong feelings of guilt after a homosexual experience (/> = -oot).
PC men more often went out of then way to avoid temptations (p^-OoI).
M< ire HC men have come to terms with their condition 1 p = -001).
HC men are more likely to tell their friends about their sexual interests (/> —-oui).
Few PC men have homosexual friends, or know anyone who is homosexual (0=>-oot).
HC men w’ere more likely to visit home sexual meeting places (/> = •001).
PG men had low'er «exual frequencies than HC men (p —-ooi).
There are only slightly more promiscuous men in the HC Rmup (NSS). Bui the promiscuous HC men have many more partners per month than the promiscuous PC men (p = ‘uoi).
H( 1 men arc mure likely tu be infected by venereal disease fj> = -o r).
PC men are more likely to prefer mutual masturbation ()> — -oi). HC men arc more likely to prefer anal intercourse (p = *oi).
More HC than PC men want the laws on homosexuality to be relaxed (p = -oi).
HC offenders are mure likely to be recidivists <NSS) Leaving aside arrests for sexual offences, mure HC men are liable to be arrested for nun-sexual offences (p = 005).
HP GROUP (HOMOSEXUALS/PATIENTS)
A.	DESCRIPTION OF ТПЕ GROUP
The members of this group were the patients of 12 psychiatrists working in or near London. Twenty-two were in-patients of mental hospitals and 28 were out-patients under psychiatric treatment A tub description of the way this group was obtained is given in Section В of the Appendix.
Il would be surprising to find any group of psychiatric patients which has many homogeneous features; but there is a particular dichotomy in this group which may have some effect upen the results. Four of the in-patients and 20 of the out-patients had consul! a 1 a psychiatrist specifically about their homosexual problems. But 18 in-patients and eight out-patients had sought psychiatric aid fur oilier reasons, snd the extent to which their homosexual condition had been the ! rerun" er of these problems is speculative.
On the other hand the validity of the response is judged to be vctv high. AU if them were accustomed to discussing intimate details of their lives with a psychiatrist and nine of them had been taking part in group therapy. AU were volunteers and even if they did not always understand the purpose if the research, they were ready to discuss in detail their own problems; it was a peculiarity of the two patient groups that the personal questions were always answered with good elaboration, but they found the attitude and projective questions less interesting.
This group and the NP croup w ere the voungest groups. A man is moic likely tn seek psychiatric aid for homosexual difficulties when he is in his twenties By the age of thirty many h»nx>sexuals have come to terms with their disability and made some kind < -f adjustment, consequently they are more reluctant to undergo a change. In the IIP group 2b mtt. were under thirty and 41 men were under forty.
The two groups of patients contained more of the better educated mm rhan the two groups interviewed in prison, hut they were less well educated than the HU and NO groups. Five had received full-time education bevurid the age of eighteen. 24 mure had received some education after the age of fifteen, and St left school at the statutory minimum age. This group also did well in the verbal reasoning test, In the sot groups 84 men /making an average of 14 per group) came ш the tup three classes, and i8 of these were HP ram
HP Gtxntp (HrnnounalsPenenli)	69
In this group 35 lived in London, four in cities and large towns (with populations over 50,000), eight in small towns and three in villages or rural areas. Thu distribution is similar tn each of the other groups except the PG group.
The tendency f-и humoscxiiab to migrate to tirgr urban communities is leas marked in thu group. This is probably because the average age of this group is younger than in the other humuaexiul groups. Many of them are still living with their families and have nut accepted their homosexual tonditinn. It is possible that mo*r homosexual do not leave then home towns and migrate to urban communities until they have cumc to tarns with then condition and wish to mix in a homosexual group.
Seven of these men were married and one was divurted. Of the 42 tingle men, two had been engaged aud another was engaged at ihe time < J the interview. He is the only man m the three homosexual groups or the PC group who war engaged 10 be married. In addition to the two HP men, seven HU num, three HC men and four PC men had been engaged alone time without any of them subsequently getting married.
As in al! groups exi-epi the prison group uver a third (18, said that they did not belong to any church; 16 were Church uf England, nine R man Catholic, four Non-Confi.rnuit and there was one each of three other denominations. The HP men went to church less often than either of the other two hcmosexual groups, and much less often than the PC group. Only the two control groups attended church less often.
The rocial class, rated bv the lather s occupation, was higher than die two prison groups and iimilar to the other three groups. The fathers of 20 of them held supervisory jobs: the average for the two prison groups was eight and fur the other three groups was 21-6. The HP group had 19 fathers tn semi-skilled or unskilled manual jobs: the average for the prison gio up- was 29 and fur tlie other three groups was 17.
Their own occupations tended tn be lower down the soda! scale than their fathers’ and this is also true of the NP group. These were the two youngest groups and this is a possible explanation. However, thcii occupational ratings were still higher than the prison groups. In the HP group ig men had supervisory jobs and the iverage for all six groups was also rg. There were 16 HP men m the semiskilled or unskilled manual work compared with an average of 21-t in all six groups. Twenty HP men were Ixnns paid less than £500 a year, and 43 less than £ 1,000 a yeai; only two HP men were making over £1,500 a year. This group was about as wed paid as
SotiMgKat Asptcls Нтл irxualiti
the NP group and the two prise u groups, the икоте» tn the HO and NO group» were much higher.
When rated for appearance, a i HP men were put in the two most robust categories where the average for all six groups ".as tg; and to were put tn the two must delicate categories where the average was 12-5. Onthe Mxm uline Femmine Scale ajwete rated masculine compared with an average of 27*3 nva the six groups; and nine were rated feminine compared with an average of 6*6. Thereli ire there is little difference between the HP men and the ether 250 men on the Rol >ust Dedicate Scale, but mure HP men were rated feminine than in the other groups except the HC group
B.	CRIMINAL RECORD
In the HP group- to men had been convicted at some period of thch lives, seven for nun-sexual crimes and rune for homosexual offences. The seven non-sexual crimes were stealing (4 offences), embezzlement and housebreaking (a), stealing (3), stealing (jj, drugs (1), smuggling (1) and stealing (1).
Three of the HP men were convicted of offences with buys, one for homosexual offences in public, two for oficnccs in private with adults, and three for importuning These figure* refer to the HP man’s last offence; two of them had more than one corn» uon for a homrwexual offence and in each case the prcvi m convictions were similar to the last offence.
Table 4.1 Seatewijit Амшсхъо/ .Jfoaxi (HP fr
Sentence
Offence	Probation	Fine	Cond. Ju	Prison	Cashiered	TOTAL
Homcecxual acis with mu res	2	1	- -	—			3
Importuning	1	1	1	a»		3
Hrenoaexu&l acts in public	1	-И"	—	—		I
Homosexual ac ts in private	—	—		1	I	я
The men in this group received much liehter sentences than the men in the HC group. Tbt*e convicted of offences with minors, in public, or importuning were fined, given a conditional discharge, or put on probation. The only man who was sent to prison for a homosexual offence was found guilty of acts w hich took place in pi гч ate with of her consenting adults. The other man who committed
HP Gnttp {Hcmrtexuals Palienb',	71
a homosexual offence in private was an officer in the R-A.F., and he was dismissed from the Service, a sentence which he regards ai the equivalent of a fine of £20,000.
The senter tes received by these men are so different from those received by the men in the HC group, and so inconsistent one with another, that details of all nine cases are given below.
I was out for a walk ana I met this boy of fifteen or sixteen. We talked for a bit I didn’t think <-f it at nrst I was on holiday and had nothing tnuih to do. Il vrr quite hot and when he »uevr-< ted we til undri the ihade of a tree, I took it that he was willing. 1 itiU think he wa- interested. I put my hand on hu leg- He didn't do anything, 10 1 moved it up bi* shorn. Suddenly he ran off so of course I went off too ft tunad out he was camping with some other scxaiu in the district and the Scout Maitet had a car, and he caught up with me and stopped me. J don’t know why I duiii’i run awav. bin T waited while he ’phoord de police. The pulur were quite пке. 1 hey asked if there was anyone who could vouch for me, but there wasn’t as I was on holiday. I saw a solkno: who wanted me tu plead not guilty. He said what I did didn’t amount to an assault, but 1 didn’t want to go to a higher Couri. 1 was fined £25. so 1 was lucky.
HP as. Fust offence. Minor» Fined.)
The lint time somcCHV saw us and reported it tu the police 11 was with a boy of eleven. 1 was put on probation for two years. I didn’t get mediral advice. I felt rare 1 could control il But I ilippci up ogam six nuinths latiT with anothei young lad 'aged eleven). This boy tuid a friend who told the boy’s mother So I was back in Court again. This time I war kept on prubauon provided I went to a clinic. HP 40. Second offence. Minos*. Probanon.)
In 1939 (when hr wa» nineteen) 1 became. infatuated with a boy of fourteen. It wa, almost entirely on the emotional side, but there was a inull amudrt of mad lex The boy м-al eia<uafrd and hu и ilh-i opened uue of my fetters which 1 suppose wai tno amonxa She I >Jd h»< hramnaste» who told the- police- In the end 1 was charged with thrrar far in cxre» of anything that happened and the result was that I was put on prolvuion. People say that I was lucky to have gut off so lightly, but I don’t look at it tnat way. On my side there was only affection. 1 would bare done anything fur that boy. When be started it, 1 ranted for a time. But it didn’t seem very wrong to me at the time, and 10 I gave in. I gut beaten up at the police station. Thcv wrote out a statement for me to sign, and when I refused because half of it was lies, they punched me m the face. When 1 complained to the inspector, be said it was all a. person like tne could expect. [HP 32. First offence. Minors - but now aged forty-tw-u and 00 -ithcr «-rpenences with boyr Probation-)
I went into a lavatory in Bhukfriais and there was another chap in there .. We looked at each other and he smiled. П. -n hew id, ’Meet you outside*. He went out and I followed. We’d only said a couple ot words
1
jl	Sotwlogutu Ir/wrlr «f H. mnsexuaiity
Verifier when two poli<wnrn uuur up and arrested us 1 thought there was no one in the place, bat they’d been haling in the closet. At the police sun am they persuaded us to plead guilty to importuning. They said they’d make it gross indecency if we didn’t plead guilty. We were both lined £ia. (HP 84- First offence. Importuning. Fined.)
1 was in thi W.C. in Hackney and 1 followed a man out. I went up and talked to him, and he said, ‘Come over and nice t my triced.’ They were both polk em*. . I was charged with importuning . I was persuaded to plead guilty so as to avoid an endless trail through various Gouris. <НР 47. First offence. Importuning Conditional discharge.*
I started makira moocy out of it alter I went into the argny aged eighteen} It ncvti occurred tu mt you could nuk< mouev out of it before then. Somrlimo it's w-icxh it, but you’ve got to be very careliiL I’ve been in for importuning once, but all I got was probation. It'll be different next tune. (HP 37. Importuning. Still a male prostitute. Probation.)
After drinking 111 the West £ nd I was caught m the ail л a W.C. (104'»-Profauun for two years.) ... On the rm* path at Hammersmith in Man'll. I dixight we were the only twu there. It was very cold and 1 never dreamt the police would be nidi xg in the brohes in March. (Fined £10.)
We "i" i > the W.C. of a pub <n Crawford Street. The polite were looking through a grill and caught us._With the help of a psychiatrist
and a good lawyer. 1 was put on probation again (HP 7 Third offence. In public. Probation.)
I got into this set at Worcester when 1 was eightrm soon after he had art «ved from Lite and then a few months later one at them was arrested. About ten of us were had up This chap had given our name. But I was the, only one that got 18 months I supp*,«e that is because I told the poluc the truth Some of the others got a fine arid some got off altogether. I told the police everything. Why shouldn't I ? I can honestly say that up to that moment, 1 didn’t know it was ugainst the law. HP ig. First offencr In private. 1 ighteen months )
Of the eight cases detailed so far, three of them seem tu have been lucky; one man committed two offence-. with minors, the second while on probation for the first; one is a male prostitute and continued w ith Ins trade while m probation; one man committed three offences in public but escaped a pn-ott senteace. Only the voting Irishman who strayed mtn a homosexual set seemed to have received a harsh sentence. The details of the ninth HP man who was Arrested for a homosexual offence are given lielovv.. Some people may feel that he was unlucky; others may feel that he got his just deserts, albeit a form of lough justice. This case also brings up the complicated question of homosexuality and national serunty which w ill be dro-tosed later.
HP Group (HomuicxuaLifPatieniSj	jy
After my security wwk, I did variu 11 administrative jobs and eventually I was posted to U.K. I was Personnel Staff Officer and I was in charge of wellarr and disupline. It was very interesting work and 1 was very happy on the job.
One day there was potted to my section a young National Serviceman called Nigel. Thi* meant nothing at first, but as time went on 1 noticed that he wa> very strained- The didn’t ring a bell until he do:idcd to approach me fur advice. I le had done so, as I afterwards learnt, because be hud u>tMrd. as ray u.ahdriiluJ typut. that I alway. i..uiudlcd loncncv whenever a homosexual offence came up. He seemed to think 1 was the right man to tell his troubles to. Well, it turned out that he couldn’t sforp and was worried out of his mind because he thought he was I- ainsexual He’d had an afbur with a boy at school and was still experiencing homosexual desires. T did the bat I could to rcarotn him and told him that many people went through this phase at school, but it didn’t mean that they would grow up to be permanent homosexuals.
The months nt by and he и-cinc-d to bt getting fw better. So then 1 decided to take а тик. I duin'i dunk Nigel really was hum* aval, but I did think he was urpently in need of psychiatric treatnunc So I tolci him 1 was prepared to send him to one of the best men in faindon and he iweri not worry about the cost. I was sufficiently conscious of the loneliness of the homosexual world to feel that it was impctant to help a person who might drift into this world parity through ignorance. So I took him to see thus piyvh.atrist m London He began to go every week, and 1 think he 1 tailed to improve But unfonuriatcly the relationship between Nigel and myself had heramt gump. I thought I could deal with thn, and when some oflicem made some remarL about it, I said, *lx*A, tiro buy is sick and l*m dealing with it tn my own way, so shut up.*
But there is a regulation in all the Services that if a man has Lad a«rou tn t «p secret information, he can be investigated behind bis back, even if he is only slightly «usperL So this thiiig was set in motion all unbeknown to me. instead of coming to me and asking what it was all about. The first I heard of it was one evening after I'd come bai l from a game »>f golf, and I was met by one of the security police. 1 knew him quite well, he и a friend of mine - or at least hr was. He asked me into ifo bar for a drmk and said I had hern seeing an awful lot of thu Nigel. Nigel was just about due fur refoasc so I tho*igb' it bat to tell hint the whole stnry. I don’t lm*/w whether he brlirved me. The only -ommert he made at rhe rune wsu. that I should have revealed tbw infortnatiun to the authorities because Nigel had been doing secret typing fur another officer. Tlut was fair enough. 11 was a risk I lud taken > That same evening an-ufor -j^untv policeman had conic in tn tn* room and searched it <roni top to bottom. later that night the police interviewed Nigel and er died him for hours when his resistance was at hu lowest. Ml they got out of him. of course, was the truth. They found nothing in my room rxrrpl a ropy of a letter I * ad sent tn a man in Lincoln, a musician called llarry
I had met Barry m Lincoln when 1 was there two yean before We
74	&>cwlogual ispecL' of Hrmosevuality
began a social relationship whkh later bcr amr a sexual one. It didn’t last lung, perhaps six months, and ended when he told me he was nor tn love with me and he didn’t think it ought to go on. I accepted that and we parted friends. A year later, he wrote saying be was m trouble with th' civilian police. snd asked me tn go and see bun. Slid give him кипе advice. 1 went to Lincoln and he told me that he had been arrested for a homosexual offence with another man. They had both been brought la-fare the Court where Birrv han N—n put oil pr-4.auin arid tlin other man had been given a conditional dinLarge. But this oilier chap, i ailed lauric was a serviceman m a unit controlled by the same H< adquarters where I was Stall Officer. As soon as Barrv told me this, T knew that in a few days there would be a nlr on my desk about this man, Laurie If a scrviuman is caught on a homosexual charpr. even if he is given a conditional Lwhargc, hr is normalh chucked out. Barry asked me if 1 could do anything to help laune because he didn’t want to get him into trouble.
Sure enough the tile arrived and it cuutainrd a very favourable report from Laurie’s Gomminduix Officer. I don’t think 1 aid anything vhich I wouldn’t have done officially, even if Barry had not asked me to help. I had always revommendvd leniency in these case* except when it involved an assault on normal man by a humtwcxual, or sex with a boy, for which 1 have no sympathy at all. So I recommended that he d itmid not be thrown out, but as there had been 1 report in the press, it was essential to move him from Lincoln. It was decided to move him to Headquarters where he could be kepi under surveillance Then I wrote tu Barry and told hnn that 1 thought everything would be ail right. It was a copy of thj letter which the pulice beuid tn mv
It didn't take them long to discover this link and whi n this incident was dragged up, all the other < sues where I had recommended leniency, quite officially, al) these were remembered too. Off they went to Lincoln to see Ban y. What he aa id to them 1 have never discovered but a lew days later they came back to nr and said it was no use pretending, because we know you’ve had homosexual relations with th и Barry. Now they know, and 1 know that it is very difficult to prove a charge without corroboration. So they went to work on me Thu was the line they took. "You may be telling the truth abnit Nigel and y ourself, but isn't it better not to get him involved? He is in a bad wav, isn’t he? He was almost trying when you telephoned him the other day.’ rhe so-and-sos had even tapped my telephone and recorded my conversation with Nigel. And so they went on. ’We’ve got er--ugh evidence against you to make you resign your commission at the very least But if you make a statement admitting that you’ve had homosexual relations with Barrv, then we won’t bother about a charge of undue familiarity with Nigel If vou don’t make a statement, then of course everything will haw to come out.’
1 knew it would look bad for Nigel if they went ahead with that charge because when I took him to London to see this psychiatrist, we put up at the same hotel. In the same room in fact. Twin beds, of course, but it
HP drjup (HomouxualhPatients]	75
wasn't difficult to see what implication the police could put on that. It would have been unthinkable for me to make „пу kind of approach to him, first because I felt sure he was nit homosexual, and then, think of the position of tn-t I was in; I was actually taking him to see the psychiatrist.
Naturally I was not at mv calmest. I had seen my whole life collapse in ruins. It was just a question of salvaging what I could, and I could sec no reason for involving Nigel who was still under treatment and far from well. Kfter a lot of police pressure. I signed a statement say mg that I d bad homosexual relit, jos with Barry.
They kept me m luspense for a month and then I learnt tliat I had been charged with five offences of gross indecency with Barry. Thcv did not keep their word about Nigel, and I was also charged with undue familial ity with him. I thought it was obvious that I must plead guilty to the five charges of indecency, but I decided to fight the minor charge. (But if I did that, they would hate to get Nigel up to give evidence. Hr was now at University where he was in hu first term and *ull under treatment.У Then I thought that this charge would not influence the outcome. so I pleaded guilty to all the charges and Nigel did not haw to appear My Drfence Соитье! pointed out that all the major charges took place with a civilian when 1 was off-duty, and were гмidling to do with my service career. But ii was no good. The result was that I was cashiered.
It was very difficult to get a Job. 1 never saved, because 1 thought 1 was going to get a pension, so I was in quite a mess. In the normal course of events I could have been fauly sure of retiring will tin ten years on a pension of about jfi Л a week II you aud up what I pruoabn would have got from my pension, plus the tax-free gratuity I would have revened on retirement, you will find that the sentence of the Court is equivalent to a fine of over /"20,000. HP 23. First offenc.. lu private, (ashicnd- i
C. TREATMENT
All the men in this group were under psychiatric treatment at the lime of the interview, About half (24) had sought treatment because they were homosexual, and the other» (26I liad revealed their homosexual condition to the psychiatrist during the course of the treatment.
The doctor (at the hospital) got fed up with me became I kept having heart attacks and he couldn’t find anything wrong with me. So he sent me to a psychiatrist Before long my whole homosexual history came out, but that’s not why I go to see (the psychiatrist! and I don’t think he thinks he has any chance of changing ii. HP 43)
I went to a mental htxpital after I attempted to commit suicide after failing my examr Dr G— gave my employer an assurance that I was all tight, but he rccommendrd ihai I c*»tiw to hv guxrp« because I had few social contacts. HP 30)
76	SMwlegual Atperu of Hrmoiexvaiilj
I sat for an -xam and got ЛЙ job at the (Ministry). I couldn’t make head nut тай of this job. I got more and more drpr-.-ed but I knew J couldn’t go batk to Ьсшк a night watchman. I went to see a ptychlatrist and he told me I was Ь япимацЫ. Hr aeems to think this is The cause of my drpre«iom, but they've gut less and less as I get to know the job. ГНР26) I’m in tere (hospital1) because I get these awful йерггшш» I’ve told the doctors I’m queer, but they haven’t tailed about il much I don’t see huw they ran help. 1 was boro with it. HP r)
The duration of the treatment varied from five visits to regulai weekly visits for over three years; 18 had been under treatment for less than three months, 15 for less than a year and 17 foe over a year.
Men tn the ihrr croups who had bee n under treatment weir asked why it had been discontinued, but the HP men were nut at ked to evaluate progress under treatment. Nevertheless several of them fell it was doing them some good
After I left (the hwpital) 1 had no homosexual experience for nearly a year. I tried the heterosexual side without much succewaud then I began to slip back into the old ways. By the time Г saw Dr H — in 195Й, it had become at least a weekly affair Then I joined Dr H—’s group. I don’t know how it happens - 1 don’t think anyone knows why - but people in the group do seem to make some improvement. (HP 25)
Hr’s done me some good He’s made me realize that I could nor really straighten myself out until I find some kind of satisfactory employment, and he’s made tnr realize that my violently anti-father feelings don’t do me much good. HP 23)
Dr J— it grv mg me these tablets so that I can control myself I was not my own master. They’re very good. They do the job. all right l*m much more relaxed and it’s giving me mure scdf-contruL HP 391
I think there are some signs of improvement. I’ve bad two git I friends since I’ve been here. HP 35)
But there were others who, although still under treatment, did nut seem to be giving the psychiatrist much of their co-operation, -nd it is unlikely that they will persevere for much longer
I go to Dr К—, but I’m afraid 1 don’t always tell him the truth. But he’s a clever man and 1 dunk be knows I am not always idling the truth. (HP ji)
I see him every three months and he gives me these tablets. They work for a tunc, but there’s a free period and then the sex urge comes back agam. 1 don’t know if I’m expecting too much, but he hasn’t attempted to get me tu talk about tnysclf. Perhaps he feels there is nothing more he can du fur me. fHP 22)
1	won’t stop much lunger It’s done tar some good, but I don’t like the people here. HF 36)
HP Grwp 'Hmeatxtudt Pantnst'1	44
1	hare weekly chats with Dr L—. He says I’ve made some progress, but I don’t think it’s done me the slightest bit of good. I told him we could just as easily do what we’re doing over the ’phone - just a social chat, sometimes about cars, ккпетшма about natural history, and so on. It may have done the doctor a bit of good, but it hasn’t done anything for me. (HP 32)
Nineteen men in this group were classified as exclusive homosexuals (rated 6 on the Kinsey Scale). Thirteen of these men bad sought treatment for reasons other than their homosexual condition and 10 ui these were in-patients. Of the remaining six exclusive homosexuals, five Lad sought treatment after they had been found guilty of homosexual offences. On the other hand 11 of the 12 men who were clarified as predominantly homosexual, but mure than inc dentallv heterosexual (rated 4 on the Kinsey Scale; had sought treatment specifically because of their homosexual problem*. This suggests that the man who has heterosexual as well as homcncxual interests is more likely to seek psychiatric treatment for his homosexual duficultic than the exclusive homosexual who will have no use for psychiatric assistance unless be is in trouble with the law or suffering from some mental disturuancc.
D.	HOME BACKOROl'ND
Tn (he HP group 3a per cent came from disrupted h mes compared with 35 percent in the three hunosexual groups and 24 percent in the two control groups. The most usual cause of disiupuon was the death or absence of the father; nine were brought up tn homes where there was no man; four were brought up in institutions and in three other cases there was no mothei in the home In five cases the father bad died before the man was twelve.
Another 25 (500 ,) HP men said that the) did not get on well with their lathers and this figure is higher than in any of the other five groups; 33 per ceut of the other two homosexual groups and «5 per cent of the two control group- reported poor relations with then father*
T wenty-three HP men stated that their mothers had been possessive or over-protective when they were children. Thm figure is near the average (22*3) for the three homosexual groups, but significantly higher than the average (15’5) for the two control groups.
Ten f this group were reared as the only child (average for all six groups = 11-2); 14 others were reared as the youngest child in the family (average -15-2); eight had sisters, bur were rhe only son in
78	Sociological Aspects of Homosexuality
the family (average =9-3). Of the 32 who had brothers, one said that his brother was also homosexual.
These figures show that the various positions of the H P men within their families do not differ significantly from those of the other groups. But a larger proportion of all three homosexual groups reported unsatisfactory parental relations or no father in the home than in the two control groups.
Using the same process of elimination as in Section D of Chapter 2, Table 4.2 shows that -,nly 10 per cent of this group appear to have enjoyed a happy and secure home life as a child.
Table 4.2 The number of HP men hath undisturbed backgrounds
Total number in HP group	50
Number from disrupted homes	16
34
Of these 34, the marital relations of the parents were poor in 8 cases	8
26
Of these 26, the mother was reported to be posse ssive in 12 eases	12
4
Of these 14, the relations with the father were bad ul 7 Cases	7
7
Of these 7, the man’s childhood was described as unhappy in 2 cases
IIP mtn from undisturbed backgrounds	5
In the HP group 14 men were living with their patents whereas the average for all six groups was 6-5. Half this group were under thirty years old and this emphasizes the difficult position of the homosexual who w ishes to leave the parental home In most families, and especially in working-class families, it is tacitly understood that the son will remain with the parents until he gets married. Tn the HP gr oup only three left home specifically to get married compared with to in the NP group (who were matched by age).
But mariiage is not a satisfactory' solution for most homosexuals and those who wish to leave home arc obliged to find some other reason for doing so. Fifteen of the HP men left home for reasons
HP Group {Homosexuals; Patient s')	79
outside their own control, but 18 decided to leave of their own accord, including three who admitted that they wanted more freedom for their homosexual activities. Most of the men gave reasons connected with their work although the real reason may have been the wish to free themselves from parental controls.
It was time to lead my own life. I couldn’t stand being wealed like a little boy any longer. If I was to get on in iny work, ir was essential that I should ко. (HP 1)
I left home much too late at the age of twenty-seven. Outwardly it was because my work was too far away, although I had out up with it for five years But really the arguments al home were getting too fierce and Г was glad to leave. (HP 27)
I wa? very glad to leave, There was no personal warmth It was very restrictive and. well, there was nothing positive to keep me there. (Hp 33) I derided to surrender my life to Christ. For a long time after that I touched nothing as far as a job was concerned because I devoted my life to the service of my Lord, i HP 40)
E.	CONDITIONS AT THE TIME OF THE INTERVIEW
< )f the 35 HP men who lived in London, 16 w crc bom there; so 54 per cent of the group have moved into London. This movement towards London is less pronounced than it is in the other two homosexual groups, but it is still greater than the two control groups in which 42 per cent of the London residents were boro elsewhere. Fourteen of the 23 (i.e. 61%) HP men who were bom in small towns or rural communities now live in London or other large cities.
At the time of the interview 17 IIP men lived alone, 14 with their parents, seven with their wives, four with other homosexuals and three shared rooms with men who were not homosexual; five of the in-patients had no residence apart from the hospital. Eight owned their own property and 23 lived in rented rooms.
The men in the HP group had less opportunity to bring back homosexuals to their own homes. Ir was impossible for 31 men, difficult for 14, and only five said they could take back casual pickups; 17 HO men and 16 HC men were able to bring casual partners into their homes.
There were 19 HP men doing some kind of supervisory work and this is similar to the average figure for all six groups. In the unskilled trades there were more non-manual (14) than manual (8) workers. One man was earning over £2,000 a year and six more were paid over £1,000 a year. The number of men earning less than £t,ooo was the same as in the PC group (43), and only one less than in the
8o	S/Kwiogital Asptcu of Homosexuality
HC group (44). But there were more young men in the HP ттоир and some of them could expert promotion and higher earnings. Further promotion was unlikely for most of the men in the two prison groups. Although the salaries in these three groups were similar. there was a large difference in social class. As many as 20 HP men had fathers who were tn the top four catczuncs of the Hall Jones Scale compared with nine HC men and seven PC> men. whose fathers were in these categories,
Half the HP men did not like their work. Of the 45 men who had employment, 22 said they were unhappy in their job and only the other patient group (NP) contained as many men «фо were discontented with their work. In the three hoimisexuul groups 34 (23' ,) men complained about their employer or immediate supervisor and over half (13%) of these were in the HP group. Nor did they get on well with their workmates; only 23 HP men reported good relations with then fellow employees at work compared with 38 HO men and 29 HC men. In the six groups 58 per cent said they got  n well with their workmates compared with46per cent of the HP group.
F.	EARLY EXPERIENCES
In this group at men had left school at the statutory minimum age. 13 had sume full time or part lime education beyond the age of fourteen or fifteen and the remaining 16 received a more extensive education and had taken School Certificate or О level G.C.E. or an equivalent examination. About a quarter (26е ) of the group attended a boarding school.
One man received instruction on sexual matters from his parents and at hie school, two others were instructed by their parents and 11 others received some kind of formal sex education at school. Thus 36 men received no sex education of any kind
When the HP men were asked about the prevalence of h imo-sexuality at the schools they attended, 22 said there were frequent homosexual activities between the boys, 15 said there was a small amount, and 13 said that none of the boys took pan m homosexual activities at their schools as far as they knew. Half of the 22 who reported frequent activities were under thirty years old: four of the ’3 (3*%) "ho reported no activity were under thirty. Nine of the r3 (69' 0) boys at buardin.it schools reported frequent activities while only one (8%) reported no activity; 13 of the 37 (35 ’/0) at day schools reported frequent activities. Eight of the ib (50%) better-educated boys reported frequent activities, while 14 of the remaining 34 (4* %) made Similar reports. These figures indicate that high
HP Group 'HanuMxuals Patients)	81
frequencies of homosexual activities were not more prevalent at the schools attended b> the lounger memliers of the giuup, but those attending bearding schools were more likely to take part in homosexual activities.
In this group 2 I either no longer knew any >f their schoolboy sexual partners or else did not have homosexual relations at school, but 22 replied that they still knew at least one of the boys who took part in hum’.sexual actn ides with them. In one case the otliei man was known to be homosexual, in an uher case the HP man suspected that his schoolboy partner was humusexual, and in the remaining 20 cases the HP men felt uire that their ex-partners were not homosexual. Tins provides striking confirmation uf the theory that homosexual activities at school are not necessarily followed by homosexual activities when the boy becomes adult.
In the HP group 29 men had their first homosexual experience l>ef ire they were seventeen, and in 23 (79%) 0 f these cases it was with another boy; r8 of these boys were the >ame age and five were older. Six of the group had their first sexual experience with an adult - one with an uncle, another with a lamily friend, a third with a teacher and the remaining three with casual pick-ups.
Fifteen HF uicn liau their fu-u д m •oraal expcucnrc oetv.ern the ages of seventeen and twenty-one. One partner was younger, sevtk. w«e older and -even were iliout the .ime j - n f iur i«e. this experience was with other members of the Forces while they were doing their National Service. Four other men did not have a homosexual experience until after the age of twenty-one; three of these were with other adults and < me was with a boy. Two HP men maintained that they had never had a homosexual experience leading to orgasm.
Table 4.3 Age ojjint exper^e compared uiAoge of partner (HP gruuf)					
Age of |«ийи1	Arc ai first Ьипклсхиа! experlente				
	Lnc.-r 13	13 16	17-20	!	21- 30	TOTAL
Younger	—	—	1	1	2
Same jge	b	IO	7		«5
Older boy	3	2	—		5
Adult	2	4	7	3	lb
TOTAL	‘3	16	'5	4	♦8
The HP men were asked about their first adult partner even if this was not the vay first experience. In this group 20 had hvmw>cxual
82	Sociological Aspects of Homosexuality
relations with adults before they were twenty-one. The first adult partners were a relative, a family friend, teachers (3), work mates (3), members of the Armed Services (4), and casual pick-ups (8j.
ihc men in the HP group tended to start a little later than the men m the other two homosexual groups. Over two-thirds (68%) of the HO and HC men had had their first horn sexual experience before the age of seventeen, whereas 58 per cent of the HP men had started by that age- Between seventeen and twenty-one, 15 HP men h-id their first experience compared with six HO men and eight HC men; and so by the time they were adult nearly all the homosexuals had had at least one expci icnce.
There were no other striking differences in the way the three groups were introduced to homosexual activities. Most of the men in all three groups had their first homosexual experiences with ether boys before the age of sixteen. Only a small proporUm (six HP men, eight HO men, 10 HC menj had a homosexual initiation by an adult.
G HOMOSEXUAL EXPERIENCE
The men in the HP group were having homosexual experiences less frequently than the other homosexuals in the HC and HO groups, but con.iderably more than the paeduphiliacs in the PC group Ten men claimed that they had had no overt homosexual relations in the year before their interview, and another 22 were averaging less than one experience per month. Altogether 40 HP men were having homosexual relations three times or less each month compared with 26 HC men, 32 HO men and 44 PC men.
Of the to HP men who claimed to have more than four homosexual experiences per month, six said they had more than eight. This compares with 21 HC men, 11 HO men and two PC men with frequencies of eight or more pci month The overall frequencies of the HP group are lower than both the other homosexual groups, but higher than those of the paedophiliac group.
Tabic 4.4 Homosexual frequencies й the fourimai groups
Frequency of homosexual acts per month	Groups			
	HC	HO	HP	PC
O-I	'4	22	3a	35
2-7	•5	•7	12	И
8 +	21	11	b	2
HP Group (Hcmosexuals Patients)	83
The HP men tended to prefer rhe less sophisticated homosexual techniques. In th в respect their responses were similar to the HO men and unlike the HC men. Four HP men and six HO men stated a preference for active anal intercourse compared with 17 HC men; the proportion who preferred passive anal intercourse was similar in all three groups (10 HP men, 12 HO men and 13 HC men).
General questioning about promiscuity tends to elicit inaccurate responses, so information about the number of sexual partners was limited to the month before the interview (or before the arrest in the case of the prison group). Instead of being asked a specific question abuut the number of partners, each man was asked to describe every homosexual experience which had occurred during the previous month. Over half (27) of this group had no homosexual experiences during this periixl. Therefore in Table 4.5 the extent of promiscuity is given as a percentage uf those who did have homosexual relations in the pm ious month.
Table 4-5 The number of homosexual partners in a month
Number of partners in a month	Groups					
	HP No.	%	HO No.	%	HC No.	%
one	11	4Я	20	57	’5	33
2-3	7	30	IO	29	12	26
4 +	5	22	5	4	19	41
TOTAL	a3	IOO	35	100	46	IOO
No partners	»7	•	15	—	4	—
Table 4.5 shows that slightly less than half (.48%) the HP men and rather more than half (57%) the HO men were not promiscuous. But two-thirds (67%) of the HC men «ere promiscuous and nearly half (41%) were very promiscuous (i.e. over three partners per month). The number of H P men who were promiscuous is small, but those who did have more than one partner were more likely than the HO men to be. very promiscuous.
Tw'enty-onc HP men usually found their partners in public places such as lavatories (to), streets (8) and bars (3); whereas 12 men usually found their painters by introduction (8) or found them within their own group (4). Table 2.11 in Section G of Chaptei 2
84	Sociological Aspects of Homosexuality
compares the amount of importuning by each of the three homosexual groups. The HP group comes between the HC and HO groups. The HP men are less likely than the HC men to go out to «eek homosexual partners, but those who do this arc more likely than the HO men tu go to public places.
The HP men did not have the facilities for homo’exual activities enjoyed by the two other homosexual groups.. Only five HP men were able to use their own homes for these purposes, whereas this was the must usual place for the HC and HO men. Fifteen HP men said thej' relied upon their partner to provide a place. Homosexual activities for 18 HP men were usually m public places such as lavatories (to) or in the open (8). Only four HO men had ever had homosexual relations m a public place. Half (25) the HC men had at some tune used a public place for homosexual activities, although 10 of these men could have taken their partners back to the privacy of their own room*. But moM (18) of the 23 HP men who had used a public place for homosexual activities did not have private accommodation available for these purposes.
NP GROUP (NON-HOMOSEXUAL/PATIENTS)
A.	DESCRIPTION OF THE GROUP
The NP group was found in the tame way and at the same time as the HP group. All the co-operating psychiatrists were asked to find non-homusexual patients to match the homosexuals by age and education Tables 5.1 and 5,2 show that the matching, while not exact, is extremely close.
Tabic 5. i HP and ЛР men in joint age groups
	HP	NP
21- 30	25	2b
31-40	16	«3
41-50	5	5
51 60	4	0
Each individual was put into one of four educational grades, as follows:
Л. Higher Certificate, Higher National Certificate, G.C.E. *A’ level, attended public school or university, or left school aged eighteen or over.
B. School Certificate, G.C.E. ‘O' level or Ordinary National Certificate.
C. Some full time or part tune m. hoofing beyond the age of fourteen or fifteen.
1). Left school at fourteen nr fifteen.
Table 5.2 Educational grade» in the HP and Л'Р groups
Education HP NP grade
A	5	9
В	it	9
C	13	10
D	21	21
Despite similarities in education the HP men did rather better in the Verbal Reasoning Test; 18 of rhe IIP men were in the top three
86	Sociological Aspects of Homosexuality
gradts compared with 15 NP men; 11 HP men were in the lowest three grades compared with 15 NP men. These differences are not statistic illy significant.
Although the two groups were not matched for residence, in fact the distribution is similar in each group as shown in Tabic 5 3-
Table 53 Residence tn HP and NP groups
Area	HP	NP
London	35	33	4
City/large town	4	4
Small town	8	11
Village/rural	3	2
The religious denomination and the frequency of church attendance arc shown in Tables 5.4 and 5.5. Apart from a slight tendency for homosexuals to go to church more often than non-homosexuals, there is very little difference between the two groups.
Table 5.4 Religion and church attendance oj the HP group					
Religion	Attendance Regularly	1 at church Sometimes	Hardly ever	Never	TOTAL
C01E	3	♦	4	5	16
RC	2	I	2	4	9
Non-Con.		2	2	—	5
Jewish	—	—	—	—	0
Other	1	—	2	——	3
None	—	—	—	18	18
TOTAL	6	7	IO	=7	50
Table 5.5 Religion and church attendance of the NP group
Religion	Attendance at church				
	Regularly	Sometimes	Hardly ever	Never	TOTAL
CofE	3	3	5	8	«9
Kt-	2	I	2	2	7
Non-Con.	—		1				0
Jewish	—	Me**	—	1	3
Other	—	—	I	2	3
None		—	—	18	18
TOTAL	5	4	8	33	50
NP Group [Non~Hoin<rsexual: Patients)	Я 7
The number of men whose fathers held supervisory jobs is the same (20) in each group. There were 19 HP men and 18 NP men who came from homes where the father was a semi-skilled or unskilled manual worker. Throughout the seven categories of the Hall Junes Scale (1950), it is clear that the social class distribution is very similar in the two groups.
As half the men in both group» are under thirty' years old, their own occupational ratings came lower down the Hall Jones Scale, but aga>n they arc very similar, There are 19 HP men and 21 NP men in supervisory jobs, while 16 IIP men and 20 NP men are semiskilled or unskilled manual workers There is a slight preponderance of manual workers in the NP group, 24 as against 17 in the HP group. The salaries earned by both groups are very similar; 20 IIP men and 23 NP men w ere paid less than £500 a year and only seven men in each group were earning more than £1,000 a year.
Although the two groups were only matched for age and education, the information given in this section makes it clear that there are obvious similarities between these two groups in other demographic details. The only exception is the expected one that inuic of the поп-homosexuals have been married. Over half (26) the NP group had been niamed; one was a widower, eight were divorced or separated, and 17 were still livmg with their wives. Only eight of the HP men were married, one of whom is now divorced.
B.	CRIMINAL RECORD
None of the NP group had been arrested for homosexual offences but 23 had been convicted of various non-sexual offences including larceny, house-breaking, assaults and frauds. Nine of the arrests were for minor offences such as poaching, shop-lifting and other petty thefts, or being drunk and disorderly. Three other cases were arrested for driving under the influence of alcohol. One man was arrested for train spotting during the war; the police thought he was a »py when they saw him noting down the numbers of the engines.
It scorns probable that many of the crimes committed by these men are closely related to their mental illness. One man was given a conditional discharge for stealing a motor-cycle and within two hours of leaving the Court, he had stolen another motor-cycle. Some of them were able to discuss this connection quite freely
I had hern taking small sums of money for years. I used to take two shillings or so from my boss’s secretary's wage packet. I’d done this several times and then one day 1 took ir all - about ten pounds. I don’t
о
Sociological Aspects of H •mosexuality
88
knov. why. I was bound to be caught. It couldn't have been anvone but me. (NP 38)
I ut down and thought what I wanted to do lor the rest of my life. And 1 didn’t know. 1 just didn’t know. I wandend round the country, doing the odd bit of house-breaking when 1 needed money. Like I'd done at other tnnrt, but normally I can start agaut. but dm tune I went t.ght off the rails. 1 felt happy and free and yet deep down I fell awful - as it I’d been beaten. I went everywhere - Sc Aland, the Ijkr District, Wales. I love the mour tains and the wild country. I only ux>k hard cash when I went into a house. 1 just did it to survRe. I did not want possessions. You can’t seO . link in Wales or Scotland, But gradually it grew on me that thu wasn’t satisfying mt Yet I imildn’t go back, then one night 1 got into a house and the man wnke up. Hr .peued the dour and there 1 was. 1 have never >een anyone so frightened. I'm usually fly enough, but this time mv bram just packed up on me. I could have run away, <_< I rx"dd hair hit him. although that wasn’t necessary because be was dead wared of me. But I d had enough and 1 wanted to be caught. Some-how Г felt the need fo< prison. I ju<t didn't want to cope with things any more. So I said 'Good evening tn him- It was a silly thing to say, but he was just standing there looking at me Then his wife came down. She was a bit frightened, but she was better than he was We talked for a bit and I began to feel elated as if I’d mad- a decision. He stood and watched me while she rang up the police. I could easdy hate stopped her, or run off I just let them ring up the police. Then we all had a cup of tea while the pMicr came. In the C un for the first time I spoke up in nry defence. It wasn’t really a defence. 1 just told them that I didn’t know what 1 was d iing and J needed some help. They remanded me for seven months and after a bit they sent me here. (NF 26'
West (1963) found that many of the men serving sentences of preventive detention had a long record of small ineffectual thefts. Some of the men in this group were not unlike the ‘passive made-quates’that \v cst describes. In fact 13 of the 23 men -with convictions had been arrested тлге than once. Ther are therefore much more likely to get into trouble compared with the HP men, only seven of whom had been convit icd of nun-sexual offences.
None of the NP men had been convirted for sexual offences although three f their offences were closely eutmected with •’exiial difficulties. One was stealing from his employer su that he had enough money tu pay pn»stitutcs five evenings a week; another revealed that he had ‘three close shaves while exposing myself to women in the park’, but he had been arrested for being drunk and incap iblc. A thud man was arrested for house-breaking, but in fact he was us nig to gain enuan ce iutu a women’s toilet.
The fact is I’m sexually neurotic. .. . Well, I get a tick out of exposing myself to women and c limbing into wvmcn's toilets. Some of the women
Л7» Group (У'оц-Нгт ххшИ'Раиепи	8g
I’ve exposed myself to prrimd not to see, some look at me tn sheer amazemtt-r and one went screaming for the park keeper. . . I found a wrmm - toilet т В— which I cojd climb into and I car мatrh them in there without being seen. . . One night a policeman caught me getting into the building, but of course I didn’t tell him why I was Ысак j ut m NP jj
The unexpectedly large number of men m this group with a record of several petty thefts suggests that there may be some relation between the passive inadequate: descr ilied by West and the men coming tu see psychiatrists «offering from various anxiety states. The results of this research suggest that the homosexuals in a psychiatric clinic will tend to be less disturbed and less likely to commit non-scxual crimes than the ther men under psychiatric treatment.
c. TREATMENT
Most (38) of the NT men were in-patients, whereas rather less than half (22) of the HP men were in hospital at the tunc of the interview. Therefore it might be said that the NP men were suffering from пк>п- set ere disturbances in «о fir ,u mrut d i line-1 ran lx rated in degree- of severity In fact, the HP men usually had the longer соигье of treatment. In the NP group ao men had been receiving treatment for less than three months compared with 18 men in the HP group, but only six NP men had been treated for over a year compared with t7 HP men.
Many of the HP men were prejiared to make weekly or monthly visits to the psychiatrist for years. But the NP men did not usually consult a psychiatrist until forced tn d<> so by some crisis such as dismissal, arrest or attempted suicide; by that time it had often become necessary for them to stay in hospital. The average stay in hospital was less than six months and few < if them wished to continue with treatment after their discharge.
The medical records of the NP men were not always made available and in other cases the doctor had not always made a diagnosis. The patients were asked why they lead sought treatment and most of the replies centred around depressions and anxiety sta tes, with some alcoholics and a t temp to 1 suicides. Only two <uses were clas-ified аз psychotic. Most of the patients considered their illness to be temporary and curable, using wtr c Is and cxprceiuns like ‘ Run down and nervy’, ’black moods’, ‘nervous through overwork*, ‘get strr ightened out from the drinking’, ‘plagued by obsessions'. Quite often there seemed to be a strong connection between the illness and their work.
go	Soaofogical Aspecu tf //. v .wjnii-nr
I just couldn’t seem to get on m any job IfI was told what to do. I could do it, but 1 couldn't produce * situation. For example, when I was a salesman I went out and sat in the cat all day. I would just wait until if war time to come back I couldn't create a situation. I just wasn’t able to cope. (NP 22)
I used to be very ambitions, bul now I'm beaten down with 'Incss, misfortune and impotence NF 4)
The reason for seeking treatment was specifically connected with a sexual disturbance tn only three cases. Two of these men had a history of indecent exposme to adult women, and one man had stolen women’r clothing but there were no igns ofЧюпклехиа! tendencies in this last ase.
I’d get dressed in them and look at myself in a mirror. But it’s the feel of them It makes me feel I'm getting close to a girt. I’ve never wanted to buy a win, and put on make-up and go out ш the street. NP 24
D. HOMI BACKGROUND
The birth order ol the men in the HP and NP groups reveals none of the differences that might be expected between a homosexual and a non-homosexral group. Ten in each group were the only child of the*r parents; 14 HP men and 18 Ml* men were the youngest child in the family; eight HP men and 10 NP men had sisters but no brothers.
In the HP group 16 men were brought up in broken homes compared with 13 NP men. four in each group were brought up in institutions and three in each group lost then mothers before the age of twelve; nine HP men and six NF men were reared in homes where there was no father or father- substitute, but this duference is not statistically significant.
There и no difference between the two group* in the reported relations with the mother, but more men in the HP group reported poor relations with the father. Half (25) the HP group and over a third (18) of the NP group said they did not get on well w ith their fathers when they were young. The failure m the relitionship was more often coldness rather than cruelty on the part of the father. The child'father relations are more often reported to be poor in these twn groups than in the other four groups.
The comparison between the<c two groups docs not show7 any tendencies for the homosexual to be the only child, the youngest child or the only son among sisters. Neither the absence of the mother, ги>г unsatisfactory child mother relations appear to have any influence. But the father’s part in the home seems to be more
SP Gn-vp (Avn-HwtouxualPanenis)	91
important. Tabic 5.6 show’s that 22 NP men had satisfactory relations with their fathers, whereas this applies to only 12 HP men.
Table 5.6 The mjbracn of the father vi АР attd HP groups
Type iM home	NP	Hl
Bought up in an institution	4	4
No man in the home	6	9
f’..or relatKiv with father	18	a5
Sarafacton relations with father	22	12
B. CONDITIONS AT THE TIME OF THE INTERVIEW
Although thee is no age difference between the two groups, twice as many NP men had left th e family home. Only seven N P men w ere living w ith their parents, compared with 14 HP men. The younger NP men iended to leave home earlier, usually to get married.
About half (16) о Г the 33 men who live in London were bom in the metiupolitan area, and about the same proportion (19) of the 35 HP men who live in London were bom there. The migration of homosexuals toward! London and other urban communities is not so marked as m the other homosexual groups. This is probably because the homosexuals in this group are younger and. because they arc under treatment, have not accepted their homosexual disposition. It is only v hen the man has come to terms with hr. homosexual condition that he leaves the family home and moves to London ui some other large city.
Although the men m these, two groups were more often ok satisfied in their work than the men in the .Ahcr four groupt, there are no marked differ cores between the HP and NP groups.. In both groups half the men who were in employment did not like their work.
If it wasn’t tor the mrtiey it would be intolerable (NP 20J
It’s the middle of a belt You have to work at a «ertam pare. Ifyouwwkcd fast»T. it would be not as bad u working dower. (NP 41)
I'm a road sweeper Some pe./pk cal) it a mad orderly. It's supposed to be posher Either way it’s a rotten job. *NP8)
You get no pats on the back, if that’s what you mean If you do your job they don’t bother vou. NP 6)
Tables 3.3 and 3.4 in Section E uf Chapter 3 show that many IIP and NP men had unsatisfactory relitvins both with their employers and fellow employees. But there is little dillcience between the two
Ц2	Socwlogwai Aspats ef Homosexualify
group except that the IIP men seemed to get on with their workmates rather better than the NP men. These results suggest that many men under psychiatric treatment have difficulties m their work situation, but these difficulties do not seem to be mare marked in the he tnusexual than in rhe non-hony ->exu. 1 group of patients.
The ratings f<r leisure show that more (18J NP men preferred outdoor pursuits (compared with eight HP men) , but fewer (4) chose artistic interests (compared with 14 HP men). Otherwise the choice of leisure activities was similar in both groups.
Despite their active outdoor leisure interests, the NP men were found to be more delicate than the HP men. In the NP group 17 were rated as delicate compared with io HP men and an average of 12-5 over the six groups But 31 NP men were rated very masculine; this complies with 25 very masculine HP men and an average of 27-3 over the six g .ups. bight of the NP group were sated feminine compared with nine in rhe HP group and in average of 6 6 in all six groups.
F.	EAKLY EXPERIENCES
Ten NP men received some sex education at home and 12 at school; five of these received instruction both at home and at school, so this leaves 33 in the NP group who received no sex education at all compared with 36 H P men.
We had a cow abed next door and I saw the delivery of a calf, and my mother took the chanre to teR me about it, (NP 50)
It was a very embarrasong subject for both my father and mother, ю they got the vicar to give me a talk. At the rime 1 thought it was a very puzzling convmatioo. It wasn’t until yean later that I realized what he was getting at. (NP 27)
Almost as many men in the NP group as in the HP group said there was some kind cf homosexual activity at their school. Only 18 men said there was no homosexuality at their school as far as they knew; this compares with 13 HP men who reported no homosexuality at school. Uf the 21 NP men wrho admitted homosexual ас оvitics themselves, 13 w ere ahle to give information about the later history of their schoolboy partners, and all of them felt certain that then ex-pai inert were not homosexual.
I had one parti» uLai friend. 1 had known him since we were six and we often had sex together. then after sixteen we got interested in girls and the sex between us just sort of petered out (NP 22 and hts ex-partncr are bC'ih manned.;
AT Crvup	Patients 1	93
It was just messing about really. But it was a very rehgxMt school and we were made to feel very wicked. (NP 28)
Whenever anyone was caught at school, they were sent to see a psychiatric in Louden This made suib a nice outing that intu' Ь<л« used to male up stories for the гелия about wanting to have sex with other boys.
(NP4S)
W hen they were asked about their first homosexual experience, 23 N P men said that they had never had a horn .sexual experience at reV-wl or later. Table 5.7 shows the age at which rhe others had their first homurexual experience. Compared with the HP group there is little difference before the age of sixteen. It is only after the age of seventeen that a third (19; of the homosexuals have their firot experience compared with only a tenth (5) of the NP men. This iugge«ts that a young homosexual is as likely tn resist homosexual temptations as a heterosexual when he is a schoolboy, but as he approaches adulthood either the sex drive becomes too powerful for him, or cLe he comes to terms with his condition.
Tabl - 5.7 4 •« at fait htmasenal experience in SP asd HP groups
Age	NP HP
Under 13	7	13
13 16	15	16
17 20	2	15
21 +	3	4
total	27	48
Most of the men in both groups had their fits* rexual experience with another boy t f the same age. However, Tabic 5.8 shows that.
Table 5.8 .4/c «/ fast hmenexaal partner и ЛР and HP poafa				
Age of partner	NP		HP	
	No	%	No.	%
Younger	0	0	2	4
Same age	«7	63	2B	58
Ufder boy	4	«5	5	it
Adult	3	11	9	•9
Both adult	3	II	4	8
TOTAL	«7	IOO	4»	IOO
94	Sociological Aspals of Homosrxtuditp
of the men with homosexual experience, 26 per cent NP men and 30 per cent HP men were inducted by an older boy or an adult The experience seem? Го have had no effect on the NP men and it cannot be assumed that it had any effect on the men who later became hum\>sexuuls.
An older boy made it his business 10 reach me about sex. (NP 46)
At about fourteen I discovered I could have sex with men in the lavatories along the front_This went on for three years, then when I was sixteen
and a half, I just stopped. T don't know why. 11 just seemed sot t of silly to go on doing it.. . My adventures have had no effect on m^, I rather tend to take the mickey out of the few homosexuals I know, but I don’t dislike them I don't particularly like them either NP 3 j)
1 was having sex with one of the masters at my boarding school for about three years 'aged 12-15), until the master left_ No one could have had
a worse start than me, but I managed to shake it off It was very emotional at the time but it would never happen, again. (NP 29)
None of the three men just quoted have had any homosexual experiences as an adult. There seems to be little doubt that homosexual seduction docs not have the traumatic effect that was once feared. This section ends with some quotations from a remarkable case of a m in who was brought up fr*'m the age of nine in the home of an uncle who was homosexual. Although he had mmor cx-periences with another schoolboy, hi* uncle protected him from his male friends. but not, it will be seen, from his women ii tends. This man is now mart ted and has had no homosexual expo fences since the age of thiiteen.
My wile knows about my upbringing and *ibout my untie who was more of a mother to me than a father. . . . There was 3 lot going on in my uncle’s house. It didn’t nauseate me. 1 just wasn’t very interested. . . . Once or twice 1 woke up and found a man in my room. 1 cried out and my unde came and pushed the man away. The house was full of Lu homosexual friends, but he always protected me from them, right up until I left at eighteen.... 1 was seduced by a French woman when I was thirteen. She was. about thirty, 1 think. When the men had enme into mv room I was stared, but I didn't cry out when she came in. . . After she’d gone I locked tnysrlf m my room and didn't come out until tea time. Hut the night after that - nut the next night, but the night aftes that - I went to her room.... I had a minor affair when I was at boarding school with another boy. We were great friends and we did masturbate together a few times But after 1 was seduced by the French woman, 1 told him about it and we both went after girls after that (NP 25)
AT* Gtvup (Son-HomosexiuiliPalimts'i	95
G.	HETEROSEXUAL BBHAVWUR
Early heterosexual experiences seem to have caused as many difficulties and perplexities in the NP group as in any of the homu-sexual group-..
I had sex for the first time when I was in the RAI Looking back I can see she was not much better than a tart. But I was Irosn the country. I'd never been m a big town before. I thought they were all on the level It happened three .uues with three different girls, but never with a nice girl. (NPa)
There were the three <if us, all aged nin-tem or twenty, on leave in Cyprus. Vie pit lied up three tarts and al) had sex in the same room It was the first time fur all of us. Talk about group thrrapy. I was very nervous 1 th>nk 'hr -xlier lads were just as nervous, but of course we <11 told each other afterwards how «mathing it was. NP 41)
1 came to Loudon and because I was »o awkward with women, I thought I’d do something about it. So I picked up this prostitute in Tottenham Court Road and paid her two pound* When I undressed, I just burst out crying. 1 couldn’t help iL I got dressec. again and left feeling an awful fool. When I came to my senses 1 found she’d picked my wallet. (NP 27)
I never rilled to get an erection until 1 met Susan. I usually came too soon aiid 1 ihiadrr to thick how (Lssa Indie d 1 гшы luir In; ihv-г ..thcr triri- But before I’d even been to bed with Susan, she told me that she couldn't stand a clumsy lover. Also with the other Rich I've slept with, I felt in cl large. I didn’t care if they didn’t want to know me afterwards. But I was in love with Susan and it was very important dial the sex should be good. Of course I was iar too worked up about it all and the result was I couldn't get an era urn at all. 1 fell so inadequate 1 didn’t even want to try again, but the insisted and each time it got better and belter (NP j8‘
In this group the firsi heterosexual experience was with the wife in 10 cases, with the fiancee or close friend in 13 ca>es, with an acquaintance cr pick-up ш 14 cases, and with a prostitute in six cases. Seven men had not had any heterosexual expei ience. Of the 43 mm with experience, 35 had had sexual intercourse in the last year, 17 of them with their wives.
These 17 men were living with their wives; nme others had been married, eight of them were now’ divorced or separated, and one wa.% a widower. Of the nine whose marriage had come to an end. seven had had sexual intercourse with another woman before the breik-up of the marriage. Of the 17 men still living with then wives, nine had had sexual intercourse with other women. Therefore 16 of the 26 married men had experienced extra-mania! relations
iiC	Sociological Aspects of Homosexuality
Many psychiatrists (Allen, 1962; Saul & Beck; 1961: Ellis, 195g; Bergler, 1958) believe that complete sexual adjustment is impossible for the homosexual and have noted that nearly all the homosexuals coming to their clinics have sexual difficulties of one kind or another But the case histories of these non-homesexuals under psy chiatric treatment reveal а w ide variety of sexual problems. Over half the married men have had extra-marital relations and some of the unmarried men did not think fidelity was possible for them.
Tf something was thrust on me. I w'nUda’t be faithful- It's no good pretending I would. But it’s never happened. Perhaps it never will. (NT 41)
She doesn’t like it. I don’t seem to be able to get her aroused. Perhaps it’s because I am m too big a hurry. I insist on it in the evening ur the morning, but she doesn't always satisfy me. Thai’s why I sometimes hare to go outside. NP 23 has been married for less than four months.)
I hare misgivings afterward» when he has been unfaithful). But when y—i're had a few drinks - a stiff prick has no conscience. (NP 15) That's something what’s been worrying me I r a lun»s ume. 1 just don’t think it likely that I could ever be faithful to one girt- (NT 39)
Although none of the men in this group was homosexual, eight of the 24 unmarried men rtated firmly that they had no wish to ger married, and 13 more did not see marriage as an immediate prospect.
For my part, I'm easy I’m not averse to tree love. I don’t see nwn ,'c as more than a bit of paper (NT 27)
I’m fund of children and I’d like to have some, but I don’t fancy binding myself far life to someone.... I don’t reallv go for a woman because she's beautiful or anvuung like that. I кит of use them as a physical release. It sounds awful, but I tell you this. I've now met a woman l*d want to go on seeing for the rest of my life. (NP ab)
A? well as the three men with sexual difficulties noted in Set tiun В of this chapter, there was a past history of bestialitv and sadistic practices in fwn more cases. But sexuii perversion* and excessive promi-ciuly w at n >t special features of this group. Much more often the NP men were troubled with feelings of sexual inadequacy.
I think she (his ex-wife) was over-sexed. It got light on top of me, the rex. It was never le*« than twice a night, sometimes four or five times. It was all right for a few week», but it became too much. The doctor gave her some tablets, but they didn’t do a thing for her as far as 1 could see. (NP 37)
To be perfectly honest Joan wants too much of it By 11 o’clock 1 just want 1 > go to deep, but 1 can see she’s sort of hoping I’ll cuddle up. (NP30}
УР Group (Hon-HmnauxualjPaticnts)	97
I am a bn afraid of lostig my potency. 1 seem to be going down hill pretty fast. (NT 3b)
I do do it, but I have to be careful or I get palpitations. I’ve had palpitations for years. (NP 13)
The beterc rxual histones of the NP men are full of worries and difficulties. Only rately is a man lound who does not have a sexual problem Men who had sought treatment because they had a sexual problem were excluded from th is group as it was intended to use this group as a comparison with the homosexuals under treatment. In fact it is clear that sexual difficulties of one kind or another will usually be present in a group composed of psychiatric patients.
H.	ATTITUDE TO HOMOSEXUALITY
Although none of the men in this group can be described as homosexual, in fact 13 of them have had homosexual experiences as an adult. In no case were the numkier of experiences fiequent, and in all but two cases it was an isolated experience.
It happened when I was rather drunk &ud this man - he was quite old — tried to get me interested. I let him go ahead, but it wasn't a great success. 11 seem* to mt to be a pore substitute for the real thing. NP 4)
I felt I ought to experience it and so when the chance came I tock iL I thought the homurexuals I met weie nice people. They tend to be mure cultivated somehow. But physically 1 found the -ex raiher distasteful, it was only marturhauon, you know When I can act a woman to do this to me, 1 quite like it, but with a man it doesn't seem natural. (NP 27) It happr-.ed three tunes (with a fnend the same age'. 1 never enjoyed it, but it obviously gave h m so much pleasure that I allowed it, but not without serious feelings of shame after each occasion. 1 NP 40)
I’ve had quite a few men try to pick me up, I usually brush it aside, but 00 four or five occaiKKU when I’ve ben worried or depressed I've gone along with them. It’s never been mote than mutual masturbation. A sort of rebel to frustration. I’m not in the slightest way attracted to homosexuals. NT 3B)
All the men m the NP group were asked il they had cvet received a sexual approach from another man. Five said they had often been approached by homosexuals, while iti others reported isolated instances when they had become suspicious of the other man s motives. The other 29 said they had never received any kind of sexual suggestion from another man.
I’m sure I’ve never met any. If I had, I d have hit them, » I'd hare remembered, wouldn’t I ? (NP 6)
g8	Sociulogit al Aspects of Homosexuality
Only oner has a man madr an advance to me I told him to go and get sniffed Actually I felt very embarrassed at the time, I felt sorry for the poor bugger and yet I hated the idea that he thought I could pu»sibly be like that (NP30;
One of my friends is getting married next week and yet six weeks ago he made an approach to me. I said to him. ‘Ought vou to be getting married if you fed like this?’ He was very upset and t< >ld me to mind my own business, (NP 40)
Once one tried tn get off with me- I told him to piss off. I’ve no time for that sort. They’re not human. 1 NP 8)
Five men said they knew many people who were honjosexual and 17 more said they knew at least one man who was homosexual. Although 28 did not know anyone who was homosexual, practically all the men in this group expressed strong opinions on the subject. Nine people thought the law should not be changed, but 29 fell that homosexual acts between consenting adults in private should not be a criminal offence. Eight of these 29 held no opinion about the age of consent but 11 felt it should be Iwenty-one and 10 felt it should be eighteen. A few men in the group felt homosexuality was a serious social menace.
I think they are filth. Quite a few of them don’t want to be helped. I suppose I shouldn’t be too hard on those born like it, but those who turn afterwards arc just filth. (NP 24)
They arc repulsive to mr. 1 avoid them like the plague. (NP 21)
They should be strung up (NP 45)
I think they are vile They should all be put on an island and left to themselves. (NP 15)
I’d castrate them - the whole lot of them. (NP 11)
As is often rhe case, the men who took the negative approach found it easy to express their opinions. But the majority found it mure difficult to put their thoughts into words.
Wb<=n I hear about it, impulsively 1 get a feeling of repellcnce, but on thinking about it, the view I try to adopt is they can’t help it. It’s one facet of a persun's character. (NP 17)
I feel a mixture of disgust and pity and compassion all at the same time. (NP 2u)
Though 1 loathe them and shall never understand them, 1 think the law is wicked I simply can't believe people would choose a man instead ol a girl if they had any choice in it al all (NP 5)
I think some uf them are very good company. I think they are witty and amusing But they have no attraction for me and I’m a bit frightened to bn seen going around with them. (NP 50)
VP Group (.Non-Homosexualf Patients)	99
It is not die individual's fault. Il is a situation that society has difficulty in coping with. (NP 3З)
About 20 per cent 0f this group had no time at all for homosexuals while about 80 percent regarded them with a kind of peiplexed tolerance. Onlyonemanset out to harm them. He is an isolated case in this group but he is not the only man who exploits the homosexuals in London. He is a tall, well built man of twenty-three with a long criminal record including periods in Borstal and prison. He is now an in-patient in hospital after a period uf depression culminating m an attempt to drown himself
There are a few homosexuals I like, but others 1 don’t care wliat kind of trouble I make for them. They’ve got more inuney than they know what to do with, some of them. When I’m in the К— (a bar), if anyone tries to touch me up or anything, I lead them on and then when I get them outside I roll them. Some are frightened and give me anything 1 like, but others put up a hght- One of them used Judo on me- We had a terrific fight. Quite a lot of these boxers and wrestlers arc queer, you know. But must of them don’t want to cause too much commotion and they give in. I usually lake their wallet and then hit them for luck. . . . Oh yes, I must admit it is partly the punch-up I like. Sometimes I feel a terrific dr=ire to wank off after I’ve beaten up someone. (NP 32)
I.	THE NP GROUP COMPARED WITH THE HP GROUP
This section lists the quantitative differences between the two groups, giving the values for p where statistical tests show a level of significance, or the letters NSS where there is a tiend which is not statistically significant. In addition other items are listed because differences between a homosexual and a non-homnsexual group might have been expected, but in fact no such differences were found.
There is no significant difference in the number of men from disrupted In >mes in either group
There is a tendency for HP men to have poor relations with their father (NSS).
HP mm were more likely to describe their mothers as ‘possessive* or ‘over-protective’ (NSS).
There is no difference in the birth order.
The occupations of the fathers did not differ in the two groups.
Slightly more HP men had non-manual jobs (NSS), otherwise there was no difference in the occupations of the HP and NP men.
Both groups were rated low in work contentment
There was no significant difference in the earned incomes of the two groups.
юо	Sociological Aspects of Homosexuality
HP men tended to do better in the Verbal Reasoning Test (NSS).
HP men were more likely to go to church (NSS),
NP men win lived in London were more likely to be born there (NSS).
More NP men were married (p-oot).
Apart from a slight tendency for IIP men to be more robust (NSS), there was very little difference on the Robust; Delk ate Scale
There was no difference between the groups on the Masculine./ Feminine Scale.
IIP men were less likely to have a girl friend before the age of twenty-one (/> = •01).	4
More HP men have never had heterosexual experience (p- -ooi).
More NP men have had sexual intercourse in the last year (p=>ooi).
There is no difference in the prevalence cf homosexuality at the schools attended by the two groups.
There 13 no significant difference between the number of NP or HP men who have taken part m homosexual activities before the age of sixteen.
After the age of seventeen the HP men are much more likely to have had homosexual experience (p—’oot).
The homosexual frequencies of the IIP men tended to be lower than the heterosexual frequencies of the NP men (NSS).
There is a tendency for HP men to be promiscuous (NSS).
NP men were mute likely u> have had relations with female prostitutes than HP meu with male prostitute*: (p= 001).
More HP men attended for treatment as out-patients for over a year; NP men were more likely to be in-patients who had a shorter course of treatment /^ = *005).
NP men were more likely to commit non-sexual crimes (p= -ooi).
This comparison between homosexuals under treatment and other men also under treatment shows that there are very few differences except for those items specifically connected with their sexual activities. Of the eight items which are statistically significant, five of them arise because the HP group is by definition a homosexual group. Only the last three items- are differences which are contrary to expectation.
6 HO GROUP (HOMOSEXUALS/OTHERS)
A. DESCRIPTION OF THE. GROUP
This group consists of 50 self-confessed homosexuals. none of whom have sought psychiatric treatment or have been convicted for a homosexual offence. None of these men had been convicted of non-sexual offences apart from motoring offences.
The method used to obtain this group is described in Section В of the Appendix. All these men had volunteered to help m a previous research (Westwood, i960). When they were interviewed this time, they were asked a few new questions, but must of the questions were similar to those asked two or three years earlier. In none of the 50 cases were inconsistencies found between their earlier answers and then replies at the later interview. This is an indication of a high level of reliability in the responses.
Most of the men in this group were under forty, and 16 of them were under thirty. It was a wcll-edurated group: all but 19 had received, some form of education beyond the statutory minimum age and to had received full-time education beyond the age of eighteen.
The HO men did very w ell in the Verbal ReasoningTest. Of the 84 men who came in the top three classes, 27 were in the HO group. If all six groups were equally represented in the top three classes, the expected number per group would be 14. Only three HO men were among the 89 men in the lowest three classes, lhe expected number is 15. The HO men scored much higher in this test than the odicr homosexuals, and were above the average for all groups.
Most (39) of this group lived in London, but 27 of them were bom elsewhere. Of rhe 24 men born in small towns 01 village communities, 21 have now moved to London or other large urban centres.
The HO group contained fewer married men than any* other group. Only four (8%) had been married and three (6%) were now divorced or separated from their wives. Tn rhe other homosexual groups 2o (20%) had been married at one pcri-d of their lives and 13 (13%) w’tre still living with their Wives. Tn the PC group 28 (56%) had been married and 17 (34%) were still with their wives.
Although there were nine HO men who said they regularly went to church, most of this group seemed to be less interested in religion than the men in the other variant groups. The figures for ihurch attendance in the HO group are much more like those in the nonhomosexual groups In Table 6,1 the percentages are given for the HO group, the. two non-h< moscxual groups, and the thiee other
ГО2	SocM^gtcai Aijncts vf НетыгхыИг}
groups It can be seen that over half the other three variant groups go to church at least once a year, whcrea? less than a third of the HO group, or the nun-homosexual groups ever go to church.
Table 6.1 Citsack attendance ir Ar six groups			
Frequency	HO	NO+NP	НСаГС + НР
лГ			
			
attendance	%	%	%
R- gulirlv	id	12	20
Sometimes	V	b	’5 ' N
Hardly ever	IO	lb	20
Never	64	4	45
No. (luO%)	50	too	150
The social class, rated by the father's occupation, was 'lightly higher than the average for all six groups. The fathers of 26 HO men had been in supervisory jobs; 18 fathers were ш мтш-dulled or unskilled nuii'ial jobs.. Theie weie m re пип-пы!гиЛ workers among the fathers of this group than in any other group, the 30 in the HO group compares with an average of 19 over all six groups, and an average cf 25 when the two prison groups are excluded.
Their own occupations tended to be higher up the social scale than their fathers'. In the HO group 36 men had supervisory jobs compared with an average of 19 in all six groups. There were eight HO men in semi-skilled or unskilled manual work compared with an average vf 21 in all six groups. Furthermore die HO men seemed to know how to make money. Ten of them were earning over /2,000 a year and only hve other men (out 0Г250) had incomes as high ai this. In the ПО group there were 20 men making over /1,000 a year and only the NO group has more men who aie paid as much. The HO men were paid far more than either of the other humo»cxual groups, far more than either of the patient groups, and still more than either of the prison group. There is litdc doubt that the community sets a high economic value on the work of some homosexuals.
By using the Hall Junes Scale for rating thru own occupation and the occupation ol their fathers, it is possible to get some indication of social mobility within the их group. Table 6.2 shows that there is considerable movement up and down the stale in all groups, with a general tendency for the son to he higher up the scale than the Hither as machines replace men doing routine manual work But
H(J [Huntatxuals (Jlhtrsi	103
there are also differences between the group. Tl«e HO and KO men are mare likely to move up, while die HC and NP men are mure likely to move down; in the HP group there seems to be movement in both directions, and there are similar indications in the PG group, but a trend may be masked in this group by the laige number ol men who dal not know then father's occupation. Comparing t’ e three homosexual group with the two non-humoscxual groups, tnere is practically no difference in social mobility.
Table 6.2 Af^-emret uf and oaten the ima! scale tn the six gnefs						
Movement up or down social scale	HO	NO	HF	NP	HC	PC
Nurubn wh j tuivc muvi d IP the social scale		21	18	12	»	12
Number who have remained on the same level	«9	l6	*4	13	'?	«4
Number wb" have moved DOWN the social sc&lc	7	12	«3	21	10	II
Number whose father's occupation  1 unknown	—	t	4	5	4	«3
Number whose own occupation is unknown	—	—	1	—	2	—
Henry and Gross (1938) state that homosexuals always descend the social scale, but they wae studying only underprivileged case histories. The HC group which is similar in character to their group would seem to confirm their statement, as ’nly eight w ent up the scale and 19 went down. But if the other two homosexual group are compared with their respective control group, a quite different picture emetges. Taking the NO and NP group together, it is found that 33 went up and 33 went down; but in the HO and HP group 42 ascended and 20 descended the sot ial scale This suggests that social mobility among homosexuals is just as likely to be upwards a* downward*.
Young (1941), Terman and Miles (1036 and many other- have suggested that homosexuals are more likely to be found in nunmanual occupations. Table 6 3 has been constni ted by clarifying as manual or non-manual all the occupations of both the father and the son, and recording where there в a change one way or the other.
Table 6.3 shows the overall trend from manual to nun-manual jobs in all group. It also shows that the humuscxuals are more likely to change to in n-manual jobs than the others, although this trend is not very pronounced. The*e two tables on social mobility have
U
104	Sociological Aspects of Homosexuality
shown that there is little difference between homosexual and non-hom asexual groups.
Table n.j MerwMat ouueen яюхва! and mt-maimal jo&s ia the six giot&s
Occupation of father and «on	HO	NO	HP	NP	HC	PC
lather manual, son nrm-manual	•3	0	12	7	7	6
Father non-manual, son manual	2	b	2	4	4	—
No change	35	34	3«	34	33	3t
NK		I	5	5	6	«3
П. HOME BACKGROUND
In the HO group л> per cent catne from disrupted homes compared wit}» 39 per cent in the three other variant groups (HC, PC and HP), and 24 per cent in the two control groups (NO and NP,. Thu suggests that an unsatisfactory background is not always a part of the homwexual’s history In the HO group the most usual cause of disruption was the death or absence of the father; to HO men were brought up in circumstances w here there was no man in the home and two had step-fathers- Tn six cases the father had died before the HO man was twelve years old.
Another 16 >*32%) of the men in the HO croup said that they did not get on well with their fathers; this compares with 41 per cent m the three --ther variant groups and 20 per cent in the two icntrol groups who reported poor relations with their fathers.
Hr was a testy, two-fa. cd man. 'HP 13)
He was always a bit jeakais of me and the attention I got from my mother. HC 35J
1	always had a lot nl mprr 1 for him and I . mid on rr m»lrrvjna why all the things be said tu me turned out to be quite wrong. HP 9)
1	was hardly aware of my father until 1 was about six. He was a very busy man and hardly ever there He had a will of iron and we didn’t gel on very well together I used to contradict him whatever he said. (HP id'
The last quotation bring* out the point that the father may have very little influence on the child although he is present in the home. He may have little interest in the upbringing of his children, or he may be the weaker partner in the marriage. When they v ere asked who they thought was the more d< mutant of their patents, 33 HO men chose their mother The mother was chosen more often than the hither in five of the six groups but m no other group did more than half think the mother the dominant partnei of the marriage. It
IIO Groap H.moscnal OtAcrt)	105
would be a mistake to place too mu< h emphasis on these results as the men are being asked to judge a question of dominance without being able to compare it with other homes. Rut some of the remarks show clearly that the father was a weak or inadequate pen nality.
He was always the sleeping partner m the marriage. He never encouraged me in any way We had nothing in common. (HP 40j
He г ever said anrUurj^ to me Hr i> юк no interest 1 u ua- at al] or m anv-thing ™e much Home was a pla.e to eat and sleep. He never dJ anything else there. (HO 42)
The trouble was that *0 much emphasis was put on his business He was not interested tn Luman relationships except those that affected his business. He was often away and did not have much influence 00 me- HP 23] Dad wai an invalid. Миш went to work and Did did the dinner and all the washing. He practically brought me up. HC 44)
The number of homes where lhe relations with the father were poor or non-existent (because the father was dead or absent^ is always higher in the homosexual groups than in the non-homosexual groups, but this difference is less pronounced in the HO group, and indeed the ruflcicut r between thu group and the см.п-Ьот -cxusJ patient group is very small in this respect.
The hornoeexuals were more likdy tn think that then mothers were possessive or over-protective when they were children. Only 16 per cent of the men in the two control groups thought this about their mothers compared with 45 per cent in the three homosexual groups.
I war rpa-lt like an '411” child brcauwi m 1л lli.cn were sc лииЬ < -kier than ilk HC 41)
I was treated quite different from the others When rb-y had to go out, I had to stop and stay with my mother- I always slept m the same bed as my mother. I was shy as a child and my mother felt she ought to protect me. My brother> and sisten were sent out potato picking, but I never was. 1HP 19)
Yes, she was possessive although not ruthlessly I was completely under hei uflwnct but th*zu I th ifк. I was the Laid of rbik w b.1 c iuld rasil у be possessed. HP 18)
Sh-t never let us go out and plav with the other kids. Her standards of cleanliness and tidiness were very hurh She was a very <1 ’mirccnng woman and she looked down on the other children ui the ncighbourbood HP 11)
She was very kr-r-n toal I sbendd have nice maniim ano be polite- Not tn drop my ‘hr’ and things like that, but I don't think she was pcnsrs-tve. (HC 1)
Iоб	Sociological Aspect} of Homosexuality
A little bit protective but it didn’t come off because I was rebellious.
NP 20)
She sent me away to camps and things like that and generally encouraged me to stand on my own two feet. (NO 48)
In the HO group io men were reared as the only child (average for all six groups =» 11 -2); 20 others wctc reared as the youngest child in the family (average = 15*2); >5 had sisters hut w ere the only son in the family (average=9*3). .Mthough the HO men are more likely to be the youngest Oiild or the only son or both, this tendency is not noticeable in the other hom<sexual groups. Nor are there any indications that a homosexual is likely to be the only child of his parents.
C.	CONDITIONS AT ТНИ TIME OF THE INTERVIEW
All hut one of die HO group had left the parental home at the time of the interview. (Her half (27) had left before the age of twenty, and 45 had left before the age of thirty. When they were asked why they had left home, 21 gave reasons which were outside their own control, but 28 decided to leave home of their own accord, including nine who said that their homosexual condition was the mam reason.
In this group 18 lived alone, six with relatives or non-hvirv^exual friends, bur 26 shared accommodation with a horn sexual Iriend. This is the only group where a substantial numbet of homosexuals had set up house with other homosexuals. This is partly because more men in this group have accepted their homosexual condition, and partly because more of these men had affairs (see Section E of this chapter). It does not always follow that when one homosexual shares a flat with another they will automatically have sexual relations together, but obviously it is a possibility if not a probability.
Seven of the HO group lived in their own property and ig lived in premises where the landlord was not present. In 23 cases the landlord was <>n the premises, but in 10  f these cases the landlord himself was homosexual. This is the only group where it is a not uncommon feature for a man to live in a house ow ned by another homosexual, and is another indication of the degree of adjustment to their condition by these men. A man living in a house owned by another homosexual is almost certainly moving in a social circle d- mutated by homosexuals.
When each man was asked if he could bring a sexual partner to his room, only eight said this was quite impossible; one of these was living with his wife. As alre idy noted 26 were sharing with another homosexual, and the other 16 were able to bring in pick-up or casual partners. Thus 42 (84%) had so arranged their lives that
HO Group (HomosexuaU'Olhers)	107
homosexual activities in their home was a possibility. None of the other group» approached this figure; only 27 HC men, 19 HP men and 24 PC men could have their male sexual partners in their home, and in only 26 of these 70 cases were they able to bring in pick-up or casual partner»
In the first section  if this chaptei it was noted that the men in the HO group earned higher salaries and were given higher socioeconomic ratings than the men in the other five groups. They were also more likely to enjoy their work and more often had good relations with both employer and workmate» Table 6.4 shows that then level of w< rk contentment was higher than any of the other three variant groups, far higher than the NP group, and only the NO group approached the HO figures.
Table 6.4 H’urt conuiumnt vt the six groups						
Work contentment	HO	NO	HC	PG	HP	NP
Very happy in his work	*3	16	II	»3	8	10
Good relations with employer	46	ад	33	35	=5	23
Good relations wnh employees	38	34	«•	33	23	18
1 enjoy teaching and, although it is poorly paid, I do not need the extra income as a family man with children probably would. (HO 9)
I like helping people and a» I’m sort of domesticated, a job at a hospital suits me just right HO 46 J
There’s one man who has got it in for mr. Hr knew at once I was gay and made some very humiliating remarks. It hasn't helped me in this job. Personally I’m a bit suspicious about him. Ir takes one to know one, 1 always say. (HO 40;
The extraordinary dung is that people do know without quite admitting it to themwlvrs. The people at work arc always pulling my leg, but their attitude would be different if they teally knew. If 1 was arrested or something икс that (HO 6)
The first section of this chapter noted a slight tendency for homosexuals to turn to non-manual work, but the preference for artistic work noted by some writers (Henty, 1950; Campbell, 1945) is not apparent among the 150 homosexuals interviewed in tin» icscarch. Only 11 had occupations that could be described as artistic All the men in the three homosexual groups were asked if being homosexual had influenced them in the choice of their careen- In most cases the choice had already been made before they had accepted their homosexual condition. But seven HO men, 15 HC and 15 HP men did
iu8	Sociological Aspects of HomasexKalttp
say that their homosexuality had influenced their work situation in some way.
It’s through what I am that I’ve lost so many job» I don’t know what it is, but I always seem tn give mysrIf away. НС я8)
1 chose to be a ballet dancer very early. One has to if one u going to be anj good. You know many people say liallcl dancers arc always homosexual. Well, the best dancers - tan going to dauving school when they are six or seven. You can hardly call them bnmo«ex4als at tlat age. HP 8) It makes a difference to my work. For example I’ve been expecting a telephone call from a man thu week, but he hrn't rang up and I ve been so disappointed. I’ve hardly don«- any work this week .HP at)
It has also been suggested (Jelferiss, 1956) that homoiexuals tend to congregate within an industry, or in a particular firm But the wide range of occupations bund in this research suggests that this is not the case. Some of the men made it clear that they would prefer to keep their sex life quite apart from their work.
1 think the manage may be queer. He’s quite camp in h'l clothes But I wouldn’t like him to know about me Ho 31)
My chairman is queer and one time when travelling together he made a pass at me. I didn’t want ti get mixed up with him, yet I diought he would toent it if I refused Nothing happened and the incident has never been mentioned again, tnank God. (HO 36}
If I knew a man was homosexual, 1 wouldn’t engage him. but there are several homosexuals working here w hum 1 have engaged because I didn’t know at the time. They are all good wuikers and I wouldn't think of dismissing them. But if they are so obvious that I can spot it at the first interview, then 1 don’t want the complications. HO is)
The appearance of the men in the HO group did not seem to vary at all from the other 250 men who were interviewed. On the six-puuit Robust/Delicate Scale 114 men were placed in the two categories at the robust end of the scale; 19 of these were HO men and the average per group is tg. In the two categories at the delicate end of this scale there are 12 HO men and rhe average per group is 12. On the Masculine/Feeaieine Scale 29 HO men are at the masculine end of the scale and this compares w 1 th an average of 27 per group Five HO men are at the feminine end of this scale and this compares with an average, of 7 per group. It is clear, therefore, that the appearance of the HO men is not noticeably dinereni m any way. 'ГЪоье who claim that they can recognize a homosexual iniUntly must be wing some other clue beside* appearance. More probably their claim means that they have no difficulty in recognizing some
HO Grt'Up (HontuUxuali Others)	109
homosexuals, while they remain unaware of the number of homosexuals that they have failed to identify.
By definition none of the HC.) men were under psvrhiatric treatment and so they were all asked why they had not sought treatment. Five were unable to give any coherent reason; but 20 said lhev did not require treatment; 18 said they did not believe it would help; four said they might, have gone for treatment if they had known about it when they were younger but now it was too late; three said they did not know how to set about getting psychiatric help.
I wouldn’t dream of gninz to a psychiatrist because I know two people who did and both ot them are so much worse now. HO 33) I’m absolutely certain there is no cure (HO 2)
It’s pair of my nature. You <an*i alter it no matter how many pills and injection! they give you. (HO 16)
Everything about a woman nauseates mt. Last year a girl asked me to massage her back and I found it awful. I could hardly do iL So really there’s no point in thinking about be<nx anything else but queer. (HO 17) It's never entered my head I’d have to give something up It’s the mainspring of life. It would be awful if they stopped my desire without replacing it with something else. <HO ol
We are made like this. It is not the intention of the Supreme Being to alter people. (HO 39)
D.	1AKLY EXPERIENCES
When the HO men were asked ibout the prevalence of homosexuality at the schools they attended, 11 said there were frequent h< mo-sexual activities between the boys, 24 said there was a small amount and 15 said chat none of the boys took part ui horn кгхиа! activities as far as they knew. Of the т I who reported frequent activities, four were under thirty , three between thirty-one and forty, and four were over forty. This does not lend support to the suggestion that the amount of homosexuality in the schools has increased in the last fifty years.
Of the 12 hoys who attended boarding schools, five (42%) reported fiequent homosexual activities and only one (8й-) reported none at all. Of the 38 boys who went to day schools, six (16%) reported frequent homosexual activities and 14 (37%) reported none. This supports the findings from the figure* of the HC and HP groups that homosexual activities are more likelv to occur at a boarding school.
In the HO group 34 either no longer knew any of their schoolboy sexual partners or else did not have sexual relations at school, but
I io	Sociological Arpecu oj HomoftxudiiVf
r 6 said that thev still knew at least one of the boy- who took part in homosexual activities with them. In all 16 case- the men reported that they felt sure that their ex-partners were not homosexual. This confirms the results found in the other homjsexual groups, that sexual activities among schoolboys do not mean that the participants are. going to grow- up into homosexuals.
It is clear that these sexual activities are often far removed firm the emotional situations sometimes found in adult homosexual relations. For many of the boys the activity was little more than physical relief obtained through masturbation.
We used to slide off to the bog for a smoke, and a smoke usually meant a wank, sometimes five or six nf us together (HO 14)
I had a lot of sex at school. About six of us used to go to a bombed building and have a wanking circle. HU 18)
We used to do it to each other under the desks during the class. It alwavs happened in the classrooms, never in tire lavs. (HO to)
This down to earth attitude to sex was usual among the boys who started early. Those whose first experience was after the age of fourteen may have developed strung inhibitions or feelings of guilt.
I went on he-Klav with another boy from st bool and wr shared tlic :arnc bed. I was very attracted to him aod I was shaking aU over with nervous tension, so mui h so that this boy asked me if I was cold. I made some nun-committal answer and nothing happened. HO 6)
I only had one experience during my school-days. Thu happened on a Seoul hike with another buy. Afterwards I felt full of shame and guilt it was a fear of the wrath of God. fot it seemed as if it was some religious commandment I had broken. I remember I refused to walk bar k with the other buy and followed some distance behind. (HO 7)
Altogether 39 HO men had their first hom uexual experience before the age of seventeen. This is higher than tn any other group. In 31 (79%) of these 39 cases it was with another boy; 24 of the^e boy partners were about the same age, six were older and one was younger. Eight (21%) of the 39 had then first experience w ith an adult.
Of the icmiimng 11 men, six had their first homosexual experience before the age of twenty-one, and five before the age of thirty. All the men were asked about tlieir first adult partner even if this was not then very first experience In this group 27 had h-inu iscxual relations with an adult before they were twenty-one. The adult partners were relatives (2), friends of the parents (6), workmates (5)» members of the Armed Forces (2) and casual pick-ups (12).
HO Group {Hr^noccxuaU Others)	111
At the engineering firm (when he was fifteen) I used to be sent to the stores. The storeman once told me tu get up the ladder and while up there he started feeling mt I told han to stop but when I came down T followed him into a small private room and we had a wank. A bit later Г told some of my mates about it and thev just laughed and said feed did that to all the boys. He was a standing joke. Thev toed to say, ‘Are you feeling randy? You’d better go and see Fred.' I went several timet during the time I worked there. (HO 5)
I met a man on a train (when he was twelve) and he asked me to come with him to the toilet on the station. J didn't like it and 1 was very frightened when I got home. 1 felt sure my mother would be able to tee what I’d been doing. (HO 23 had no further experiences until sixteen when he had homosexual n-jaimns with a boy of the same age.)
When I war sixteen 1 met a man in a park. Hr said he was about twentyseven. We went behind some bushes and he started to suck me off, but I gut tnghtened and ran away.... I only had two more men after that until 1 joined the navy, then I had plenty. (HO 36J
Three-quarters of the group had started homosexual practices before the age uf seventeen. These activities were must often with boys of the same age. Only a small proportion (16 per cent of the whole group) had a homosexual initiation by an adult.
E.	HOMOSEXUAL EXPERIENCE
Ten men in the HO group claimed that they had not had overt homosexual relations in the last year The other men were having homosexual experiences less frequently than the HC men. but more often than the HP and PC men ’«re Section G of Chapter 4). There were more HO men in the middle range of frequencies' than in the other groups.
Once ur twice a week. That’s enough If one ovcrdoei it, one doesn’t enjoy it so much — like everything else. (HU 11)
With just the right amount uf sex I led relaxed and I'm a much pleasanter person HO 4)
When the HO men were asked which sexual technique they preferred, only 18 stated a preference for .trial intercourse; six of these prefetred to be. active -nd 12 passive The largest proportion of men in this group stated a preference for a technique that is best described as genital apposition. This is a preference for a situation where orgasm is produced, not by manual timulation of the genitalia, but by the close proximity of the whole body. Many homosexuals sleep nude with their partners without ever having ana! into course. This may happen because both men wish to play the
112	Socwlogual Aspects of Homosexual ity
active part, or because one of the men has aesthetic or cultural objections to anal intercourse. Others dislike anal intercourse beta j e it usually involves rear entrance and therefore means that the passive partner must turn away and lie fare down while the active partner is above or to the rear.
Those who dislike anal intercourse will choose mutual masturbation if then main interest is physical satisfaction as in the PC group, but will < boose genital appo- ition if they' are rn- >re interested in some kind of emotional relationship as in the HO group. In the three homosexual groups 41 (27%) stated a preference foi genital apposition and in the HO group alone 21 (42%) preferred tfo> technique. Anal intercourse was the stated preference of 61 (41%) men in the three homosexual groups, of whom 18	were in the HO group.
.All the mm in I he three homosexual groups were a-ked to describe their ideal sexual partner, and then were asked if they ever attempted to persuade men who are normally heterosexual to take part in homosexual activities with them. Nearly a quarter (24' of the HC men seek non-h m-sexual? as partners, but this was rare among the HP men (10%) and the HO men ;8°t); the HP men sometimes expressed an interest in non-humusexuah but did nut actively proselytise like the HC men.
This is part of the problem that worries many people, some of whom seem to regard homosexuality as a kind of infectious discasc. But the explanation is not as sinister as some people fear and has been put quite «imply (Schofield, 1964). Homosexuals are sexually attracted tu men, nut women, not mutation women and not effeminate pools \\Ъеп they were asked tu describe their ideal sexual partner, nearly all uf them emphasized physical attributes that were essentially masculine. It is therefore ni it surprising that some homosexuals will try to tempt other men.
The reason why so few homosexuals are interested in non-hornosexuals is because most of them hope to find a permanent relationship with another homosexual. There is no doubt that a homosexual can experience a very strong emotional attachment to another man. This intense feeling has many of the same observable features as one found in the love of a man for a woman. "Many people arc surprised to learn that must homosexuals seek companionship and community of interest as well as -exual satisfaction. Some hom-jsexu ib do develop relationships as loyal and as closely knit as the be*t kind of marriage, but they du so in the face of enormous obstacles. There are none of the factors wliich stabilize conventional ma inage and all the social pressures tend to lead to the break-up of these friendships.
HO Group {Hom sexualsOthers)	113
All the h< mosexuals were asked about these emotional attachments and persuaded tu describe their affairs past and present. For the purposes of this research an affau is defined as a strong emotional friendship between two men which has lasted for over a year.
I \csc affairs were common in the 1IO group, but in the other two homosexual groups they were 1см likely to occur. Half (25) the HO men had current affairs and another 13 had had aftsirs w’hich had now come to an end. Thus only 12 HO men had never enjoyed some kind of lasting emotional fnend’-hip w-ith anothci man, but 26 HC men and 35 HP men had never had such a relationship.
It is unlikely that a man will admit, even to himself, that he has fallen in love with another man until he has got to the stage of accepting his homo'exual condition. This is probably why so few meii in the HP group have had an affair, although it в remarkable that eight HP men who are at present undergoing treatment also have a current affair. Few of the HC men had any difficulty in accepting their homosexual condition and it is unlikely that they felt any reluctance before embarking on a love affair with anuthet man. But it is probable that many of these men are unable to sustain a long emotional relationship with either a man or a woman. Table 6 5 shows that the affair1 of the men in the HC group w ere more likely to break down than in the other groups. Furthermore many uthei HC men described strong emotional relationships which had broken up, often violently, in less than a year and so do not qualify for inclusion in this table.
But 16 of the HO men have affairs which have been going 1 in for more than five years, and eight of these have continued for over 1 и years. The two past affairs which lasted over five years <amc to an end thn ugh circumstances beyond the control of the two HO men; in one case the partner died, and m the other the man accepted a petition overseas.
Table b.5 Draatwi ] the longest past or present affairs tn the homosexual groups			
Duration uf affairs	HO	HC	HP
Presen 1 affiun	»5	7	8
r-5 years		9	5	6
5 yean		it.	2	2
Past aHaui	’3	«7	7
i-5yran		1 f	13	4
5		2	4	3
None	12	26	35
114	Sociologieal Aspic и oj Hamnsexuality
Some of the HO men believed that the affectionate aide of an affair was more important than the sexual pan. It is a mistake to assume that all homosexual affairs are based upon physical gratification. Some of them went so far as to say that il they had to choose between love and sex, they would choose the former.
When I fall for a person, to begin with T don’t want srx. I have it, of course; but I’d be quite content to simply be there with him. (HO 12) If 1 was in love with a person, I wnuldn t care if he had no sexual organs. (HO 16)
But others resented the suggestion made by some churchmen that love between tw o mtn may be permissible as long as the relationship is not sexual.
You can’t have love without sex. Sex is an expression of love. (HO 15)
Pet haps sex is not the major part, bul it is important I value the love and affection I get from Paul, but 1 would nut want К do without sex entirely. (HO 411
The 37 men in the three homosexual groups who had had affairs in the past were asked why they had come to an end In nine (24%) of the 37 cases the partner had died, or left the country, >1 been sent to prison In 12 (32%) other cases the men gave answers that signified that the social pressures had been too great. The burden of concealment from employers, relatives or friends provoked anxiety and frustrati n until one or other of the partners felt they would be happier apart than together.
It’s almost impossible for me tc live with another man. Parents, my job, public opinion - it’s impossible. (HO i)
I’m irightened of the publicity. Pruplc would soon start to talk. HO 4) I’ve always wanted to have an affair but somehow it has always petered out. .. 1 know there arc happy and successful affairs between two men but. I don’t think it wuuld work for me. VHO 38)
They say that love is bund It was months before 1 realized how effeminate hr was. Bul ш the end it got on my nerves the way other people always looked al him, so I tcld him we couldn't go on. This is the only time I’ve dropped someone. They usually drop me. (HO t)
In the remaining 16 (43%) of the cases the cause of the breakdown was sexual in the sense that infidelity by one partnei led to quarrels and jealousy.
The affair «amc to an end when a friend asked me to befriend a bov who’d just come to Newcastle. He was lonely and like a fool I encoutaged him to come round and sec us. Then I discovered he’d bcm coming round
HO Group (Homosexuals'Others)	115
when I wasti t there When 1 taxed Rn hard int/i tins, ther*1 v at 3 bv row and he knocked me about a bit. We tried to patch it up, but it was never the same. 33)
It's hard to understand how it happened We spent every moment t -crib<T anu there wets no signs of a break up. Then suddenly he brings this other person back and they stayed the whole night together. From then on things just broke up (HO 8)
He started going with others. The trouble is Г like the glamorous type and it’s hard to tic them down for long. I’ve started on five affairs but I’m not going to hate any more. I’m too possessive. (HC 1)
He fell for surneunc else - not by any means the first lune. But this tunc it rather suited my books to leave him. Yet in a way I was hurt and sorry to go (HO3)
Sex burns itself out (HQ 13)
Kinscv (1948) writes: Long-time relationships between two males are notably few. Long-time relationships in the heterosexual would probably be less frequet l tb.in the. are. if then: were no social custom or legal restraints to enforce continued 1 elationships in marriage. But without sue h outside pressures t<, preserve he muscxual relations, and with personal and social conflicts continually disturbing them, relationships between two males rarely survive the fint dtsagi cements.’
Сигу (195т) believes that the predatory instincts of the male make an alliance between two men mure likely to break down fur sexual reasons and he quotes Kinsey to support his argument: 'The human female is much less interested (than the male) in a variety of partner This is true of her pie-man tai and extra-marital histories and, again, it is strikingly true in her homosexual iclatinns.’ Cory argues that when the naturally promiscuous male meets the naturally discriminating female, she acts as a restraining factor, but when the naturally promiscuous male meets another male, the restraints are few. Other writers (Liddicoat, 1961, Parr, >958} have noted that female homosexual relationships arc much more stable than male homosexual relationships. This seems to suggest that the low success rate of male homosexual affairs may be due to some ma- u-line personality feature, rather than a flaw in the homosexual personality as some writers (Сгеегърап and Campbell, 1945: Henry and Gross, 1938} have suggested.
Even so it is remarkable that three-quarters (76%) of the HO group have had affairs at some period of their lives, and half (5°%) of them still continue. Since a third (32%) of this group is under thirty, it is possible that more of the younger HO men wall find partners with whom they can establish a rewarding and 1 ng-lived
116	Sociological Aspects of Homosexuality
h>>tn<«scxual friendship. The number of men with successful affairs in this group is higher than the figures given in most uf the literature on this subject. The reason for this difference is that the men with successful homosexual aff шз do nut often Come into conflict with the law, do not often seek psychiatric aid, and do not often visit the homosexual coteries because they find enough satisfaction and contentment in a secure home life.
F.	HETEROSEXUAL EXPERIENCE
All the men in the four variant groups were asked if they had ever felt a strong sexual attraction fur a girl. In the PC group, which has few of the characteristics of the homosexual groups, 21 men reported a strong sexual attraction and 11 more said they had felt some sexual interest in a girl at least once in their lives. In Section H of Chapter 2 it has l«een noted that the HC group contained more bisexuak tlian the other two homosexual groups, and this is reflected in their answers to this question; 16 HC men reported a strung sexual attraction and a further eight said they had felt some sexual interest in a girl at some period »»f their lives.
But the figures for the other two homosexual groups are much lower. Only four HO men and five HP men had ever experienced a strong sexual attraction for a girl The number of men who declared that they had never taken any srxual interest m a girl is high in all four variant groups, and particularly high in the HO group. In fact 18 PC men, 26 HC men. 26 HP men and 32 HO men had never been attracted by the opposite sex.
The girl who proposed to me was such a wonderful girl that I realized that if 1 was not attracted to her I would never h<- attracted to anyone. (HC43)
I'm minutely ittracted to some girls. But the girls who attract me look like boys - the young, short hair type. (HP 11)
I've always been scared uf them, except the married ones The trouble is that I’m always being taken ior a ladies' man. It’s because I’m quiet and domesticated If a woman is bringing in the coal. I'll always get up and help her. (HO b)
1 think I can truthfully say that I’ve never really been attracted to a girl. When 1 was eighteen 1 thought I was attracted to my cousin, bur I’m not sure I just wasn't trying to take my mind off men. HP 22)
I find women are getting harder and harder to bear (HO 25)
As the last quotation makes clear, some men are clearly uncomfortable in the presence of women. But пишу mere of these men seek
HU Group ^Homosexuals; Others)	117
and enjoy the company of girls as long as they are not expected to show a sexual interest in them
Nont of my women friends are possible candidates tor marriage 1 don’t usually mart single women, But I enjoy mixed . трапу It has an element which is sadly lacking in male company. (HO 34)
Some of the nurses were Lesbians, and I gut un fine with them as long as they were true Lesbians Ht_ 30)
I enjtT the compary ol -vnmen txcept when they trv to get me mto a sexual situation. For example we had a staff dinner and then six of us Went txi to a club. .All drifted away but one who suggested going to a coffee bar near where I live. 1 knew she wanted me tu ask her back to my room. I uon’t like being put in a position like that HU 3)
It was noticeable how many homosexuals mention close friendships w ith older women.
I like the motherly sort. Some women like us queers fee company. But not fir sex. Of course there are others that try to make us. They like to Hunk they’ve had a virgin boy. (HC 16)
I find Гт reserved with women of my own age and younger. I gel on with <kfer women much better iHO 14)
1 have dirt» ilty w,th elderly ' punters who -vcasionally Uli for me Bui that is not a homosexual problem - Most vicars have to deal with a similar sort of problem, even the married ones. (HO 15)
Only three HO men and four HP men ever had a period ui their lives when they were having regular heterosexual intercourse. The heterosexual frequencies of these two groups are much lower than those of the other groups, including the HC group In fact 33 HO men and 31 HP men had never experienced «cxual intercourse comparer! with 20 HC men and 14 PC men who had no heterosexual expei ience. Seven NO men and seven NP men had never had sexual intercourse.
If ever 1 am with a err! and she expects it, I pretend to be drunk and pass out. fHO 231
It's not very likely to happen. If I get drunk at a party I suppose it could happen, but I can’t see myself laying siege to a woman's virtue. (HO 28) I think a naked woman is a most ugly sight. Horrible. (HC 30)
1 had a landlady who wanted to seduce me. Once the got пк m her room and plied me with dnnk. She locked the dour so I couldn’t get out. 1 left the next day. iHP 33)
I remember a time when I am r iced to go camping for a weekend with a chap I knew I discovered too late that two girls were coming w uh us and all four of us slept in the same tent. He paired off with one ui the girls, so
I j 8	Sociological Aspects oj Homosexuality
of Cuurtc the other tried to pal up with mr. What л night. She wouldn’t let me sleep. 1 just wasn’t interested so tn the end I got up and slept outside with the dog. (H P 32)
When the extent of heterosexual experience is confined to the previous year (or the year before arrest in the case of the two prison groups), the pattern changes slightly. In the tw-i groups with very low hctero-exual frequencies, only one out of the 17 HO men with heterosexual experience had sexual intercourse within the last year, but eight of the 19 HP men with heterosexual experience had sexual intercourse in the last year in the two groups with higher frequencies, 13 out of the 30 heterosexual!у experienced HCxticn, and 14 out of the 36 hetervsexually experienced PC men had sexual inter-course in the year before their arrest. Thus the heterosexual experiment of the HP men were continuing but attempts at heterosexual adjustment had been abandoned by all except one of the HO group Some of the HC men continued to have heterosexual adventures, but the heterosexual life of most of the PC men was over although m, re of them had been married and more of them had a previous history of regular heterosexual experiences.
I found it was a very messy business. It was never very successful. TIC 4)
I thought I’d try it, but it didn't come up to my expectations. I thought it was all rather sordid.  HC 71
I did it just to please the doctor. But as I told him later, going with a wumari doesn’t inake a queer normal It’s not as easy as that {HC 20) It was Christmas and we were both pretty tight at the time. I got into bed with her She was more than willing and 1 wanted to prove something to myself. Of course it’s silly to go tu lied with somebody with that idea in mind as 1 now realize. And it is no surprise that it wasn't much fun for cither of us. (IIP is)
Td had a lot of drink. She forced me into it. In fact as I told her several times later, 1 never forgave her for it. (HP 3)
In all 17 men in the HO group had experienced sexual intercourse at least once, although 13 of these had not had intercourse more than twice. All 17 were asked if they preferred heterosexual or homosexual relations. Two said they liked both equally, 15 preferred homosexual behaviour and none stated a preference for heterosexual intercourse. Table 6.6 shows a very wide difference in the preferences expressed by the four groups. The HP group is similar to the HO group w.th 13 men stating a preference for homosexual relations, although all 13 men are currently under tieatment. But to HC men
HO Grcvp (Honuuexaali 0 Am)	t19
and 30 PC men say they prefer hetero cxual acnvmr- although they are in prison for homosexual offences.
Table b.6 Stbki preference ft» belt -tcxutd Of Лоимяхш! Hssae in the four сагитт gfoufi
Prcfereinx-	HO	HP	HC	PC
Prefer berm aexual		I	10	3°
No preference	2	5	6	I
I’rrfer h-mr-cexuaJ	15	»3	*4	5
No heterosexual experience	33	3»	2П	*4
It’s not very satisfactory with men. It’s like just mucking abcit with women, or having to stop half-way because she’s all aid. It’s not like tbc full thing- (HC 46)
I enjoy it with women as much as with men. Lieber way sex ts not very impurum in my life. -HC as;
If it’s a nice bloke I’d rather go with bun. If it’s a nuc giri I’d rather go with her. rHP igj
I did have sex with her mice She was a friend. though not a very close one. I regarded it as sexual relief, nothm-7 more. It can’t b«- compared to sex with a man. Not in any way. ... I might do ii a gam. 11 depends on tbc atmosphere - whether I partsculaily want vex that night and whether it is handed to me on a plate. I wouldn’t put myself out for any gut [HC 20]
For the first few years of marriage I began to think it would work out. but it became more and more diffii ult for me to have intercourse, and wc packed it in a couple of yean ago. In all these yean we have been together, I have never been able to tr. mg myself to look at my wife in tbt nude. (HP 27)
The it were no physical difficulties in the art of sear, bur as time went by, I couldn’t help contrasting tbc effect it had on me with my homuccxual experiences. I never discussed this with my wile or anyone elee. I found myself main ng excuses, like being too tired, and 1 avt ided *ex wlnever 1 could. (HP 23;
When the 33 HO men who had never had sexual intercour e with a vw man were asked if they thought that they might develop heterosexual interests at a later date, only one frit that he would. Am i jt the 31 HP men with no hctcnncxual experience, 12 thought they would develcp heten-exuai interests and six more were unsure. It is to be expected that the men who seek psychiatric help are nr re
1
120	Sociological Aspects of Homosexuality
optimistic about their chances, but it В surprising that there are 13 currently under treatment who do not think that they will ever have sexual intercourse. On the other hand, all but one of the HO men seem to have adjusted themselves to their condition and show no interest in the prospect of heterosexual activities.
One HO man was married and living with his wife, and three were now divorced or separated. As already noted in this section, only one HO man had had a heterosexual experience during the last year, but this was not the marr.ed man, nor any of the three HO men who had had regular sexual intercourse at some period, but a man who was making the experiment for the first Unrip
In the HP group there were four men having regular sexual intercourse; three of these men are married and the other is engaged. Three other HP men arc married and living with their w ives but these three did not have sexual intercourse within the last year. There is one man in the HO group and another in the IIP group who have never had sexual intercourse with their wives; both of them are now' divorced.
None of the four H<) men who had been married admitted extramarital relations during the period they w'ere living with their wives, but three of the eight HP men who were married did admit this. Yet three of the four marriages in the HO group broke up although there had been no infidelities, and two of the HP men who have admitted infidelities are still with their whes. This suggests that the marriages of the HO men came to an end for specific homosexual reasons rather than general instability. This suggestion ie supported by die results in the previous section if this chapter where it was found that the HO men were much more likely to be able to settle down to a long affair with another man, whereas the HP men seemed less capable of sustaining an emotional relationship with a man.
For 47 HO men marriage was a possibility, in the sense that they w ere unmai ried or divorced. But 43 of them felt sure they' would not get married and the other lour said it was unlikely.
I’ve thought about it, bul I wouldn’t marry unless 1 could find a woman who undeistands, and it и difficult to find such a woman, (HO 35)
1 can see the considerable social advantages of gelling nut tried but it would be quite unfair to the girl. (HO 19)
I don’t want to ruin someone rise's life as well as my own. НО Я)
No. It’s quite wrong for people to try and get the best of both worlds. (HO 47)
HO Group {Hcmotexuab'Others)	121
The reasons for not getting married were not always so altruistic. Sometimes the reasons given showed signs that the man was not eager to face the responsibilities of family life.
I think my family background has set me against family life. The early death of my lather and my mother’s struggle to bung up a family made me resolve, when I was young, not to undertake that responsibility. Now и is too late, but Г have no regrets. tHO 25)
Just occasionally I have felt I would like to be normal. Life would be so much easier. But I’m integrated now, so it’s silly to want to change. I’d love to have sons ot my own but I’ve net er wanted a wife. And atter all there are compensations. I can d , as I like. Thank God I’m not rrspon. sible to anyone. If I want to listen to a concert, ) do. I wouldn’t like xhe monotonous cxittcnrc of marriage. 1 don’t mean that it's a poor existence. Manv of my married friends art very happy, but I know it’s not for me. (HO ij)
I’ve seen at close quarters the mec hatucs of bringing up children bottles, pots, mess. It’s not fur me. (HO 34)
Others believed quite sincerely that they could never manage to consummate the marriage.
1 would net marry unless she agreed that there would be no sex with her (HO 5)
Our mair.agc wouldn’t have worked out. I would have tried my very best, but the sex side wouldn’t have been any grxxi. (HO 1)
A sexless marriage would be cheating. I’ve no time for queen who get married 'HO 2o)
Tabic 6.7 gives the ratings on the Kinsey Scale for the three homosexual groups and the PG group. It shows clearly that the PC group, and to a lesser extent the HC group, are far more hetcro-sexually orientated than the HO or HP groups. Ln fact none of the HO men and only two HP mt n were thought to be more heterosexual than home rxual.
It is usually assumed (Bieber. 1962; Curran and Parr, 1957) that the greater the heterosexual interests, the better the prognosis for treatment. If this is true, the psychiatr ists have no easy ta к before them when treating the HP men, for nearly all of them arc more homosexual than heterosexual and rg ofthem are exclusively homosexual. On this reckoning the doctors would have stood a better chance with the men in prison (PC and HI!) than with their own patients (HP).
In the PC group there are 27 men who are more heterosexual than homosexual, and in the HC group there arc eight so rated. It has
122	Sociological Aspeclt й/ Himosextuiltfy
Table 6.7 Лиут ratings ft» the fear oartaru
Rating ‘JO Kinsey Scale	HO	HP	HC	PC
0 Exclusively heterosexual with				
пл homosexual	—	—		2
i Predominantly hetenwexual only				
in. iden tally hornasexual	—	—Be	b	«7
2 Predimunanlly heterosexual but				
more than incidentally				
hrenosmtal		2	2	8
3 Equally heterosexual and			X	
Ымгквсхиа!		2	5	3
4 Predominantly he -icsexual but				
more than incidentally				
be lerbeatlai	I	12	9	«
5 Predominantly homosexual but				
incidentally heterosexual	*4	«5	5	IO
6 Exclusively homosexual	35	«9	=3	7
X No socio-scxual contacts ur				
react ions	—	—-	—	1
been noted in Chapter 3 that the PC men have few of the characteristics found among li пт exuais and perhap it is not surprising to find so many rated low on the scale. It is more remarkable that 13 HC men are lated Kinsey 3  я less. Docs thi_- mean that bisexuals are mure likely tu be sent to prison than men who are exclusively hom< sexual? It would certainly -нт to suggest that men who are rated Kinsey 6 are more likely to accept their condition and therefore are more likely t make лгае kind of adjustment that leads to community integral >n. It may follow from this that men wl«o limit their h imo cxual life to occasional incidental adventures are more likely tu get into trouble with the police. But this w uld be only one of several factors that lead a man on to the path tu prison. Indeed almost half the HC ,yruup are exclusive homosexuals, «nd so it is dear that there must be other personality differences1 be iv een the convicted homosexuals and the HO men.
O. THE THREE HOMOSEXUAL. GROUPS COMPARED
Although the researth wa- designed to show up the difference between three pairs of gn up». in fact there are m-ire striking differences between the three homosexual group (HC, HP, HO) than between the tv и pairs of humuccxual and non-bumoscxual group (HP <md NP, HO and NO}. For this reason die last section of this
HO Gi (Hcmosexualsi Others 1	123
chapter will ust the main quantitative differences found in the three hornasexual group. The values for p arc given as before, but it must be remembered that these three group were not matched foi «.ge and education. As it happens the age range of the three group is very similar, and the HO and HP group had similar grades of education, but the HC group had many mure of the less well educated grades (p - *oot).
Table 6.8 Age groups in the thru homosexual poops
Age	HO	HP	HC
21-30	1G	23	20
31-40	20	16	«7
4t-5°	7	5	10
51-bo	7	4	3
Table б.д E&v aol pedes ui the thru homoscaeu groapt
Ldjuai :-л.а1	HO	HP	HG
A	10	5	1
ft	7	11	s
C	>4	•3	’3
D	•9	21	34
HC men arc likely tu appear mire feminine (p = -uoi). HO and HP men were neither more masculine nor more femmme.
There is no diftcicnce between HO and HP mat on the Robust/ Delicate Scale. The HO men tended to be mote robust than the IIC mat (NSS), and the HP men were more robust than the HC men (/мчя).
HC men are more likely to attend church icguLuly than either HO or HP men p = -01).
The occupations -f the fathers did not differ in the HO and HP group. There were more fathers who were manual woikers in the HC group than in the HO and HP group (p —-oi).
The differences were much mure marked tn their own occupation*. There were mire HP than HO in unskilled jobs (p=-oot); more HG than HO in unskilled jobs (p=-oot). arid more HC than HP m unskilled jobs (p-»-ot). HC men were mure often manual workers 'ft ” -our). There were more HO men than euncr HP or HC men in supervisory work (p — -out); mure HP than HC men were
i2|	Sociological Aspects uf Homosexual >ly
supervisors \p = -005;. The HU men earned more than the HP men (P '••005) and more than the HC men {p = -ooi); the HP men earned more than the HC men (p — '005)
Compared with the HP and HC men, the HO men were more likely to have good relations with their employers (p«.-oor), with their fellow workers (p--ooi), and they were more likely to enjoy their work (p = -ooi); there were no significant differences between the HP and HC men in these respects.
The HO group did better than the HC group in the Verbal Reasoning Test (p = -ooi), and the HP group was also better than rhe HC group p — 001); the HO group did sliuhtly better than the HP group (p = -oa).
More HP than HO expert to get married (p=*ooi); more HP than HC expert to get married (p«=oa); slightly more HC than HO exj-ect to get married (NSS).
This expectation of marriage reflects the hopes of the men under treatment. But when activities rather than desires are considered, then the HC men are found to be much mure hi-stxual as the next six items wall show.
HC men are more likely to have had regular sexual intercourse at some period of their lives (p —-005).
More HC men than HO men liave had sexual intercourse in the la>t year (p=oor); there is little difference between the HG and HP men in this respect.
More HO men said they were not capable of heterosexual relations (NSS),
Considering only those who had both heterosexual and homosexual experience, heterosexual relations weie preferred by the HC men more often than the HO men or the HP men (p = 005).
More HP tlian HO men thought they would cv cntually develop heterosexual inleres* (p = -ooi); more HC than HO men said they had already developed heterosexual interests (p -ooi). There wa» only a slight diticrencc between the HP and HC group in the number who thought that they' would uot develop heterosexual interests, more HG men said they had already developed these interests and more HP men said they would eventually develop these interests (p-=-or).
The HO men were the least likely to feel a sexual attraction for girls (p = -oo5), while the HC men were the mo* likely to feel this attraction (p= 01).
Many of the HP men tried to widen their heterosexual interests where they could. As far as activities weie concerned they were far less heterosexual than the HC men, but where it was a matter of
HQ Cirmp sxuals Others	125
detenuiuanon and will-power their heterosexual interests approached those of the HC men. But on the Kinsey Scale, the HP mm were closer to the homosexual end with the HO men, whereas the HC men tended to be in the middle (bisexual grades (p =-01 ). More of the HO men had their first homo'cxu j! experience under the age of sixteen (NSS). The HG tnen did not tend to start earlier than the Hl' men
Strong feeling* of guilt after homosexual activities were much more likely to be felt by HP men than by HO or HC men (p = -ooi). The HO and HC men did not differ in this respect.
Slightly mote HP than HO men said mat they went out of their way to avoid h imosexual temptations (p — -05); more HO than H C IP=*005) and many more HP than HC (p«=-oor) tried to avoid these temptations.
HP men were more likely to say that then homorexual experiences left them dissatisfied (р«-оз); HO and HC men did not differ in this way.
More HO than HP men claimed that they had come to terms with their condition (p = -ooi); more HC than HP made this claim p = -ooi); more HO than HC (p —02).
Theiastfour items show that the hom wexuals under treatment have not accepted their condition. Most of the others erm to Lave made a successful adjustment, the HO men mure often than the HC men.
The cluse friends of the men in the HO group are mure likely to be homosexuals, than in the HP group (p = -ooi) or the HC group (? “ОЧ-
НО men are more likely than IIP met* to mix socially in a homosexual group 'p = -001); HC men are more likely than HP men to be in a homosexual group (p = -005 ; HO men tend to be in a homosexual group more often than HC men (p- -02).
HO men are more likely to have a current affair than die men .n the ocher two groups (p — -ooi}. Few HC or HP men had current affair but more HC than HP men had had affairs in the past (p = -oi).
There are less promiscuous теп n the HO group than in the HC group (p --005) or the HP group {p --oi). The promiscuous men in the HC group have r* my mere partners in a year than the pninnocuous men in the HP group {p = -ooi).
The men in the HC group are mure likely to get V.D. than the mm in either of the other groups (p=-02).
The sexual partners uf the HC group were more likely to be pick-ups, whereas the par tners of rhe HO group w ere mi re likely to be friends, (p» -ooi); the sexual partners of the HP group were as likely to be pick-ups as fi rends (NSS).
но
HP
НС
но
—— ---------------------no difference	1
--------------- -------—-по difference---—-------------------
.—	.  —------------по difference	 —
—' по difference-----------------------
mui v feminine
mure delicate
regular church attendance
from manual worker»' home»
more in skilled job» ------- - in between - - - - more in unskilled jobs
more often supervisors - —-------------in between-----------les» often supervisors
good relations with employers ----------------------- no difference •
good relations with worker» -------------------------no difference-----------------------—
content with work	—--------------------no difference	»
best at verbal reasoning---------------in between-----------worst at verbal reasoning
expect to get married-------------------- in between - - - - do not expect to get married
-------- —--------------no difference —---------------------regular sexual intercourse
no sexual intercourse in last
year	।	-  no difference--------- •-------•—
----—---------------  no difference------------------------more prefer hetero, to homo.
not 'capable* of hetero.  --------------------------no difference-------------------------—
not attracted to girls ----------------- - in between - - - - attracted to girls
--------------- — no difference----------------------------- middle of Kinsey Scale
HU
HP
He
HO
started homo, acts curly
no difference
current affairs
-------------no difference • - — -.......... in between - - - - do not avoid temptations
—————— no difference in between in between in between in between
come Io terms adjusted tn condition close friends homo, tn a homo, group
least promiscuous
homo, acts in private ------------------------no difference
feelings of guilt	-------
avoid temptations - -- -- - — left duiastisfied id<er liomo.
acts	-------
not corue to terms--------------------
not adjusted to condition - - — -close friends not homo,------- - - -
not in л homo, group - - -------------
....... no difference
no affairs--------------- - ------------in between -----------affaiia past or present
-------in between - - - - most promiscuous
no difference -	mon likely to catch V,D.
sex partner* are friends - - - - — m between ----- partners arc pick-ups
least likely to proeelytirc--------------- inbetween----------most likely to proselytize
lower sexual frecpienc ies	—------------------—— no difft mice------------------------
------------------------no difference----------------------- prefer anal intercourse
no fai ilities for sex — - -- -- in between - — - - facilities for sex in private no difference	
---- seeks partners in public
128	Sod logical. Is pa Is of H< mosexualitj
HC men ate more likely than HO men to seek non-homosexuals аз partners (p --005); HP meti expressed an interest in non-hnmo-sexuah more often than HO men, but they did not actively proselytize like the HC men (XSSI.
There were only small ditlerences in the sexual frequencies of the three groups. The HC men tended to have higher frequencies than the HP men (£ -02), and the HO men Jso had slightly highei frequencies than the HP men (NSS); but there was little diflcrcnce between the HC and HO groups in this respect.
As regards a preference for a particular sexual technique, there was no significant difference between the HO and NP men. The HC men piefeired anal intercourse more often than the HO men Q>»-o5) and more often than the HP men (/'“'Qi).
HO men were able tt> take their sexual partners to their own rooms more often than the HP men (p= ooi), and mure often than the HC men (p—*005), th» facility was more often available to HC men than HP men (A-*05).
Men in both the HC and HP groups were much m re likely than tho-c in the HO group to take part in homosexual activities in a public place (p= -ooi); there is virtually no difference between die HC and HP groups in this respect.
The HC men were also more likely to seek partners tn a public place (p -»-O2); m this case there was no difference between the HP and HO men. A re «unable inference from the last three items is that the НО т.еп usually have the facilities for homosexual relations in private and use them; HC men have these facilities but do not use them; and HP men do not have these facilities
The results detailed in this section c in be summarized in the form of a diagram. It should be noted that the shortened phrase’ used in the diagram express tendencies comparative to the groups, not a tendency within a group. Thus ‘attracted to girk’ means that the HC men arc more likely than HO or HP men to be sexually attracted to girls; it does not mean that must of the HC men are attracted to girh.
A study of the diagram hows that the HO group is never the middle (m between) group The HP is the other end of the progression (w hen there is one) on questions of marriage, heterosexual wishes (as opposed to activities), guilt feelings, homosexual adjustment, group membership, love affairs, sexual frequencies, and facilities. The HC group is the least like the HO group on questions of appearance, social class, verbal rc.tsuning, heterosexual activities (as opposed to wishes), promiscuity, proselytism, sexual techniques, and importuning.
У NO GROUP (NON-HOMOSEXUALS/OTHERS)
A. DESCRIPTION OF THE GROUP
After all the mm in the HO group had been interviewed, an agency was employed co find 50 non-homosexuals of the same age and level of education, in fact it was necessary to approach 140 men in older to obtain 51 interviews. One of the men turned out to be a selfconfessed home sexual and so was excluded from this group. As wil be noted later in this chapter, others in this group had homosexual experience, but in no case was it extensive and. unlike the HO meii, none of these men regarded themselves as homosexual in any degree.
The many difficulties encountered during the formation of this, group are examined in detail in Section В of the Appendix. But it would be a mistake to make too much of these difficulties. Ibis NO group is not intended to be a representative «ample of the non-homo-exua’ population, nor, for that matter, is the HO group necessarily typical of the homosexual population. The NO group is merely an assemblage of non-bum&exuals who match the HO group for age and education. In Section В of the Appendix the two tables comparing age and education show that the match is almost exact. A third table which compares the area of residence in the NO group with the HO group shows that the distribution is ninilai in each group although the two groups were not matched for this factor.
This similarity does not extend to the place where they were bom, as shown in Table» 7.1 and 7.2. Must of the NO men who live in London were also born there, but only a minority of the HO men who now live in London were bom there. The tendency to migrate towards London from other parti of Gieat Britain is reflected in Table 7.1, but Table 7.2 makes it clear that this tendency is much stronger among homosexuals than amrng -Jihers (p =001).
Despite mat, hing for cducatii n the NO group did not do so well in the verbal reasoning test. Eitrhi NO men were in the lowest three grades compared with three HO men; 13 NO men were in the top three grades compared with 27 HO men. These differences are statistically significant at the p =-02 level. (On the other hand Mendelsohn and Ross (1959) found that the academic performance of male undergraduate homosexuals was very similar to that >f theii non-homosexual peers.)
ijo	Sociological Aspects of Homosexuality
Table 7.1 lit dence compared with place of birth rn the A'O rraup
Place of birth
Residenet	London	City, etc.	Small town	Rural	TOTAL
I/mdon	28	6	7	-4	16
City, etc.	2	I	—	—	3
Small town	1	—	*—	—	I
Village, rural	—	—	—	—	—
TOTAL	3>	7	7	5X	50
Tabic 7.2 RtJidr^e lu—'^itd aith place of berth m the HO group
Plate of birth
Residence	Ixtndon	City, etc.	Small town	Rural	TOTAL
London	12	10	12	5	39
City, etc.	—	2	4	—	6
Small town	—	t	——	2	3
\ illagc, rural	I	—	—	1	2
TOTAL	>3	«3	t6	8	50
Thcie were four Jewish men in the NO group and none in the HO group. Otherwise there was little difference in the religious denominations of the two groups, as show® in Table 7.3. Seven NO men and nmc HO men went to church even week or mure often, whereas 31 NO men and 3a HO men never attended a church service.
Table, 7.3 Religynis denomination qj the jVO and H() gri ups
Religion	NO	HO
C. ofE.	20	19
R.C.	3	3
Non-Cun.	3	1
Jewish	4	0
None	20	27
The appearance of the man was rated by the interview er on two scales. As this is essentially a subjective judgement, only the two extremes of either scale are cunjidered, Then it is found that 21 NO
Л0 Group (Non-Homosexualst Others)	131
men and 19 HO men were rated robust, whereas nine NO and 12 HO men were rated delicate. On the other scale 29 men in each group were rated masculine, while four NO men and five HO men were placed at the fcromine end of this 'rale. So it is clear that there is no teal difference in the outward appearance of the men in these two groups.
To summarize, the NO group was formed so that it would match the IIO group for age and о beat ion. It ha? been found that there arc similarities between the two groups аз regards area of residence, religious denomination, church attendance and physical appearance, but not in verbal reasoning or place of birth. There arc, of course, other dis trail antics between the two groups a nd th e e will be examined in the following sections of this chapter. But the similarities shared by thtse two groups suggest that the differences between homosexuals and others may ne t be immediately apparent, Furthermore the differences between the two groups become more interesting and meaningful when there are so many basic similarities.
H. HOME BACKGROUND
Although the NO man was more likely to be the only child in the family, the HO man was more likely to be the youngest son or the only son. But these differences, shown in Table 7.4, aie not statistically significant.
Table 74 The birth order of the men in the jVO . и J HO gn* ? r
Birth order	NO	HO
Only child	>4	10
Only son and youngest child	2	в
Only son, not youngest child Youngest child, not only son	9	7
	9	12
Other positions in family	16	•3
In the NO group it men were brought up in broken homes compared with 13 HO men. In five NO cases and three HO cases the mother had died or lefi the home before the boy had reached the age of twelve. Six NO men and 10 HO men were reared in homes w’hcrc there was no father or father-substitute. In other cases the father obviously played only a minor role in the life of the child, although technically’ living at die family home.
He was only in the background. I think he was the sort of niai who паз awkward with ehddrr n. ТЮ 43)
132	Sociological Aspects of Homnsrxuaitij
There was no relationship between us. Father didn’t bother with home or children. (HO 26)
My father was fifty-eight and my mother was nineteen when I was born. He was away from home much of the time. He had to spend part of his time with hir real wife. (HO 12)
Wncn they were asked who they thought was the more dominant partner of theit parents’ marriage, 22 NO men and 15 HO men thought the father was the mure dominant. On the other hand 33 HO men said their mother was the more dominant compared with only 19 NO men (p- -05). (Nine NO men and tWo HO men were undended.)
Using the same process of elimination as in Section D ofChapter 2, it is found that 28 per cent of the HO group appear to have enjoyed a happy and secure home life as a child compared with 36 per cent in the NO group, not a difference that is statistically' significant.
Tables 7.5 and 7.6 how that the difference between the tw о groups is very small. It should be noticed that even in the. NO group, the most favoured of all the groups, nearly two-thirds reported some disturbance in the home. This should -erve as a warning to other investigators; when one looks for unsettled b-'me backgrounds, one
Table 7.5 The number nJ men with undisturbed home backgrounds и the HO group
Total number in HO group	50
Number from disrupted bonus	13
37
Of these 37, die marital relationships of parents were pool tn 11 cases	1 1
2b
Of these 26. the mother was reported to be possessive in 8 cases	8
18
Of these t8, the relations with the father were bad m 3 c ases	3
>5
Of these 15, the man’s childhood was described as unhappy in т case	t
HO men from undisturbed ba< кgrounds	14
Л0 Group (fion-Humosexuals Others)	133
Table 7.6 The number of men with undisturbed home background) tn the VO group
'l olal number in NO croup	50
Number from disrupted homes	11
39
Of these 30, the marital relationships of paieuu were poor in 7 cases	7
Of these 32, the mother eras reported to be possessive ш 9 cases	g
23
Oi these 23, the relations with the father were bad in 3 cases	3
20
Of these 5K>, the man’s childhood was described a’ unhappy in 2 cases	»
NO men from undisturbed background.’ : 8
can often find them. The only important difference between these two groups is the part the fathei has to play in the home as shown in Table 7.7.
T able 7.7 The role of the father in У0 and HO group backgrounds		
Relations with father	NO	HO
No man in the home	6	IO
Poor relations with lather	7	18
Satisfactory relations with father	37	32
A reasonable conclusion to this section is that any of us must consider ourselves luckv if our childhood background is completely undisturbed, This means that to point to a disruption in the early-home life as the cause of a homosexual disposition may not be sufficient. But these results do suggest that a particular form of disruption is more common in the homi isexual group. This seems to be a combination of the dominant pinsrssivc mother, what Bieber (1962' calls the ’close binding intimate mother’, and the inadequate, detached or absent father
IJ4	Sociological Aspects of Homosexuality
C. CONDITIONS AT 1 HR TIME OF THE INT ERVIEW
Only five NO men and one HO tn m ’.ere still living with their parents. L p to the age of seventeen rather more HO men had left the limily home, hut between seventeen and thirty more NO men were leaving home as they got married. It was more difficult foi the HO men to find a suitable excuse if they wanted to leave their parents. Often the mo Л convenient way < f leaving the home was to get anothci job away from the home town; this may be one of the reasons why homosexuals tend to migrate towards, urban centres.
One HO man and 34 NO men were living with their wives at the time of the interview. Three more HO men and two NO men had been married but were now divorced or separated.
All the NO and HO men were employed at the time of the interview ; 10 NO men and 22 HO men sard they were Juii.g the kmd of job they really wanted to do. So twice many HO men were cc m-plele.ly happy in their work, although 15 NO men said that they actively disliked their work compared with eight discontented HO men (£<-005).
Tables 3.3 and 3.4 in Section E of Chapter 3 show that the NO men usually had u- ad relation* with their employers and w ith their fellow workers. The number of men w ho reported satisfactory work relationships was not as high as in the HO group, but higher than in any of the other four groups.
There were twice as many manual workers in the NO group (22 manual workers) as in the HO group (9) (/><-005). This is not reflected in the figures for unskilled workers for there arc about the same number of these in each group (9 NO as against 11 HO) The reason for the aiflerencc is the number of HU men m managerial and supervisory positions; in fact 3b HO men were managers or supervexors compared with 25 NO men. On the other hand there were 16 skilled < >r semi-skilled manual workers m the NO gtoup compared with only three in the HO group. It follows from this diat theie were more HO men with high salaries, more NO men in the middle income group', and about the same number with low incomes in each group Two NO men were making aver £2,000 a year compared with 10 HO men fp--o2), but 24 NO men were making over £1,000 a year compared with 20 HU men.
Although it was unusual for a man to have a lower socic-economi< rating than his father, Table 7.8 shows that this was more likely to happen in the NU group than tn the HU group.
.NO Group (.Non-Homoscxuals/Others)	135
Table 7.8 Movement up and dawn the social scale tn the A'O and HO groups
Movement on social scale NU HU
Up	21	24
I town	12	7
Level	16	19
NK	t	—
D. EARLY EXPERIENCES
Eight NO men received some kind of sex instruction at home and 10 at school; three of these received sex educati n both at home and at school, so this leaves 35 NO men who received no sex education at all and this compares with 34 HO men. The number of men who have had sex education has been small in all six groups. However, there is very little difference between those who have received sex education and those who have not.
In the NO group 27 men said that there was some kind of homosexual activity at the schools they attended. Ibis compares with 35 in the HO group. This is not a big difference even for two groups matched fur age and education, but it suggests die possibility that homosexuals are more likely to come from schools where homosexual activities have occurred, a more likely explanation, however, is that homosexuals were more aware of sexual behaviour during their school days. Furthermore some homosexual: 1 feel that it is in their interests to sire» die universality of homo’exual activities among boys.
Neverthele4 22 NU men admitted youthful homosexual activities. Five started before the age of thirteen, 15 between thirteen and sixteen, and two had their first homosexual experience ovei sixteen but under twenty-one. This makes it clear that homo'exual activities between boys are not rare even in a gr. up especially selected because they are ni st homosexual. Many mi те Hu men had youthful ht-mo-exual experiences but even in that group there are 11 men who had no homosexual experiences before the age of seventeen. H .mosexual behaviour when young is neither a sign that a boy will grow up to be a homosexual, nor is the absence of such behaviour a guarantee that a Isoy will make a successful heterosexual adjustment.
The early histories of this group show that 22 men had at least one liomiisexual cxpci iencc before the age of twenty-one. Five of thc>e men had later homosexual experiences as dults, but hi only one
136	Sociological Aspects of Himosexualitj
case was this mure than an isolated incident. The remaining 17 men grew out of their early homusexual experiments without the benefit of psychiatric or other treatment. Indeed this can really be said of all 22 men, fur none of them < an be cla: sifted as homrnexaal in rhe accepted sense of the word. This means that care should be taken not to exaggerate the importance of sexual adventures between boys. It is unfortunately true that sometimes a buy is given the impression that he is doomed to become а humicexu .1 after he has been caught indulging in an act uf sexual curiosity which is fairly common among boys.
a. HETEROSEXUAL BEHAVIOUR
There are even men in the NO group who have never had sexual intercourse and another man whn has had only one heterosexual experience. Nor can it be assu ued that the other 42 NO men have all made a satisfactory sexual adjustment. A description of the sexual difficulties of this group is not really part of the re car ch as the NO group is intended tn be a control group. However, it is relevant to list some of these difficulties in order to emph usize that the homosexual is not the only one who has sexual problem’
Altogether 20 NO met. had sexual relations with pro unites at some period of their lives. In five cases the first heterosexual experience was with a prostitute. Another n NO men had their first ex[>erience with girls who are described as ркк-ups because they met for the first ume on the day they had sexual intercourse together. In fact only six of the 36 mat who had been married had their first sexual experience with their wives after they were married, and another six first experienced sexual intercourse with their fiancees before marri; ge. So 24 uf the married men had pic-mantal relations with someone other than rhe girl they eventually married. Excluding die two who are now separated from their wives, tt of the 34 married men admitted extia-maiital relatione. This level of infidelity (33%) is almost as high as die infidelity found among homosexual pairs who have stayed together lor five years or m ire (412%}.
Six of the 14 unmarried NO men said that they did not intend to get mamed. Two of the married men who live w ith then wives had not had sexual in tercourse in the last year; two more are separated from their wives and two of the men have had a hi ano'cxual exper ience, albeit a fleeting one, after they were married. Three other NO men admitted an interest in sadistic practices ur related perversions. Six men had sexujl intercourse with more than one partner in the month before the interview, and 15 had mure than one partnei
Л0 Group [Pan-Homosexuals'Others)	137
within the last year. Three men had been infected by vci rreal disease at some period in their lives. W hen the NO men were asked fur the age of their youngest partner after they had reached adulthood, five men admitted sexual intercourse with girls under seventeen years old.
So even in this group in which criminals, psychiatric patients and self-,onfrued homt-exuab have been excluded, it is clear that many of these men have not made a satisfactory hctcnrexual adjustment. Some of them have serious sexual difficulties, others have taken part in activities which go beyond those permitted by die Christian ethic.
Each man was asked at 1 hat age a person first laxame sexually attractive More NO men found girls of under sixteen to be sexually attractive than HU men found Ьоуз under sixteen to be sexualiy attractive. The NO men usually tf.r light that girls were most attractive before they were twenty-one, whereas HO men thought that the m st attractive age for their partners was between twenty-one and thirty.
Table 7.9 compares the heterosexual frequencies of the NO group with the h- mo^cxual frequencies of the JIO group. The percentages alongside the frequencies per month are calculated after the 11 NO men and the to HO men with no sexual experience in the previous month are excluded. It is sometimes suggested that the homosexual has a fuller sex life than the heterosexual. This Table shows that this is not the case in the four comparable groups in this research.
Table 7.9 4 сот^опля of sexual jrtquenmes ut the .\'O sutd HO groups.. and in the PiP and HP groups								
Frequency per month	NO No.	%	HO No.	%	NP No.	%	HP No.	%
O-I	7	18	12	3°	lb	43	22	55
s-7	«5	38	17	-12	’3	34	12	30
8 +	«7	44	11	28	9	24	6	‘5
TOTAL	39	IOO	40	IOO	38	IOO	4"	IOO
No st*	11	—	IO	—	12	—	IO	
Ti c middle range of frequencies (2-7) is similai in the NO and HO groups, but more homosexuals arc in the low frequency (0-1) category, and more non-homosexuah arc in the high frequency (8 + ) category. The чше tendency, although less pronounced is to be found in a comparison of the non-hotnosexual patienu with the
1'jfl	Sociological Aspects of H'mi-atrruaiuy
homubcxual patients, but as noted «о Chapter 5, the NP and ПР rtuups have lower overall frequencies.
It is not true, as some, people have suggested, that homosexuals have uncontrollable sexual appetites; nor is there a correlation between homosexuality and sexual over-indulgence.
F. ATTITUDE TO HOUOSEXUAllTV
None of the men in this group can be described as homo-cxual, but 22 of th em had sexu al experiences with other boys and five have had homo-crudl expei lences with adults when they were adult. In four of the five cares, it was an isolated experience, but if by some unlucky chance this act had come to the notice of the police these men would have been acre-ted, tried and probably branded as homosexuals whether they w ere found guilty er not.
1 knew this chap was a bit of a homo, but 1 agreed to stay the uadi t. At first I didn’t think he was going to bether, but when he started оЛ I kt hiu g > on. I don’t know why. It happened again about a year later with another chap. I can’t really explain it. (NO 1)
It waj just уvuthful iilliuess A wav of nJirvim rmself I'm not in d of it. It was rather nasty, ready, bul one shouldn’t make too u.uvh of it. (NO 46)
When the NO men were asked if they had ever receded а кзкиа! approach from another man, three recalled several instances, and 11 more reported isolated instances. The "ther 36 said they had never suspo ted another man of making a sexual approach to them.
When 1 realized what this man was hinting at, I simply froze. I wasn’t interested, but I didn't want to be rude. (NO 48)
After a bit he came light out with it and asked me to come back to his room. I sard. ‘No thank you', and changed the subject. I just talked about something else. (NO 27)
On the wb Ir they don’t bother you once they know you are net interested. But as one said to me — it was sort of by way of an apology after he’d Lmted al it to me - if you don’t try yv ur hick, you may be musing somethin^ good. (NO 50)
Only once has a chap tried anything. It was a Military Government Official when I was m the army in Palestine We got talking and hr asked if I’d like to come back to his place tur a meal. I’d only gut five shillings tn my pocket, so I went with him. Vfler the meal, he pul his hand on my knee anil said, ’Do you ever do anything naughty?* I thought, this is where I go, and I was our of that place before you could ixy Jack Robin- '.Ii id a couple ofpals about him and they waited arouni for him and beat him up. Thcv reckoned he woulln’i split. I don’t think they were
SO Gi?up {.\оп-Н&таелиаЬ Othert)	г дд
against queen so much as they just wanted to beat up sorneme and here was a good chance without him being able to do much about it. (NO 3) Ii one apprcacticd me, I would adopt my usual practice of being firm with the natives I wouldn't be ifiranted or upset, (NO it)
There are still a number of men who say they will resort to physical violence if they are approached by a Itumosexual. It. is difficult to be sure they will in reality, act tn this way. For many it is a stereotype response - the expected re ly to that sort of question. Net all the men who give this reply would really want to start a fight, but it is possible that some ->f them may find hitting out at the horn: .sexual is the easiest way of dealing with a situation that arcuses feelings of einbari = -merit, guilt 01 even sexual desire. Of course there are others who find the whole subject so unpleasant that some kind uf violent reaction is hard to resist.
I’d give him a punch between the eyes and then run like hell. (NO 40)
I’ve no time for them. I’d lash out if cne came up to me. (NO 29)
It sickens me. It’s nau vitrrg. Something should be done about it. What, I don’t know. NO 20)
I think it is ait unnatural situation, and as such I disapprove of it. Perhaps it is a tr» ntal illness, but I stih think it is a very bad thing. Mmd you, it is homosexuality I disapprove of Not the bums«sexual. Perhaps he can’t help what be does. (NO 2)
There are others who hold less strong views, and yet are ill at ease with a man they know to be homosexual.
1 dnn’l know what to think about them, really. Betwren ounelves I uip-posc they are quite harmlcn I know two or three.. 1 can’t say I ever fed completely at ease with them. NO 42)
We did meet two fclkrws who were attached to our Church They used to visit us because wv all enj< lycrl listening to records. Yet somehow we could never quite dick with them. 1 said to mv wue one day, *1 can never quite understand Jim and Colin', and she said she It-Might they must be homosexuals. Theу rami- round a week or so later and we started talking about spiritual things. 1 bought up the subject of homosexuality and they admitted that they were They said they hadn’t practised for some time. It didn’t spoil the friendship, but - well, it never was a close tririxkhip. (NO 33)
At fint 1 was rather w.ied bv them, but as you g<-t 10 know them -and they are g*  I at their j Jo, so many of them - in time one comes to accept them. (NO b
Three men in this group taid they know many people who are homosexual and 11 more said they know at least one man v ho is
140	Socwlogua'Aspects of Homosexualil}
homosexual. Only one of the 14 men who know homosexuals whhed to retain the law making homosexual acts in private illegal. Most of those who have met homosexuals are inclined to be tolerant.
Yes, there is one chap at work who is ginger.1 He’s quite a decent sort. He lent me half a crown once when I was a bit skint. Of course some of the lads pull his leg a bit, but he’s all right really. (NO 4)
IxTs sec lherc’s one at work who acts like a queer, and when they kid him, he don’t deny it He’s all right, anyway. The n there’s Henry. Hr\ well mannered, clean, nice to talk to. He never causes no trouble. No, I’ve nothing against them. (NO 47)
I met quite a lot in the Merchant Navy. Most of them ,ir% very likeable people. I’d say dial many ol them are much belter than a lot of the hard swearing louts one finds in the M N. More honest, too. (NO 50) A lot of them arc goed chaps. They’re not weaklings, some of them, I can tell you 1 can think of one chap, he was a real tighter. But he was a queer, ail right. He wa> faithful to just the one boy friend, too. He once said to me, *1 rather fancy you, but I’ve given up eliding others now that Jack and I are mates’. (NO 1)
Ten men in this group weie opposed to any relaxation in the law as regards homosexuality, and rive more did not express an opinion about this. But 35 NO men felt that homosexual acts between consenting adults in private should not be a criminal offence. Nine of the 35 held no opinion about the age of consent, but 15 thought it sht nild be twenty-one and 11 felt it should he eighteen. These figures are similar to those found tn the NP group. Of the too non-homo-scxuals who were interviewed, 67 felt the law should be reformed, 20 were against any relaxation, and 13 did n t have any opinion on this subject.
1 wouldn’t lock them up. What good does that do? It’s a delect, you see. The best thintr is to tell them ’We’ll leave y>>u alone prosiding you behave yourself, keep out of public sight, and don’t go making a nuisance of yourself.' (NU 4)
We should have moved out of the times of Oscar Wilde by now. Mind you, I don’t think homosexuals should have special rights. But if they keep it hidden, one has uo cause to object, especially as I'm told that m some casts it’s not curable. fNO 25)
I can’t see anything against it if they do it in private. We’ve all got kmks of some sort. Live and let live, I say. (NO 10)
In Paris the English are all suspected of bcmg homosexual. I suppose many of them are. ’fhey come to Paris because of this stupid English law. (NO 37)
1. Ginger is rhyming dang. Gingct beer -- queer - humosr-uial.
NO Croup (Non-HomofexualfjOthert)	i41
They’re built that way. It’s no good telling them to stop. I mean, if somcont told me to stop gi line for women, well, I couldn’t, could I ? (NO 20)
1 think they are badb treated. They are fairly harmle't. you know. I don't see why they should be kicked around. And as for using policemen as bait, I think that’s quite unmoral. (NO 33)
Only two men in this group felt that the law as regards homosexuality was not strict enough.
Personally I’m all ш fawur of corporal punishment for those sort of people. (NO 17)
It should be forbidden. I'm sure it could be stamped out if public opinion really wanted to get lid of it. Every standard you can name is falling__
When we had an Empire, it was known the world over that an Englishman’s word was his bond Now Landon is full of Jews and hom<-r. I’m not antisemitic, but I’d ciamp down on any Jew who tried to swindle anybody, and they all do it, those in business anyway. (NO 11)
Such strong author 1 tartan views were found oct arionally in the men who opposed a change in this law although it was not often expressed as specifically as in the two cases just quoted.
It has also been ruggested that men who oppose a change in the Law as recommended in the Wolfenden Report sometimes have unconscious homosexual desires. If these desires are unconscious and will remain so, this is not really a very rewarding hne, of discussion. However, for what it is worth, it can be noted that three (30%) of the 10 NO men who opposed a change tn the law were brought up in circumstances where there was no woman in the home. Only three other men, making six (12%) in the whole group, were brought up in these circumstances. The absent lather was a more common phenomenon in the hi mt sexual groups. Furthermore only live of the ten men were married and living w ith their wives. Two were divorced and three were single. The single men were aged twenty-seven, thirty-three and thirty-six, and none of them had heterosexual experience. Only four other men in this group had no heterosexual experience. But it would be a mistake to make too much of this None of the ten men had homosexual experience as an adult and only three had schoolboy sexual experiences. Although it may be true that unconscious homosexual desires may, in some cases, lie behind a frenzied opposition to a change of the law, this is not a very useful notion. Unconscious desires and fears may indeed be the basis of many of our attitudes and opinions, and one would expeit thu to apply to people who oppose a change in the laws on homosexuality, but there arc also conscious reasons for wishing to retain this law.

1Sociological Aspects of Homosexuality
I don’t feel the laws th old be changed. It i> already sufficiently rife. It ought to be discounted as m ich ar possible. (NO 14)
I realise they arc sick people, but they repulse mt 1 dunk it is better to keep it illegal, but thev si j'iuld be put under < onsUnt mrdkal supervision. As long as they can influence people, they shouldn’t be allowed out (NO 41)
1 wouldn’t make it legal. I feel sorry for them, but I don't think it sh mid be legal. (NO 6)
It u a growing pr hlrm and it most be kept m check. (NO 17)
But only one-fifih (20%) of the group felt this way. Another to per cent were not interested in the problem. The remainder were divided between those (52%) who fch < me repulsion at the thought of h moscxual activities but did not think legal sanctions were appropriate, and th ье (t8%) who felt strongly that the existing law was an unnece sary intrusion into the private lives of individuals,
a. THE NO GROUP COMPARED WITH THE HO GROUP
This chapter ends with a list of the main quantit itive differences between the NO group and the HU group. Where the difference ii stati tic dly significant, the value for is given in brackets. Where there is an observable trend Lut the difference is not statistically significant, the letters *NSi>’ are written in brackets. X note is made of a few items where is is no significant different e despite expectations to the contrary.
The mother is nt re likely to be the dominant parent in the HO group, m it in the NO group (p"'Oj).
HO men arc more likely to have poor relations with their father» (/>-•005).
There is no difference between the two groups as regard* relations with the mother, except that HO men are more likely to describe thr r mothers as ‘possessive’ or ‘over-protective* (p--oi).
There is no significant difference in the birth order of the men in these two groups.
The number of men who were brought up in disrupted homes is not significantly different.
The f -thers of the NO and HO men did not have significantly different occupati ns except Гог a slight tendenrv for the fathers of NO men tn l»c manual workers (NSS).
More HO men were in non-manual j I- , and more NO men were manual workers (/>--005).
More NO men were classified as skilled or semi-skilled workers (Л-005).
-VO Group (Non~Homosexuals 'Otheri)	14.J
More HO men were in supervisory positions (p = -02).
More HO men had incomes of £2,000 a year and more (p - -02).
HO men were more often content with their work situation (/-•005).
Both HO and NO men usually had good relations with their employers, and both groups liad good relations with their fellow workers.
More HO men were in the top three categories of the Verbal Reasoning Test and more NO men were in the lowest three categories of this test (/ = -02).
There is no significant difference between the two groups, either on the Robust/Delicate Scale, or on the Masculinc/Feminine Scale.
More of the NO men who now live in London weie also born in London (p=‘ooi).
More NO men were cither married or expected to marry soon (p 001).
HO men were less likely to liave a girl friend before the age of twenty-one (/’-‘•005).
More NO men had heterosexual relations before the age of twenty-one (p= ooi).
More NO men have had sexual intercourse in the la«t year (p- 001).
More HO men have had homosexual experience (/•-•not).
Homosexual activities at their schools were more often reported by HO men (NSS).
NO men were more often attracted to girls under twenty-one; HO men were more often attracted to men between twenty-one and thirty (NSS).
The age of the youngest pa rtner was more likely to be someone under twenty-one in the NO group than it was in the I IO group (J> = 02).
There are more promiscuous men in the HD group (/> — -05). Comparing only the promiscuous men in each group, the HO men have more partners per month (/>^005).
HO men arc more likely tu have a sexual partner on one occasion only (p = -ou5).
There is no sigiaficant difference between the two groups as regards infection by venereal disease.
NO men are more likely to have had relations with female prostitutes than HO men with male prostitutes (/>--05).
The heterosexual frequencies of the NO group are higher than the homjsexual frequencies of the HOgroup {J> --005). Homosexuals may be more promiscuous, but they are net as sexually active as most married men. As Gibbens and Silbermin (i960) have written: ‘The promiscuous work very hard for rather infrequent returns.’
PART II • DISCUSSION OF THE RESULTS
8 HOMOSEXUALS IN TROUBLE
A.	TOUR CONTUSIONS
Discussions on the subject of homosexuality have been hindered by four basic confusions. The first of these is the failure to distinguish between homosexual acts and the homosexual condition. The second is the obscurity caused by assuming that homosexuality and paedophilia is the same condition, whereas these two quite separate phenomena probably have different aetiologies and ccrtiinly have different social consequences. The third confusion is caused by the effects of the law; those who ate arrested fur homosexual offences d--not appear to be representative of all homosexuals, and the legal differences 1 between different kind* of homosexual offences add to the confusion because they arbitrarily make distinctions that do not exist tn reality. The fourth confusion is the tendency to see homosexuality only in medical terms, as a sickness or as a mental disorder. whi'il ignoring the mure important social aspects.
These four confusions are discussed in greater detail in the following sections cf this chapter. But most homosexuals are neither in prison, nor under treatment, and it is important to examine more closely the homosexuals who keep ciear of trouble. These men and their tendency to gravitate into minority groups are described in the next chapter. The sociological aspects are dealt with in Chapter ro, and the vexed question of law reform is discussed m Chapter 11.
So Chapters 8-i i are a discussion of the results detailed in Chapters 2-7 in order to clear the ground for the formulation of a theory of homosexuality in Chapter 12.
B.	THE HOMOSEXUAL CONDITION AND HOMOSEXUAL ACTS
The first confusion can be dealt with quickly. Homosexuality is not a type of conduct ; it is a condition characterized by' a psych. -exual propensity toward-, others of the same sex. Some homosexuals do not commit homosexual acts because they exercise a rigorous control over their physical urges, just as some heterosexuals exercise careful control over their physical impulses. It follows that the homosexual condition is morally neutral It is only when he expresses his inclinations in a sexual act that the humisexual bee,-me* subject to moral judgement. But a nun may engage in humoscxnal practices without being a homosexual. He may do so casually, from motives of curiosity or in exceptional circumstances; he may merely be
148	Sociological Aspect! of Homosexuality
seeking masturbation by some hand other than his own, and he is more likely to find я man titan a woman to do this. One man m the NP group made infrequent visits to a particular lavatory because it was possible for a man in an adjoining compartment to reach through a hole in the partition and masturbate him He never saw the other man or had any communication with him. If the police had discovered this activity he would have been found guilty of a homosexual offence and treated as a homosexual. But in fact these episodes were his only sexual experiences with other men and occurred only when there was a pause in his active heterosexual life.
This difference can be funher illustrated by considering the position of bachelors in present-day Western society. Social pressure to many is very strong on both sides of the Atlantic. A bachelor is liable to be regarded as eccentric and unsnble. or even as unfit for posts of responsibility. It is usually supposed that a bachelor over the age of thirty is homosexual, but this is a mistaken assumption. There are many examples of bachelors of unquestioned character in history and public life today. Perhaps the best example comes from the United States where it is more of a disadvantage to be unmarried than anywhere else in the world. Yet the director of the Federal Bureau of Investigation is a bachelor and he has held this important post for nearly forty years. Clearly it is wrong to assume that a middle-aged bachelor is homosexual and it is even mure unfair to assume that he commits hom< sexual acts, for a man with homosexual desire* may have no difficulty in controlling his physical utifes. It should also be realized that there are many ma tried men who commit homosexual acts.
Piobably the clearest distinction between a true homosexual and a facultative homosexual is that the farmer requires more than a homosexual act. His desires aie psychuscxual and he seeks an emotional attachment with another man, including love and close friendship. But the facultative homosexual requires only physical release and so has little regard for his sexual partner and may actively despise him
There is no doubt that most homosexual acts are committed by true homosexuals, but it is not certain whether most of the homosexual acts known to the police are committed by this type of homosexual. Most true homosexual conduct their sexual activities in private because they have the facilities and because they live with their sexual partner ur know w here to find one without going to a public place. But the facultative homosexual does not have these advantages and is more likely to he discovered in the middle of a homosexual act Any research into homosexuality based on men
Homosexual! in Trouble	14g
found guilty oi homosexual Hence will contain a number of men who have no psycht^cxual desire lor other men and who would regard an emotional attachment foi another man as ridiculous.
Strictly speaking the law’ is not concerned with homasexuids; it is concerned solely with homosexual acts. This mean* tlicie arc two fairly distinct problems which may be stated as follows: (t) Haw to prevent the homosexual condition from developing in certain men and women, (2) How to prevent certain men (and women?) horn offending public decency by committing homosexual acts in public. The first question is the one that is most usually debated, but die secund question may be just as important
C.	PAEDOPHILIA
The confusion between paedophilia and homosexuality is less common than in the past although there arc still papers being published in learned periodicals which make statements about homosexuality as a r&ult uf studying a group uf ffenden in prison without distinguishing between child moMters and adult-seeking humu-exuals. But all those writers who have recognized the difference between the two mode* of behaviour would agree with Freund and Pinkava (1959) when they report that a homosexual whose attention is focused on adults is hardly ever a danger to children
Although the HC! and PC groups came from similar backgrounds, the paedophiliac did nut usually Start his sexual activities with children until much later, and some did nut start until middle age. Their sexual frequencie* were low and they were less promiscuous than the homosexuals. They preferred the mure elementary techniques, such as mutual ma-itui bation. and rarely took part in anal intercourse. They did not find then boy partners at regular meeting places, did not mix with homosexuals nd did not know any. There are no coterie- of paedophihacs and they' do not tend to migrate to large urban centres. They arc full of -hame and guilt, often the sex is reported to be unsatisfactory and, unlike many homosexual*, they do not come to terms with theii condition. They have more pronounced heterosexual interests, more uften find women attractive and many of them have extensive heterosexual experience, 'fhey arc much more likely to be minted although no longer having sexual intercourse with their wives, Their sexual experience may include young girls as well as young boys in several cases. They' are also more likely to be arrested than adult-.-cekmg homosexuals.
Although there are all sorts of variations ranging from the man
150	Sociological Aspects of Homosexuality
who timidly put his hand on a boy’s knee to the man who had sexual experience with his sons and daughters, it is possible to build up s< -me kind of composite picture from the few papers in the literature on this subject. The typical pacdophiliac comes from an unsatisfactory background or broken home and yet rarely has a record of non-sexual crimes (Filch, 1962) He is lonely and "socially ineffective’ (Frosch and Bromberg, 1939) and there is ‘evidence of underachievement from a vocational standpoint’ (Swenson and Gumcs, 1958). He is very leligious, a regular church-goer and 'strongly moralistic’ (Bender and Blau, 1937). Usually he starts his homosexual experiences late m life, ‘between the thirtieth apd forty-ninth year’ (Tooben, Bartclmc and Jones, 1959}- The sexual act is hardly ever buggery and most often simple manual fondling (Revitch and Weis, 1962). He is ashamed of his activities, feels inadequate and fuL of guilt and has "low ‘clf-rcsard“ (Toobcrt, Banelme and Jones, 1959). His child-partner is often someone he has known for a long time including his own children of both sexts and the chikhen of close friends and neighbours (Swenson and Grimes, 1938). Uleirly his emotional maladjustment is more severe than is usually found among homosexuals. Kurland (i960] thinks it is usually associated with schizophrenia and Sucarides (1959- suggests that paedophilia may serve to ‘avoid the onset ..fa psychosis which otherwise would have developed*. Ail the writers quoted above agree that it is a grossly pathological condition.
In every case where a child has been molested, action should be taken to pievent the paeanphiliar from interfering with other children, but the first concern should be for the child that has been assaulted. There is a grow ing feeling the the present legal pi needure causes unnecessary suffer mg to the child victim of a sexual assault. Dr Gibbens is reported as saying that the legal machinery for handling cases of sexual assault involving children is tlurasy and out of date.1 In their I.S.T.D. paper Gibbens and Prince (1963) make the point that isolated events are unlikely to have a profound effect on the child and he would soon for_rcl about sexual interference if it were not for rhe significance given to it by parental concern and legal proceedings. ITiey point out that several children appear to be undisturbed at the time they are required to give evidence in court, but later have a breakdown and become increasingly unsettled. In other cases the child is confused and hostile because the man is acquitted.
In some cases a guilty man may be acquitted because the con-ditit ns upset a child so much that his evidence is discredited.
1. From The Tunes, ав November 1961.
Homosexuals и TnxbU	151
h inthcrmurc the present procedure probably leads to many case» not being brought to court ba raie paients do not want their children to go through the oraeal of giving evidence.
There is little doubt that a law court can be an alarming place for a child. Dun g a trial on indictment the number of people present in court may be thirty or mure, nut including ordinary members of the public. A child is apt to be overwhelmed by the formality of the court. Although many of tnem wifi have seen court scenes on television, recognition of a familiar scene will be cflset by the fear that their winds may be twisted by a clever lawyer. The circumlocutions uf legal practitioners can be contming for a child even when the lawyer is nut dirccdy challenging his evidence.
It is obviously unpoitant that a child should be encouraged to forget about a sexual assault as soon as possible. But under the present pr-’cdure a child victim is required to describe the events on several occasions, fir,t the origin! complaint, then to the police (sometimes m tc than nee <md then in court. Ineie is also the danger that as the child is require 1 to repeat the story, the details may grow imperceptibly as the child’s memory may be faulty after a lapse of time.
There were 3,378 indictable oflcnces aaaimt boys aged under ! utter n known to the police in England and Wales in 1962. Of theso, 2,245 were dealt with by prosecution, and the number of persons prosecuted was 1,303. In addition. 164 persons weir prosecuted in 1962 under the Indecency with Cluldicn Act, i960, for offence with boys aged under fourteen.’
Section 43 of the Children’s and Young Persons’ Act, 1933, empowers a justice to take a disposition from a child victim in certain case* if he is satLfied that die child’s attendance in court w< add involve ‘serious dagger to his life and health*. The Ingleby Committee (i960/ recommended that the wording of this section should be interpreted as including 'mental health'.
In 1961 the late Sir Basil Henriques suggested that an indecent assault should always be tried  ummarily so that the episode could be completed mere quickly in less formal surroundings. The Magistrates’ Association studied the pre.blent and, although unable to agree to this suggestion, did recommend some minor improvements including increased powers tu exclude the public and taking such cases early in the Assizes’ or Sessions’ li-ts.*
1. Frnrn в question in the House оГСопдаппа - i Angus! 15Л1
8. Meraran 1  -1 oti Gntnutal Procedure aud Cllit Victiuu of зехиа! OHiaicn. The XtagnJ rates' Ationauon May igta
152	Sociological. is (sects of Home sexuality
Meanwhile the Children's and Young Persons’ Act, 1963, allows a written statement from the child to be admissible in evidence, but this is subject to a number of exceptions; for instance, where the defence objects or where the prosecution inquires that the child attend for the purpose of establishing identity, furthermore, this new Act does not apply to the higher courts and this leads Gibbens and Pruice (1963) to suggest that many mure sexual offence» should be dealt with at the magistrates’ courts. This is partit ularly desirable iti the case of first offenders; ‘the n ition of gravity, with corresponding severity of punishment, should be linked primarily with repetition rather than with the particular nature df the offence. Such a procedure would correspond to the criminology of sexual offences; for 80 per c ent of sex offenders are not reconvicted ’
Rcifcn (1958) leports a legal attitude towards offences against children in Israel which seems in direr t contradiction to the practice in this country. The child victim is interviewed, not by the police, but by a trained ‘youth examiner’ appointed to the court. He decides whether the child is fit to give evidence in court, lie may give the cliild’s evidence in court at second hand and can be cross-examined instead of the child. As a result convict ions are nor always obtained, but any disadvantage in this, it is aigucd, is outweighed by the value of minimising the after-effects on the child. The Israeli authorities believe that it is more important tu keep the child out of court even if thu means some guilty men arc acquitted.
It may be that the present legal system in this country is too concerned with settling appropriate legal retribution upon the offendci and not enough concerned about the child victim.
It is obvious that no easy solution can be found to this problem. The difficulties are complicated by three contiadictory factors, (t) The sexual assaults of the paedophiliac must be sn pped and ->nce apprehended he must be restrained from interfering with other children, even if tnis can only be done by incarceration. (2) And yet the interests of the child victim arc more important. (3) Furthermore the child’s rni le'ter’s desires arc so abnormal that it is obvious that he is severely maladjusted.
It is difficult tc fee) any sympathy for a man who molests children. The adult-seeking homosexuals interviewed during the course of this research usually fell that such activities were intolerable and should be pi evented at all costs. And yet at times it seems as if the seriousness with which this offence is viewed is out of all proportion hi its real effects. The Californian Board of Correction noted that the only prisoners with a longer median term of imprisonment arc those convicted of first degree murder. The paedophiliac is punished
Homosexuals m Trouble	153
more severely than men convicted of rape, manslaughter, first degree robbery, or assault with a deadly weapon.
This severity is understandable but the strung feeling of repulsion, shared by the police, w itncsscs. magistrates, judges and even the lawy er briefed to defend the child molester, creates a situation in which an injustice can be done if care is nr t taken. As soon as a man is accused of this offence, the antipathy begins and this raises some doubts as to whether an alleged paedophiliac always gels fair treatment.
Sometimes the action is relatively harmle and the coi^equences out of all proportion to the act. As Calder (1955) has shown the term ‘indecent assault’ can cover a wide range of behaviour. Perhaps the man only put his hand un the boy’s knee, and this incident gets blown up into a much more serious sexual assault sometimes, as is alleged, by the police putting words into the mouth of the child. Sometimes the child tells an untrue story in a fit of pique without fully rcalizu j the consequences of what he is saying.
There are signs that occasionally the innocent may be convicted. It is known that some boys actively seek aider men- Ktvitch and Weiss (1962) report that the paedophiliacs’ victims are usually known to be aggressive and reductive children. An American professor of law (Pluacowe, 1960' writes: ‘Complaints of sex offences arc easily made They spring from a variety of motives «nd reasons. The p»y< hiatnst and the psychos alyst would have a field day were he to examine all complaints of rape, sexual tampering with children, incest, homosexual behaviour with young boys, deviant sex behaviour, etc., in any given community. He would find that complaints arc too oficn made of sexual misbehaviour that nas occurred -mly in the overripe fantasies of the so-called victims. Frequently, the mire or less unconscious wish for the sexual experience is mnveited into the experience itself. Sometimes, too, the «г-1-ailed victim will charge not the one with whom he or she has had the sexual experience, but someone else who is entirely innocent' Coon (1*57) writes: ‘It is not at all unusual to find the boy seducing the man; the buy after ail is in no danger while doing this while the man faces legal sanctions.’ Such a boy may have had many adult partners bet re he is discovered and therefore medical inspection» that aresupposed to show that the boy’s anus has received a penis should not be taken as proof of guilt.
‘Ilic paediphuiacs sometime» rep-irted that they were persuaded to plead guilty so as not to bung the child into court. 1Ъе police frequently use this situation to persuade the paedophiliac to plead guilty, in some cases quite legitimately because the court appearance
15J	Sociological Aspects of Homosexuality
may be more traumatic f >r the child than the actual assault. But it is also true that the man who understands children and has not commuted a serious sexual ass ault might decide to spare a child the ordeal ofa court appearance by pleading guilty to a technical assault. It is al«o worth remembering that the truthfulness of the child should not be taken for granted. Gibbens and Prince (1963) found that many victims of assaults t ame from problem families, and children from such backgrounds do not have a high regard for the truth.
Some judges and mag: itratcs award very heavy sentences for these cases. Hood (1962) studied the sentences in twelve magistrates’ courts in different para of the c ountry. He found th it the proportion imprisoned for indecent a--aults (males and females) was 45 per cent, but there was a variati 1 of 78 per cent -17 per cent between the different courts, and this was a far larger variation than was found for larceny cases. Fitch (1962) noticed that men who molested young boys received longer sentences than those who molested young girls. Inexplicably. the maximum sentence on indictment is higher for an indecent assault >n a male than it is for such an assault on a female.
More resentment is aroused by sexual offences against small children than by most other crimes, so that judges and magistrates may feel that diev arc reflecting public opinion by giving large sentences to child molesters. Where the Pre s has given a great deal of publicity to a case, the judge may feel compelled to give a long prison sentence to satisfy public opinion, but H xxl adds: 'It may well be that the public arc less insistent on the need to imprison 'ffenders convicted of indecent линк tl- in some justices apparently imagine,’
It is not certain that prison is the best solution. The Cambridge study showed a very high proportion of these sexual offenders were nut reconvicted after a period of four years (Radzinowicz, 1957). After the shock and stigma of conviction it is probably true that a high proportion of offenders could be freed or put on probation without any danger of further children being mjlcitcd.
This is a risk many people would not be prepared to lake, feeling that the child mi»t be protected at all costs. But several researches (Gibbens and Prince, 1963; T dsma. 1957: Doshay. 1943) have «hown that it is possible to exaggerate the damage done to the child. Coon (1957) writes: *T assume categorically that these relationship® are going to be tr .umatic fir the boy is prejudgement of a type which certainly has no place in dynamic psychiatry.’ Rainer (1960): "Homosexual reduction in itself was not found tn determine homosexual behaviour, nor deter heterosexual behaviour.’ Bender and
Homosexuals in Trouble	155
Grugett (1952): 'Modem psvehiatrit follow-up studies of a sizable cries of individuals who as children Lad known these types of sexual experiences have not direlosed any directly adverse effect uf the early incidents upon later social adjustments.’
Tins research has also indicated that the effects of reduction have been overemphasized. In Chapter 5 it was noted that an embryo homosexu'ii was as likely to avoid homosexual experiences when a schoolboy as an embryo heterosexual; furthermore those in the control groups who had homosexual experiences with adults when they were schoolboys did not grow up to be homosexuals.
Most people would agree that paedophihacs need help. What is not often realized is that it is very difficult for these people to seek help. Their  trongly moralistic religious disposition means that they hope that the temptations, of wh«h they are deeply ashamed, can be conquered by sei (-discipline. It would also be extremely difficult for them to tell anyone about their sexual desires for children. Even to a doctor or a clergyman it is very difficult to confess to this socially unmentionable weakness.
Perhaps something can be learnt from the fact that the paedophiliac в most likely to be a middle-aged man wiiuse heterosexual experiences have ceased. Whether it is heterosexual frustration or sometl u.., to do with the > failed male menopause, there are clues that can be used for former research; they may also make us aware nf a particular social situation where this danacr mav occur. It would be must unfortunate if every widower who gave a sweet to a child was to be put under suspicion. Nevertheless if it is more w idely recognized by doctors and social workers that the critical period for child molesting is a man 35 -50 who 13 no longer having heterosexual experience, then perhaps some tragedies can be avoided. Toobcrt. Bartelme and Jone* (1959) used the Minnesota Multiphasii Perse nahty Inventory as an instrument for predicting paedophilia. They report that it could be used within certain rather wide limits to detect a par ’ophihac Perhaps it w til be P’ -sible to devise a more refined test so that these men can be found and helped before they run against the law.
But we must admit that it is extremely difficult for most of these people to seek help, and perhaps we shall have to recognise that the fiM opportunity we w ill get to help them is when they are found making some vague sexual advance towards a child And perhaps treatment and help in such cares may give more rewarding results than prison and disgrace. Fitch 11962) showed that there were many different types of paedophihacs, and therefore just one type uf training programme within a prison was unlikely to be successful. In
156	Socuwgual Aspals of Hmosexual\ty
fact none of the child molesters in the three prison* visited during the course of this research was receiving any kind of treatment.
It has tu be admitted that so far treatment has not Iieen ver? effective. Much more effort has been expotided on treating adult-scckin g homosexuals than on paed ophiiiacs. The child tnule*ter is usually older and therefore the psychiatrist may feel that he is less amenable to treatment, but this nuiy be a mirtake. In some ways a more encouraging prognosis can be made for the paedophiliac titan for the adult-seeking homosexual. He is more easily caught and often he is apprehended after his first sexual experience with * child. Unlike most homosexual >. he is anxious to co-npcKitc with the psychiatrist as he is very ashamed of ms desires. It is much mr re difficult for lum to rationalize his position and justify hit activities. Furthermore he. dors not mix m like-minded cotcnes; thi- is very important, for the ’tumbling block in the course of treatment for many homosexuals is that a changc in sexual preferences will ins olve a complete change in their social life and separation from all their former friends. There seems, little doubt that the г yrhiatrut will get tar more cooperation from the paedophiliac who feeb the need for succour and 'uppon. In Section F of this chapter the possibilities, of aversion therapy are discussed. There are some doubts if such drastic treatment is justified with adult-seeking b-n -exuals, but when dealing with the case of a man who has repeatedly assaulted children, a mure intense form of treatment may be necessary. Unfortunately there are no reperts uf aversion therapy being used succes’fully on paedophiliac.
Although psychotherapists may find paedophiliacs a difficult group to treat, it is surprising that treatment is not used more extensively And for those casts which aic brought to court, it is a pity that probation is not used mure often than it is. The elderly men, showing signs of anxiety and stress and living solitary lives, would benefit from the support of a probation officer, while others could usefully be put on probation with a condition of medical tre..rrncni
D. HOyuSLXl AL OFFCNDbRS
It has been noted in the first section of this chapter that a croup of men in prison for bom-exud offences will include a number who have comm.ttcd I- ir. sexual arts, but are not in fact homosexual in any otdinary sense of the word. In Ле second section it was noted that many men in prison for homosexual offences aie paedophiliacs. But these are not the only sources of error cummitted by those who
Homosexuals in Tsmile	157
make generalizations about homosexuality based on a study 0Г prison inmates.
About half the men in the НС group liave many of the personality defects which arc repeatedly found in the study of other criminal subcultures. Many have convictions for offences not connected with homosexuality and a criminologist would recognize many factors found in this group which are common to all prison groups.
More often tlum not they come fium insecure or unsatisfactory homes. Thev are the less well educated and below average intelligence. They tend to be unskilled manual workers and their earnings are usually well below the national average. They have very few iec>urc interests. They are more promiscuous and have difficult!- in establishing a .’ table relations] 1 ip with a man or a w man, They are the sort of people that crimuiol igbta sum up as affectiunless and inadequate. These homosexuals are so like the other inmates of our large recidivist prisons tliat only their homosexuality distinguishes, them from other habitual «inninals.
It is obviously impossible to say what proportion of homosexual acts results in a conviction but a little speculative arithmetic will make Hear that many hundreds of homosexual acts take place everyday and the chances of the participants getting caught and sent to prison are less than one in several thousands.
Assuming that 5 per cent of the male population over twenty-one is homosexual.1 then mere arc 1,114.450 homosexuals in England and Wales.
The average number of homosexual acts per year per person committed by the 150 homosexuals in this sample was 52.
If our sample is typical there are 57,951,400 homo exual acts committed each year in England and Wales.
About 4,800 homosexual offences were known to the polit e in 1962.
T herefore the chances of a homosexual act becoming a homosexual offence are less than one in 1 r ,600.
To take this speculative arithmctM: a stage further, about 2,000 men were found guilty of homosexual offences in 1962.
So about 2,000 of the 1,111г45<1 homosexual! in the country will become offenders, that н one in every 557 homosexuals.
Of the a,000 hcm-wrxual offendeis, about 350 (17-5%) were sent to piison
t. Thtn is no precise iiiton-uiio-i about the number of men rti I—rfUirtl ami Wales who еяgape m hon> в-чи.г1 bet«vxnir Far «era pin 37-41 of ths Wolfendcn Report (1957}  qxoB ihal the figure may be shorn 5%.
158	Sociological Atpectc of Homosexualihr
So the chance of a homosexual being seat to prison in 1962 was 3,184 to one.
It f llows that someone who ie in prison for committing a homosexual act is either very unlucky, or eke some other factor is influencing the situation. But some of the HC men are in prison for their second, third or fourth hom* sexual offence. Clearly 1 hen, something other than chance is at work. These men are not in prison because they are bom; -sexual, but because of other contingencies.
There are a few exceptions to tins and these can be classified broadly into three types.	\
1.	Those who have taken part in homc«exual activities with adults in private. They have probably become involved through some chain reaction started by one homosexual making a statement to the police which incriminates other- 'There are probably eight of this type in the HC group.
2.	Those who are hardly hnmwxual at all, but got involved in an isolated homosexual incident m exceptional circumstances. There are probably about six of these in the HC group.
3.	Those who have been arrested because they 1< ok like the policeman’s idea of a mule prost itute There are about nine of these in this group, but some of these nine resemble the passive inadequate who are unable to make a satisfactory community integration.
Apart from these 23 men, the homosexual condition uf the others is incidental. If the Prison Commissioneishad igrecd to the formation of the control group of non-humorexurk fr xn the ,amc three prisons, it is probable that they would have been -imilar in many respects to the HC group. It is the PC group that would have been the dissimilar group; it is the paedophiliacs who art in prison specifically because of their sexual deviati in.
Morris (1903) describes a process of 'prisuiuzat ion’ in which many men preserve their sanity by adapting new ways of behaving unsuited to hfc in the oubidc world. Some of the HG men gave the impression that they preferred a life in prison wheie the were never required to make a decision. In what Goflman (1961) calk a ‘total institution’, a person is ‘stripped i-f his rights nnd liberties, undergoes abasements, degradations, humiliations, and profanations nf self’. As a result the inmates develop what he rails ‘secondary adjustments’ which form the underlife of the in-utuu on. Arid almost inevitably a part of this underlife in an all-male institution is homosexuality.
HntitojtxMb in Trouble	159
One in 60 -J all the men in prison are convicted h-moscxuals. In addition it is well known that many others will lake part in homosexual activities. Freedman (1961) found approximately the lame amount of horn*->cxual activity m prison among the поп-чех offenders as among the sex offenders. Plummer (1963), West (i960) and Fbhm-in (1934) comment that the absence of women, enforced idleness, perpetual salacious talk, the possessive relationships and jealousies m a restricted community all lead to outbreaks of homosexual irv in prisons, it was not one if the objects of this research to enquire into this aspect of homosexuality, but the problem was mentioned by several prisoners.
I gave way to inn chap in here I was a bit on my own and I gave way to have a fnenJ. In toe end we got caught and I’ve lost four months over it. (HC 14)
Some of these men are not homosexual but they’ve been away from women a long time, and some of them will do almo-t anything for hah’an ounce of tobacco (HC 4)
One theory expounded recently is that the more homosexuals are sent to prison, the more h moscxuality will spread, and the more it spreads the mure people will be sent tu prison for it; from which it would follow that the various police drives against this offence defeat their own object and are probably one of the principal causes of the spread of homosexuality. It is an ingenious theory, but falls down because many of the men who take part in homosexual activities in prison coruidcr this only as a substitute and revert to heterosexual relations as soon аз possible. Bur for the true homosexuals m prison, there is no shortage of willing partners.
Quire rightly the authorities are most anxious to stop all forms of homosexuality in pt la n. But the penalties are so severe that some of the prison officers are rehr.tant to report cases they discover. It could be argued that the spread of homosexuality within a prison could be prevented more easily if the authorities concentrated on eliminating the opportunities, rather than mctinu out heavy punishments to that proportion which gets reported for some reason. Obviously the position will improve when die рп-эп& bee >mc less crowded.
The differences in the sexual behaviour of the HG men when oulsvie the prison may be relevant. Their sexual frequencies are higher than the other homosexual groups. They peif im more homosexual act per month, nut became they are over-sexed, but because social restraints are less effective fur them. Thev ire also more likely to prefer anal intercourse; the feminine ones will allow
i6o	SamJagiui Asfttig of Hmiosemalitj
only passive anal intercourse and the bisexuals think that limiting their sexual activities with men to active anal intercourse allows them to escape the accusation uf being called 'queer’. It is a peculiarity of this group that it contains more of the effeminate type, but also more bisexuals than the other homosexual groups. A Liny of them insisted upon this dichotomy themselves, do’Lrrmg that they were ‘bitch* or 'butch*.
The majority of the HC men were maladjusted in many ways. There were signs of poor work records. pixir mantal relations, drunkenness and gambling. Most of them were solitary friendless people, drifting along in a spineless way. Then homuseeual condition is usually irrelevant to their basic problem, r perhaps one of many aggravating factors. Their homosexuality is not a determining factor in itself. In -ither words the chances are high that they would be in pitson fur some other offence even if they were not homosexual offenders.
E, HOMOSEXUALS UNDER TREATMENT
Some doctors see homosexuality as just one sy mptom of a neurotic condition. This study of the men in the HP group makes it clear th at some homosexuals are neurotic and tn need of psychiatric help. But this doe- not justify the inference that all homosexuals arc sit к persons and should be regarded primarily as medical problems It is true that homosexual symptoms do occur in the course of л few rcr'"mized mental or physical illnesses, but if homosexuality itself is a pathological condili n, then it must be  me of the mi wt common psycL logical disorders known. It would be an illness from which over a million mcii and probably as many women were suffering, and 'would constitute a far bigger health problem than cancer, heart conditions or any other single disease. Lindner (1956) felt that the increasingly prevalent idea of refemrig to homi «-exuaiiry as a sickness is part of a common approach in modem society to regard nonconformity and mental illness as synonymous. The Wolfcndcn Report (1957) considered this idea in some detail and came to the following conclusion"
Homosexuality cannot legitimately be regarded as a disease, her ause iii many cases it is the only sympti -tn and is compatible with full men til health in other respects. In some cases, associated psychiatric abnormalities do occur, and it seems to из that if, as has been suggested, they occur with greater frequency in the homosexual, this may be because they are products of the strain and conflict brought about by the homosexual condition and not because
Homosexuals tn Trouble	161
they are causal factors. It has teen suggested to us that associated psychiatric abnormalities are less prominent, or even absent, in countries where the hom-*exual is teg.irdcd with more tolerance.’
Il is certainly noticeable that must ot the papers that assume that homosexuality’ is a medical problem are printed in Great Britain and America, where the laws against homosexual activities are the most strict. This is because in general the homosexuals seeking psychiatric help are of three types: (1) those who have -ome mental illness, (2) those who have broken down under the strain of the social pressures directed against their deviation, (3) those who have got into trouble w ith the law, The third type may include people w ho could be < 1 is’ified under either "f the first two types, and indeed it has been noticed (Gibbens and Prince, 1962) that those who suffer from some mental illness -iftcn behave in a way which increases their chances of being caught. It follows that the psychiatrists do not see typical homutcxuals, but only homosexuals with other troubles.
It was noted m Chapter 5 that sexual difficultie. of one kind or another are usually to be found in a group composed of psychiatric patients, whether thev arc home sexual or not. It is doubtful whether psychiatrists are justified in concluding that homosexuals have little chance of finding sexual adjustment on die basis of thuic they’ sec in their clinics.
Indeed a comparison between rhe two groups of psychiatric patients (HP and NP; reveals as many similarities as diflerences. Family background, birth older, parental relation*, social class, church attendance, work records and appearance are all similar. There is some evidence that the part the father plays in the h.<mc may be important, but apart from thia, the only differences are those item, specifically connected with their sexual preferences.
The conclusion of this section is similai to the a inclusion of the previous section. The homosexual condition of the patients is irrelevant except in those cases where uidiici tly it has been the cause of the social pressures which in turn caused the breakdown. Even in these cases it is probable that чипе people can withstand more social hostility than othas, and therefore those who are unable to come to terms with their homosexual condition may be less well adjusted m other respect..
Bet olid the age of about twenty-five homosexuals do not iftcn »eek psychiatric help except where other c ircunntanecs intervene. Homosexu d patients are not typical homosexuals and doctors should nut generalize from their experience with patients. Nevertheless there are tunes when homosexuals urgendy need medical help and
Sociological Aspects of Homosexuality
t6z therefore some estimate of the rffe tivcnt-s of treatment is made in the next section.
F. THE EFFECT!VENESS OF TREATMENT
Among the people who do go to a psychiatrist are those who are scarcely homusrjcu.il at .JI. Men who would be rated i ur 2011 the Kinsey Scale with strong heterosexual propensities may well become upset after one casual homosexual expeiicnce Then there are others for whom stiict conformity to social mures is impciativc and any deviation is unthinkable. Such people urgently dfiresfo be lid of all homosexual desires and it is important to see how fm a doctor can help them.
Causation is a concept which has little meaning unless it can be show n that when something is changed, the outcome is also changed. By this standard none of the factors du covered in any ol the studies to date can be said to be the cause of h oaao&exuality. Probably it is unrealistic to think ofone single factor as the cause ofhc m sexuality. As for most forms of human behaviour, the c auses arc multiple and largely unkni rwn. Гиг convenience the various theories on the causes can be considered under three headings; biological, conditioning, and early environment.
There have bcm a large number of papers attempting to show an organic difference between hum asexuals and heterosexuals, inc lud-ing researches on hereditary differences, physiological differences and anatomical differences. In their study of a pur of identical twins, one of whom was homosexual and the other not, Rainer, Mcsniknff, Kolb and Carr (i960) report that ‘neurological and various biochemical examinations failed to reveal differences between these identical twin pairs divergent fi r homosexuality and heterosexuality’, Klintworth (1962) made several tests on a pair of twenty-vear-old twins. <<nc ol whom was homosexual and the other not; physical examinations and tests on blood grouping, colour blindness, taste threshold, sex chromatin, skin giafting and mmr revealed no differences between the. two men. Various forms uf hemiaphnduism or eunuchoidism have been shown to have no connecuon with homosexual wishes or liehaviour [Money, Hampeon and Hampson, 1955).
Slater (1962) found that the mothers of homosexuals tended to be older than the average for the gcneial population, and he suggested that 'a chromosomal anomaly, such as might be associated with late mat cmJ age, may play a part in causatioe*. Bauer (1940) also maintained that homosexuality was a genetic problem;
Homosexualt tn Trouble	163
’The basic underlying cause of homosexuality is an abnormality of the chromosomal structure with a subsequent sexual differentiation of certain cerebral portions extending, however, to othei functions and structures of the body in a variable degree.’ But no one has been able to identify1 a difference in these ‘other functions and structures’. If homosexual men are assumed to be genetically female without a Y-chromosome, their children must all be female. Clearly this is not so. If the Y-chramosome is present but somehow different, so far nu one has been able to describe this difference.
fn a chromosomal study of 50 male homosexuals Рагё (1956) found that they had a normal male chromosomal pattern. Raboch and Nednma (19381 studied 36 men with a female type sex chromatin. Thirty-two of the 36 were heterosexual and the remaining four eunuchoid. They also studied 194 adults w hu were exclusive or almost exclusive homosexuals. They found only three with female sex chromatin. They concluded that ‘the finding of a female type of sex chromatin in a homosexual man would amount to pure coincidence’
Dr Schlegel (1962) attempts to give an anthropological basis to Kinsey's (194В) findings. He found four basic physical types. Homosexuals aie sometimes andromorph-asthcnic, sometimes gynaecu-morph-atblet. Hut there arc several exceptions and intermediate types. Dr Schlegel’s researches do not make the identification of homosexuals any easier, although he claims to be able to show that some Dhysical types are more faithful. Some people may be pleaded to Irani that promiscuity is not a matter of morality, or even personality, but depends on the distance between both the Tubera Ossis lachii.
Perhaps the effect that the mind can have on the body should not be dismissed too lightly. Already there is a paper reporting a false pregnancy in a male (Knight, 1960). A seaman had marked abdominal distention, his waist increased from 32 to 37 inches, and he told the doctor that he thought he was pregnant; under treatment it was revealed that he had a close friend who talked of getting married and having a child; the patient felt rejected and began to wish he could give his friend the child he wanted; after a short course of treatment the symptoms disappeared and his waistline returned to its normal size.
Swycr (1954) reviewed all the endocrinological aspects of homosexuality. Tn his summiry, he writes: *A homosexual cannot be diagnosed by phy. ical examination.’ Tf there is 1 biological basis for homosexuality, its existence cannot be demonstrated, nor seen, nor described. It is theieforca difficult subject for scientific investigation.
1tiq	Sociological Arpects tf Hcmnstxualily
There seems to be an earnest desire to believe that homosexuals are bom and nut made. Perhaps this is betause people wish to show that a min cannot be held responsible for his homosexual desires. But this would be equally true if die homosexual condition was formed in early childhood, as the Freudians believe1 As far is responsibility is concerned, the difference lietwcen an inborn condition and a condition acquired before the age of five is purely academic.
The only time when the element of responsibility is important is when conditicninc is given as the cause fhomosexuality. The basic assumption behind this second broad heading is th.ib one man can turn another into a homosexual by persuading him to take pair in a homosexual act. This is the cause accepted without question by many politicians and moralists. They prefer to regard horn* sexuality as ar> infectious disease. The phrase they often use is that him> sexuality is a cancer in our society. This analogy seriously distorts the true picture. It conjures up an image of society as an essentially healthy organism invaded by alien substances. The policeman is seen as a kind of doctor whose job it is to remove the cancer without altering the character of the organism itself But this problem cannot be dealt; with in isolation. It is a social problem and concerns the whole of the social setting.
There are good reasons for thinking it is unlikely that homosexuality is caused by a eondnii ining process. Before a man commits his first homosexual act, he must overcome a very powerful set of deterrents. He knows that it is illegal and the punishment is very severe if he is caught. He knows this behaviour can lead to social ostracism bv persons who are important to him — his family and friends. He knows that it would be dangerous to make a homosexual suggestion to one of hie own group. Evidence fnm social researches (Westwood, 1960'1 shows that the first homosexual experience is nearly always with a comparative stranger It is also likely that he has, to some degree, accepted the traditional views of his group which looks upon hoiin «sexuality as a sign of moral degradation, or effeminate, ur weak. If he is to continue for more than one isolated
1 Fro id hmtsr lf showed little interest in the debate as 10 whether homosexuality was innate or acquired. 'The nature of inversion is explained neither bv the hvpo-thesii that it в innate nor by the alternative hypothesis that it is acquired. In the former case we must ask in what rrsperf it is innste unless we are so accept the crude explanation that everyone is Lom with his sexual iiuunct attached to a pan  ular sexual object, In she latter case it mav be questioned whether the vanom ac.idental mflu.ncts would be sufficient tn explain thr acquisition of inversion Without the co-operation of oon-nlun.it m thr subject himself, The existence of this last tutor is not to be denied.’ From Thru Estaj- on the 7Ъе<яу of bmafir?
Him sexuai> tn Trouble	165
homosexual experience, not only must he learn to dissociate himself from these views anti nd himself of very strong guilt feelings, but he mijet also learn new standards and new techniques so that he gets pleasure from the experiences. Very few men seem to enjoy their first homosexual experience. And on top of all this, all the propaganda, from art to advertising, extol the beauty and pleasure of heterosexual love.
It is not difficult to believe that there must be something else besides a simple conditioning process that tunw a man into a homosexual. This is why mr«t doctors favour the third of the three main categories of causes, the effects of early envm nment. Kolb and Johnson (1955) think a hom ^exual’s family pattern includes: rm ib er’s. pi et cried son, ova-protective mother, met het derogates fattier to son, mother frustrates son’s attempts to contact girls and acts permissively towards the son’s bom  rvual tendencies. Chang and Block (1960) found their group of homosexuals tended to over-identify with their mothers and under-identify with their fathers. Many writers would now put more emphasis on the absent or inadequate lather (West, 1959; Allen, 1958, Freeman, 1955; Apfelberp, 1944; Jonas, 1944.. Other items in family life have 1>een suggested. Sometimes it seems that if a child becomes homosexual, it would always be possible to find something in the home conditions of that child which have been proposed, by some writers at least, as the cause of his homo=exuality. Far example, not only has the over-protective mother been blamed, but the hostile mother as well. Too much or too little discipline, the eldest or the youngest tn the family and many other contradictory influences have been suggested as causes.
The importance of the early environment has been given special emphasis by the followers of Frewd. Psychoanalytical theory is not a single coherent theory but a variety of theories developed by numerous writers from the original work of Sigmund Freud. In general the various psychoanalytical theories describe the homosexual condition as a symptom oftome other neurosis.
It is very difficult to prove the validity of any of these theories because the explanation й circular- For example, a psychi-analyst will say that a man is homosexual because he was unable to identify with a 'tnmg male personality when he was growing up. If it is pointed out that there ire many mot who grow up in a home where there is no father, and yet these men do not turn out to be homosexual, the psychoanalyst will explain this by saying that these men must have identified with another man - an uncle or a neighbour, far example. How can one be sure that this homosexual did
166	Sociological AspCiti of Homosexuality
not identify with an uncle nr a neighbour? The psychoanalytical answer is that if he had so identified, he would not be homo exual.
But ficrhaps it is not fait tn criticize psychoanalytical theories on these grounds, because the theories arc only developed as a means of providing treatment. So the various ways of treating the hamusexual condition can now be considered, storting with psychotherapy.
Although there are many diiferent schools < if thought, the basic idea behind psychiatric treatment is to discover and bring to consciousness the basic unconscious cause of the homosexual condition. This is a generalization that may be too wide for psychiatrists to accept, but whatever the theory, it is essentially 4m intellectual process (although psychiatrists are increasingly making use of drugs to help them m this intellectual process). This means that there are certain minimum requirements before the treatment can work. The first requirement is a minimum level of intelligence and there must also be a certain degrее of motivation - the patient has got to be interested in the treatment, and at least think some kind of cure is possible.
How successful is psychiatric treatment? Unfortunately it is extremely difficult to find out. The only source of information и from the records kept by individual psychiatrists and inferences drawn from these records are hazardous at best. For one tiling some psychiatrists, like many other ductors, dislike statistics ^f any kind aud it is very difficult to persuade them tu get any kind of standardization in the w'ay they keep their records.
In Chapter 5 it was к und that all but one of the HP men who were rated 6 (exclusively homosexual) on the Kinsey Scale had gone lor treatment either because they were in trouble w ith the law, or because they had a mental illness uf tome sort. Men who have st re ng heterosexual as well as homosexual interests arc more likely to seek psychiatric help, und arc more likely to be accepted for treatment. Obviously a man who is rated a un the Kinsey Scale has a better chance of becoming completely hetcnjscxual than a man who is rated 6. All psychiatrists are overworked and they du not want to waste their tune. So a psychiatrist is m ire likely to choose a man who и 2 or 3 on the Kinsey Scale for prolimned psychotherapy if there are not other considerations to be taken into account.
Furthermore the psychiatrist i= human and tends to remember his successes rather than his failures. Ifa man rocs to a psychiatrist two or three tunes and then taiL to keep any more appointments, the psychiatrist can legitimately claim that thu is not a failure of treatment, because the treatment had hardly started. But any attempt to judge tlic total success rate of psychiatric treatment must include nut
Homosexuah in Trouble	167
only those who gave up treatment, but also the homo-exuah who would not co-operate with a psychiatrist even if he paid them.
Il is well known that some homosexuals go to sec psychiatrists in order to be able to convince themselves that they cannot be cured. This is what they want the psychiatrist to tell them, and if he attempts to tell them anything else they will refuse to co-operate during the treatment.
What little eviicnce there is shows that psychiatric treatment has a low success rate (Woodward, 1958, Curran and Parr, 1957; Glueck, 1936: Haines and McLaughlin, 1952; Taylor, 1947) and some people doubt if it is more effective than the available alternatives. One of the alternatives is to do nothing about it; fur it is a fact that some men go through a period of h >m< mutual behaviour and then just give it up without receiving treatment of any kmd.
The most optimistic outlook on the treatment of homosexuality by psychotherapy is provided by Bieber and collaborators (1962}. They collected the results of 106 males treated by 77 psychoanalysts ind found that 29 (27%) became exclusively heterosexual. Of the 72 patients who began treatment as exclusively homosexual, 14 (19%) became heterosexual, half the 30 bisexual patients became heterosexual. The results of the treatment were closely related to the duration; eighteen of the 29 who became heterosexual (i.e. 62%) had over 350 hours of analysis, whereas only two (70%) had less than 150 hours of analysis.
These results show that in carefully selected cases psychiatric treatment can help a number of people. If the patient is bisexual, young and has the time and money for a long course of treatment, there appears to be ж fair chance of heterosexual adjustment But the task coni run ting the psychiatrist is often so unpromising that it is not surprising if the treatment is nut always successful.
Look at the psychiatric «ituau n. The setting is an office or a clinic. The man is seen as a patient and hi« behaviour as an illness. Thedoct 1 <ccs the, man ar the most once or twice a week The actual method ot treatment used depends upon the school of psychiatric thought, but basically it is a question of two people talking. Probably the training, beliefs, prejudices, values and interests of the doctor arc quite different from those of the patient. Yet the doctor has to try tn ‘ hange the horn sexual’s ideas, to ‘w< irk through* his problems of adjustment. Even with a very competent and skilful psychiatrist, there are severe limitations to this type of approach. The psychiatrist is not port of the man's world; he talks to him in a segregated and insulated setting at intavah of several days. Yet the doctor’s job is to counteract the influences that work continuously arid pcivasivcly
j 68	Social» gical Aspects of Homosexuality
at the man’s b- ime, at his work and leisure, in fact throughout his waking hours. Sometimes the doctor may have the imposing ta-k of trying tu sever the patient’s bonds with trusted friends or to change iLc situation at home without being able to provide equivalent substitutes.
In fact what the psychiatrist has to do is to break down the existing personant)’ structure of the individual and build it up again in a new way. This is quite an undertaking and very expensive, and there are certainly not enough psychiatrists to give treatment to all the hnmcsexuals who need it. In any case, personalities are not often changed on the couch. They are much n ore likely to be changed through interaction with other people than in the isolated setting of tl ic psychiatric clinic.
There are other ways of treating homosexuals Those who believe that homosexuality is an inborn condition would naturally prefer to use biological forms of treatment. The most usual method ts the adniunstration of oestiogens. This can reduce the strength of the sex drive, but it has been found that it has no effect whatever on the direction of the sex drive. So this will not turn a homosexual into a heterosexual, it will merely help a man to keep his homosexual desires under control. There are occasions when this form of treatment can be very useful, for example with child molesters As noted, many of these men are nftv or older, and so the administration of oestrogens to a man w hose sexual hie is almost at an eud can be useful.
A i imilar form of treatment >s castration which has been used in Denmark and Norway. lake oestrogens, castration reduces sexual activity, but the fundamental direction of the sex drive is not changed. Il is of course a much more drastic and j erm nrnt form of treatment. Oestrogens have the sen >us draw hat.к that they must be taken regularly, and if this ie left to the patient, he may evade this responsibility. For example, there is no way of being sure that a sex offender with sadistic tendencies will continue to take oestrogen tablets after he has left an insutuc »n In such cases castration is a possible remedy.
Bremer (1959'1 evaluates the results of castration in 216 men, 102 of whom were sex offenders. He concludes that о ily 22 nf the sex oilendcis would have relapsed if they hurl not been castrated. Treatment w ith oestrone will supress the sex drive much sooner and is piubahly a better method in most cases, especially as castration involves an injury to the body and can also have unfortunate emotional reactions.
Another method of treatment sometimes used for sexual disorders
Htmustxudt и Trouble	169
is called ‘behaviour therapy’. This is a term used to describe a new psychotherapeutic method which is based on the theorem al basis that neurotic behaviour is acquired and .an be changed. Eysenck (1960)1 postulates that “neurotic symptoms are learned patterns of behaviour which for some reason nr another are madaptta?. Current knowledge about the learning process has shown that not only can new habit patterns be acquired, but aid habits can be eliminated, and this can be done clinically by what is known as ‘aversion therapy’.
'Ibis technique has been used with «omc sneer's in the treatment of impotence (Wolpe, 1958) and felahism (Raymond, 1956). In Czechoslovakia Freund (i960) adapted and developed die aversion procedures used in the treatment of alcvl ilism for the treatment of homosexuality and moie recently these techniques have been used by James (1962) m Great Britain. The technique used in this kind of treatment is btst described by summarizing Dr James’s report in the British Medical Journal.
Treatment took place in a darkened room, and during it the patient was allowed no f -txi nr drink At two-hourly intervals, he was given an injection of apomorphine - a drug which induces nausea and vomiting. On each occasion a strong light was shone on to a large piece of card on whкh weie pasted photographs of nude men. The patient was asked t select one he f und attractive, and it was suggested to him that he recreate his experiences with a humsexual partner A tape recording was then played to him twice every two hours duiing the period of nausea, 'this explained the causes of his homosexual attraction, suggesting it was a learned pattern reinforce! 1 by each homosexual experience, and describing the adverse effects on trim and its Consequent social repercussions. The tape ended with words like ’sickeriing’ and ‘nauseating’, followed by tl ,r noise of someone vomiting. This accentuated the emetir effect of the apomorphine on the patient.
After 30 hours of this, the treatment was terminated, because the patient was in a very weak ’tate. The next day the same type of treatment was restarted, but with another tape which was even mere detailed about the effect the practices had on him .ind again aided with the words ‘sickening’ and ‘nauseating’. This went on untd he again became too weak, it.- time after 32 hours.
The following night, the patient was awakaied every two hours and a record was played which congratulated him and explained in optimistic term", what would lie accomplished if his homosexual drive could be rover-*d. Next morning, he was allowed up and about. On each of the third, fourth and fifth days after the
Qu	Socio logical Aspects of ILmosexuaiits
apomorphine treatment had brushed, a card was placed in his room, with rare fully selected photographs of sexually attract, ve young women pasted on to it. bach morning he was given an injection of testosterone propionate, a drug which increases sexual desire, and told to retire tu his room when he fell any sexual excitement, He was also provided with a rec rd player, and records of a female vocalist 'whose performance is generally recogniseI as “sexy” \ It is claimed that:
Since the treatment hu whole demeanour has altered. Hi* relatives describe him as 'a ntw man’, ar d hi* relations with them as wholly satisfactory and better titan at any time m his life He hihraelf has felt no attraг пог, ar all to the same iex since the treatment, whereas previously this attrardon lad been present throughout every day. Sexual fantasy is entirely heterosexual and he soon acquired a regular Riri-fiiend. Kissing and strong petting occurs regularly, and is entirely pleasurable, in contrast with the rcvukicm with which he had. previously regarded any hetcrwcxual contact. In these ntuati<-rs he achieves strong erections and has me desire tn nare hirthes itro^ai зсcancel. H' ha» eyni-iLuj-d on several occasions in this situation. He no longer finds it necessary to lie or «pend beyond hi* means. He feels generally at ease and happier than at any time since his childhood, and describes the treatment as 'fantastically  .itxessfuL’ and comments on its swiftness.
In a later report James (1963) state that a short follow-up has shown no sign* of a relapse. But this is only once case, where.j Freund (i960) carried 1 ut a follow-up study three to five years after the treatment of 47 patients. He found that:
51-1° showed no improvement
14'9% showed temporary improvement.
25'5% showed pennanent improvement (8-5' could not be adequately documented.)
Freund concludes that hu therapeutic results do nnt differ in quality or degree from those elakned l»y other method*. Other* (Stevenson and Wolpc, 1960; Thorpe. Schmit and Castell, 1963) have claimed more uccess for aversion therapy. But even these workers agree tl t it is impossible tn guarantee that any behaviour changc will be mainu ned. The treatment seems to depend on periodic reinforcements and, of course, it is very difficult and often impractaablc to provide them.
PsychuanJyw4 see hom sexuality as only the outward sign of a much more basic problem in the unr -nscious. Masi of them would protest that aversion therapy dore not even attempt to attack the root of the problem; if you block the outward symptom, they would
1hmasexnals м Ti,>uble	171
say, then the basic neurosis must come uut in some other way, probably in a much more complex and anti-social way leading to a complete bteukdown.
Most of the reports in behaviour therapy note a general improvement „f social altitudes in the patient. This general all-round improvement is reported with mhfaction by the doctors, but it hiL this writer with misgivings. Anthropologists have often noted that the activities of African witch doctors more often result in general improvement rati er than a snecific cure of a particular ailment. In many ways behaviour therapy is too closely akin to 'thought reform’, or what u more often known as 'brain washing’. Tn fact it is a method of imposing one person’s will upon another aud so it behoves a doctor to tread very carefully indeed bcl.rc starting a course of aven ion therapy. Certainly it should never be used unless it is beyond doubt that thi* is w„ t the patient Himself desires., and even then it should inly be used under the most 'tringent regulatkns and with a careful long-term study of the results.
Another forii .-f treatment is suggested by in American irgamz-ation named Al-Anon which is separate from, though closely identified with, Alcoholics Anonymous. Al-Anon is an organization formed to provide help far the family of an alcoholic. The Lruily of a homosexual is often in need of a umilai kind of help and some sort of croup therapy might be beneficial. The family of a homosexual can feel npeless, or angry, sometimes with overtones of guilt. They will be better able to cope with their hr-srility or anguish or anxiety through group discussions with i then who have also found to their dismay that one of their own relatives is home-cxual.
Several workers have tried to devise a test which will detect a homosexual. Some are based on attitude inventories (Terman and Miles, 1936, Slater and Slater, 1947; Gngier. 1957; Yamahiro and Griffith, i960; Panron, i960); others have used the Rorschach test (Wheeler, 1949; Davids. Joels.>n and McArthur, 1956; Hooker, 1958); others have worked out figure drawing tests (Machrver. 1949; Barker, Mathis and Powers, 1953; Grams and Rindcr, 1958). None of these tests have revealed a satisfactory set of homo-cxtial signs which has received widespread acceptance, Freund (1961) devised an apparatus far measuring changes in the size of the penis when the subject was exposed to pictures of nude men or women, and Freund claimed thal the response as shown in a plethysmographic tracing made it possible tu judge whether the subject was huinosexual or heterosexual. However, it might appear laat the practical aspect, of this hit test arc limited, and it is haul to find much use for the other-, even if they could be shown to predict
172	Socwlofiical Aspects of Homosexuality
homosexual Irehaviour. If, a many think, homosexuality is inborn or a product of carl} environment, it 1. <uld not be impossible to devise a test that might warn a doctor that a boy was more likely than others to develop homosexual tendencies. But even if the doctor could be provided with this information, the success of any subsequent treatment cannot be guaranteed.
This review of the various methods used lor treating the homosexual condition makes it clear that it is not just a problem of a number of deviant individuals, but also a question of social maladjustment. There have been claims of success, either by developing ihc patient’s heterosexual interest-', or icpressin’g his homosexual tendencies, or both. But the successful cases will be isolated cases betause the medical aspects are only part of the problem. The social aspects are equally important.
Q THE OTHER HOMOSEXUALS
A. ACCEPTANCE
It has been suggested in the previous chapter that many of the homosexual prisoners (HC group) would be in prison whether they were homosexual or not, and many of the homosexual patients (HP group) would require psychiatric treatment whether they were homosexual or not. Three are some important exceptions to this, but overall the generalization holds true that homosexuals in prisons and climej have personality problems apart from their homosexual condition.
It follows that a better view of the social aspects of homosexuality will be obtained by study mg homosexuals who are neither inmates nor patients (the HO group). This is also the most representative group, as most homo^exuab do not get into trouble and do not seek treatment
A comparison of the HO group with the HC and HP groups has brought to light several differences, the most striking of which arc in the areas of community integration. The HO men seemed to fit in with the established customs more easily, and most of them felt that it was important to be accepted within the community. They were more likely to go up the socio-economic scale; they were more successful and enjoyed their work more often; they were less likely to appear feminine, and were more likely to have a large circle of friends. After every interview each man was rated for Community Integration using the same scale tliat was tested and verified by Wc’tworxl (i960) It was found that 36 HO men were put into the ‘well integrated’ categories compared with 19 HC men and 17 HP men.
Why are the-e men so different from the homosexuals in the other groups? It is rertamly not a question of abstinence, for the average frequency of homosexual acts is as high as the HC group and higher than the HP group.
Aletincnce has for a long time been the religious solution to the problem of homosexuality. By implication it is also the legal solution, for it is not a crime to be homosexual; it is. only the homosexual act tli at is illegal. In theory our society requires men and women of all ages to abstain from sexual activities unless they arc married: in practice the widespiead violation of thia moral dem nd suggest» that the average human is incapable of permanent abstinence. Evett those w’ho have voluntarily taken the oath oi celibacy do not always
17 |	Sociologicai Aspects of Homosexuality
equate it with complete chastity. I mm a Catholic has come the statement that many a priest’s abstinence *is no more than a painfully maintained pretence’ (Beige!, 1961). In some primitive societies men must reft m from sexual intci<. jurse before they go on a journey, or women before they sow crops. Even today the beneficial results of abstinence are more eafilv described in rclujious terms than recommended for rational reasons. In fact the HO men are the least religious of all the hommexual groups (and more like the non-homosexua) groups in this respect} and must of them do not accept the necessity for chastity.
It is not abstinence, but the ability to ci me Ю terms with their situation that is the m Mt striking difference between these groups. Indeed it is difficult to <зс ape the feel in g that the sten i rieternunation of some of the HP men to tepress even the mildest homc»exual thought is often at the root of their troubles. It is believed that some doctors in the privacy of their clinics have felt crmpelleJ to point out that when cure means repression the results may not always be beneficial.
If the HO group is typical, most himosexuah have given up the idea of making some kind of heterosexual adjustment. Many will remember months and years spent in fruitless efforts tu combat thee tendencies. But now they do not tLink heterosexual interests will develop and they recognize that any such devel pnimr will no longer be desirable. Many of their closest friends are homosexual and much of their social life и spent among a circle of other homosexuals. It is toe late in life to give up all that.
Perhaps it is easier ft>r them to accept their a ndition In use mad of them are at the homosexual end f the Kinsey Scale. In this respect the HO men differ from the HC men. Many uf the latter are biscxuaL They may claim to have adjusted themselves to their homosexuality, but. their way uf life denies this. An adjustment which leads to repeated periods of imprisonment cannot be called satisfactory. The homosexual acts of the HG men ire more compulsive and less controlled. It и noteworthy that although the HC men claimed to be on terms with their condition, they all said they made efforts to avoid hom nexual activities. The HO men did not need to exci sc this conscious control.
The more a man u homosexual, and the less he is bisexual, the easier it is f it him to accept his condition. And die mere likely he is to accept his condition, the less likely he is to rake part in hom< «sexual acts in public, and these are the offences which form the bulk of the cases reaching the courts. The more the homoexual is in trouble with himself, the more like! he is to get into trouble with the law.
The Oihet I/ —jocmuu	175
A self-confessed homosexual will not have a guilty conscience if he lives with another man Indeed this is what me st homuexuals want to do. But the bisexual man may nut be able to accept die homosexual part of his make-up. Sometimes this part only comes to the surface when public indecent.xcs are committed lurtrxiy with a stranger whom he will probably never meet ag-aiu. The risk, the sordid surroundings and above all the anonymity is part of the attraction. And these are the men who are caught m the act and are arrested by agent provocateurs.
Although the overt self-recognized homosexual is seldom a criminal, those who refuw to admit their homosexual desires to themselves even while participating in a homosexual act, are susceptible to antisocial influences. Hence the male prostitute, the robber, the assailant, all of w hom ran preteud that ti>r homosexual part is unimportant to them. Some heterosexual offences may in fact be the mean? by which a bi «ncual reassures himself of his manhood. Gibbens and Prince (1963) noted that the most a mpuLsivc clients of female prostitutes had strung humoscxuaJ tendencies. Indeed the {») ^ibility exists that unresolved homoexual conflicts or unsatisfied tensions might be the added factor that precipitates crimin al activity of a kind unrelated to sexual offences (Coon, 1957).
в. PROMISCUITY
The HO fvpc of homosexual is les, likely to be arrested for public indecencies or imprrtuniirg because quite often be Joes not have to -0 out 10 seek a partner. Hie partner is at home. The frequencies of the HP men are lower, and the HG men’s frequencies are similar to the HO men. But both H P and HC men are far more promiscuous than the HO men. 'Phis is the essential difference between the HO men and the other homosexual,. The level of their humocrotic feelings are as much emotional as sexual. Hence they are able to accept and carry on a satisfactory and lengthy relationship with another man.
The objection to promiscuity is, or ought to he, not so much the ui 1 bridled pleasure of intemperance, as the cunscquencc, such as disease, evasions, lies, thoughtlessness, srifcenirediw^q and lack of re ponsibility. The fact is th 11 even the mret ardent practitioner very rarely gets much satisfaction from his promiscuity, and the feckless use of another person1» body to gratify the sexual urge w a very limited and unrewarding exercise.
But promiscuity is not a homosexual vice. The mass media often re-«resents -rxu d promiscuity as being quite a normal state of attain and encourages an attitude where passion is more important than
176	Sociological Aspects oj Homosexuality
affection. It i* p eiiblc to argue that homosexual promt icuity is less damaging socially th n fornication or adultery. No illegitimate children, fewer broken marriages, less change of V.D. except for those who seek anal intercourse, no cruel advantage taken of dcfenccle- women, ail these can be listed to show that homosexual promiscuity is leas disruptive than is heterosexual promiscuity. Such an argument is not meant to plead extenuation, but it does reduce the size of the problem.
It is true that even the well adjusted homosexual may be promiscuous. The attitude of society to his sexual deviation has lessened the respect he has for the social mores Consequently^!** may decide that as an outcast he is free to make his own rules as regards his sexual conduct. Hut a man who is capable of an emotional relationship with another man is less likely to feel the need for a frequent change of partner, and is less likely к be mtereaed in non-homo-‘exuiils. The results of this research showed that the HO men were not interested in proselytism. In any rase this fear that heterosexual men arc always liable to succumb to homosexual temptations unless protected by the law implies that normal intercourse between man and woman is inferior in some unespl nned way.
The Chief Medical Officer of the Ministry of Health (1964) has reported that the numlicr uf homo’exuals infected by venereal diseases lias increased in recent years But an increase in the number of homosexuals attending V.D. treatment centres does not necessarily mean an increase in the total number of homosexuals. A recent paper to the Medical Society for the Study of rhe Venereal Disease* (Schofield, 1964) has suggested that a rise in these figures may be a reason for congratulation in one way. People are certainly more ware of th is problem and it may be that homosexuals arc less afraid of attending clinics and more prepared to admit that they are homosexual when they get there.
Nearly >11 homosexuals are fearful of social disapproval and legal punishment and so there is a great temptation to mislead the venercol' gist. If the patient is bisexual, he will be inclined to conceal lib h<>m> cxual exjieriences and talk frankly about his female partners. The homosexual with a penial infection will sometimes make up the names of non-existent women partners to direct attention away from his homosexuality.
It is not hard to believe that homosexuals are finding it easier to visit V.D. clinics today than a few y ears ago. Before the publication of the Vi olfenden Rcpoi t rhe rubjcct uf h> itnoscxuality was discussed only rarely by doctors md hardly at all by laymen. If more homosexual arc prepared to come to clinics instead of going to physicians
, 7 Tie Other Homosexuals	177
in private practice, this h an improvement from the medical aspect because the venereologist has rnurc experience and better laboratory facilities; there is also a social advantage, because it is unlikely that the general practitioner will be able to spend much time tracing the source of die infection.
The typical homosexual seems tu have few of the vices that people ascribe to the stereotype of a homosexual. This stereotype is rhe result of studies made in prisons and clinics ana is not very accurate. Wien compared with the ordinary man (as represented in this research by the NO group), the typical homosexual ha* few marked dilfercuces apart from his choice of sexual partner.
As was noted in Chapter 7, there are no significant differences in the homosexuals (HO group) and non-homoiexuals (NO) a» regards religion, church attendance, appearance, broken homes or birth order. The only noticeable difference in family background wa* in the role play ed by the father who was less dominant in the humrocxual’s home life.
Both groups had satisfactory work relationships, but the homosexuals were more likely to be managers and to earn more. It has been suggested that the homosexual is often very successful at work because he can give hie whole life to the job without the distractions of wife and children. If thi* is true, then the horn sexual population must be an important economic asset to the country. Chang and Block (rgboj compared a group of 20 homosexuals, only one of whom had received psychotherapy, with a control group matched for age and education. They found that ’the homosexual and control groups did not differ significantly in their extent of self-acceptance, where sclf-acccptance is defined as the degree of correspondence between the perceived sell and the ideal self'.
Even the sexual experiences of the ПО and NO groups were not so different as might be supposed. The youthful homt -exuid experiences of the non-humosexuais were not negligible As adults the so-called normal men had a wide range of sexual problems, including pre-marital and extra-marital intercourse. For example the heterosexuals resorted to prostitutes more often than the homosexuals.
The homosexuals took part iti fewer sexual am per month, hut thev were muie promiscuous than the non-humoscxuals. One intriguing theory is that the biggest regret in the homosexual's life is that his deviation prevents him from achieving full social status. Became of this lack of social edeern, he directs his efli >rts towards achieving m iximum status in his peer group, proving himself by outdoing the others with a high rate of sexual protubcuily. Maybe,
178	Hanoijgkai Aspects of Hom^sesatalify
but promiscuity fa not usually the it till of a cumnetttion to rollout the йул1 -clip- от boast of the Пий! conquests. Mure nten piuni -cutty is the constant searching for a vague ideal, just around the turner but never quite in sight.
A more likely reason why these homosexuals arc more promiscuous than I he heterosexual control group, the ugh less promiscuous than the other homosexual groups, fa that they also face certain hazards in the pursuit ol sex. Under the existing law, there arc dangers in allowing humu&cxual relat'ons even in private. The Secretary of the Homosexual Law Reform Society reports several cares where men have had their hornet ran. acker! by intruders who fell sure the victim! would not report them to the police because they were known by the intruder! to be homosexui„] (Grey- 1963,. Most cases of blackmail are the result of homosexual relations in private. .Xs a result of the chain reaction started by one homosexual being persuaded to git e a list of names to the police, adult homosexual activities m private are still being prosecuted. Grey (1963) reports that in July 1963 three men pleaded guilty to ir lecency between males, two of w hom had committed their offence» in 1957 and one in 1959. It is no wonder that s-nnc of these he mrocxuafa fed safer if they keep to one night stands.
hut it should be noted that hall the n:>mi ucxuals had affain at the time of (he interview’, and the records t f fidelity of thuse who hi>d established a long-lasting relationship With another man  ljod comparison with the 1 ecurds of fidelity of the heterurexiuds.
C. NONCONlORMlbM
It has often been th tight that there fa a strong link between homosexuality and alcoholism either because homc-^exuals take tu drink in order to cscanc from social hostility and to counteract their own inhibitions, or because they patronize bars and clubs when looking lor hum, sexual partners. In an objective study of personality viri-ables in alcoholfam, Machuvcr el al. (t959) found that homosexual trends were not more prevalent among male alcoholics than among nou-alcoholics. They did notice, however, that homosexual trends were more often found in al nholics who are in remission than in alcoholics who were unable to stop drinking. They camr tn the intereirmq conclusioii that those alcoholics who have homosexual trends oiler the better nrognosi' for control of their alcoholism. The McCords (1962) found no link between sexual deviation and (1) alcoholim, (2) psychoses or (3) non-sexual crime. It fa also an incontrovertible fait that by far the laigcst proportion of sexual
The Other Hamtsexaali	170
offenders (and the includes many homosexual offenders) are not recidivist (Radzinowicz, 1957).
And yet all die evidence would lead one to expeii the homosexual to develop antisocial attitudes. When he finds that he is forbidden by fear »f exposure, trial and puui- ment from having the only form of sexual congress which (he would claim) fa p, eible and natural fur him, and fa condemned to a perpetual denial f this most powerful urge, then he ts likely to take a cynical look at other parts of the moral code Just as anthropologists. find the mures of primitive tribes to be inexplicable or irrational, so a social isolate in m»idem cultures will query ideas and customs that the main body of the society accepts without question. The fact uf being homosexual makes him a noncunf raiist in one fundamental part ofhfa life, no mat'er how «'xxi the «uperficial social adjustment. The danger that the isolate homosexual will develop antisocial attitudes has been explored in srme detail in other books (Westwood, 1952; Bergler, 1956). Even Lindner (1956), who took a sympathetic view’ towards the plight of the num ’i xual. included him among his ‘Rebels Without a Cause’ It may be necessary, however, to lake a look at the converse of this situation.
The by-products of eccentricity, whether it be sexual or otherwise, can be 1 f considerable value to the community. Tn business or politics ‘decentralization’ has become a vogue word denoting progress, while ‘eccentric’ which means literally the same thing — away fem the centre or the norm — fa usually a term of reproach. \\Ъеп an acentric ц-оГЛыго an old and unbroken tr portion, and гиуетки, that d ere may be another way of looking at things, he becomes a nunconft rmfat, and then an innovator.
Fundamental changes affecting the vitole social pattern can occur within the life of a single individual, and innovators are required to produce new ideas to fit new situations. This is just as likely to haopen in the field of social behaviour as in politics or economics. The fact fa that there always fa cunrtk.1 between the nonconform is1 and the e-ubli h rd customs of the society of which he fa a part. It fa aku a fact that the progirx" f society depends on thu conflict. Every social adjustment, including every development in the arts and sciences, fa sparked by a small minority of social isolates. In some people a hoim sexual disposition brings out a tough intellectualism that rejects many things accepted without question by the majority.
The value cf men who feel the need to question our old moral Laws ind cusi1nt is ргоЫЫу mure neres in bxfav than ever liefare. because the pressures. towanL conlbrmirm are greater than ever
i8o	Sociological Aspects of Homosexuality
before. In his book The Orgarization Man, Whyte (1956) says: ‘Precisely because it ir an age of organization, it is the other side of die coin that need" emph isis. Wc do need »> know how to co-operate with the Organization, but inure than ever do we need to know how to resist it? The rebel against an over-organized authority is often the distinguishing characteristic of the young homosexual.
There is no need to fear these rebels for their influence is valuable, but on a small scale. Many of them fail to survive the rebuffs, for the crowd gives an awful battering to anyone who does not conform Rut homosexuals will continue to seek for self-realization. They drive against all in their society that brands them as inferior, and in so doing are often the indirect cause of reform. This assertion of the ego a *ainst tbc total social threat is often a lively und valuable safeguard to the freedoms of the community.
D. SOCIAL ISOLATION
If this were all that happened, the solution tu the problem would not be too difficult. It would even be possible to make out some kind of argument that the charartcr of the homosexual was remoulded and improved by making him undergo a course of social hostility. Unfortunately only the bravest and strongest are able to stand up to this Others are driven underground into the subculture of introverted groups.
Although nonconformism in individuals u a u'eful asset to any community, a collection of nonconformists driven into social isolation, forming an introverted minority group, is not a constructive entity. It is a union against the dominant majority and so it is mure likely to be an irritant than an aid to the well-being of the community.
Thu- is not an objection to minorities as such, but only- to introverted groups. A golf club that admits only Jews is not a reason for disquiet if its sole reason for existence is that Jews like to play golf with Jews. Unfortunately this is not the case. Golf clubs restricted to Jewish membership are invariably instituted because in that neighbourhood there is already a golf club which bars Jews from becoming members, fn the same way notices of rooms to let which include the two words ‘No Coloureds’ are followed by houses owned by West Indian landlords and catering only to coloured tenants. F >r similar reasons homosexuals meet in dubs and tend to cul themselves off from normal society.
All the pressures from society tend to push Ьотигехиак into these introverted groups. It is almost as if people have an unconscious
The Other Homosexuals	i8t
desire to wall off the homosexuals from the rest of us. Thia social hostility takes several forms but the effects are nearly alw-ays the same. These effects can best be described as a four-stage progression, r. The first stage usually occurs in the late teens or early twenties.
As his friends start to go out with girls and eventually marry, the homosexual finds other internes and drifts away from their company. Sometimes he is scarcely aware of his homosexual tendencies or has not come to terms with them, but gradually he becomes conscious of his isolation. Many young homosexuals have described their dismay when they have discovered that the sort of things which interest their friends hold no appeal fir them.
2.	Thus the young homosexual finds he is driven away from the company of ordinary men and women at just the time when he most needs their help As he loses his friends he begins to regard himself as an outcast. He finds to his dismay tliat will-power and self-control are not the answer to his problem. The more extrovert homosexual will soon pass through tills second stage and quickly make friends with other homosexuals. But others lead lonely lives, plagued by feelings of guilt and accepting the role of the social isolate.
3.	At the third stage the young man meets other homosexuals and begins to go to their meeting places and joins a homosexual group. Some of them лоп tire of this opportunity to mix in a group of like-minded individuals, but others accept the chance eagerly. Here a hom -'cxual can feel at ease because he does not have to hide his true inclinations. Indeed, this is such a relief th it much of the talk m these groups is about sex. It is here that the two worlds conflict. He must make sure that his friend? from the other world do not meet his friends from the Iwmosexual group. He has to explain his absences from the other world, think up convincing stories, and learn to lead two lives. Some homosexuals res five this dilemma by moving on to the fourth stage.
4.	Ar this last stage the homosexual way of life monopolizes his interests and absorbs all bls time. He gives up his efforts to resolve the conflicts between the outside world and the homosexual way of life. He moves exclusively in a homosexual group and adopts a hostile attitude towards all those not in the group. He has, in fact, adopted all the characteristics of an introverted minority group.
This process is a gradation and not all homosexuals go through all four stage 1. Some get no further than the second stage and others
j 82	SvcioL-gual Aspals of Homosexuality
becwiue members of homosexual groups without losing interest in other activities of the community. The stage which the individual reaches depends on his personality and the strength of the social hostility. If he becomes involved m the legal machinery, his progress down these four stages will lie hastened.
When society conies across a minority within itself, its first action is to try to assimilate the minority. If it fails tn du this, then it will discriminate against it. Homnexual groups have many of the characteristics of other minority «{roups.
Professor .\llpurt (1954) has meniiuncd *pr:>lctIivc clowning’ as a minority group characteristic and this is very typical of home sexual society where the wit is dry and sharp. Tics within the group to the exclusion uf the dominant majority arc another indication, and no doubt there are occasions where a hom< sexual employer is mure likely to employ a homosexual than a ncn-hi mosexual, Robb (1951) has noted a tendency among Jews to band together in tunc of trouble and tire same is true of homuexuah.
Lindner (1956) has noticed that these rebel groups bee me more effective as they become formalized institutions. But people do get a little carried away by the few ineffective attempts at organization made by homosexual groups. Masters (1962) warns about a worldwide conspiracy with an International Headquarters, when the most cursory research would have told nim that all the national organizations in America and Europe have a tiny membership and are pitifully short of hinds, while the I.C.S.E., the allegedly sinister international organization, has become inoperative due to lack of support. Steam (1962) claims quite seriously to have uncovered a dastardly plot among homi «sexual dress designers and lesbian magazine editors tu delcminize the female firm; the result of this subversion, he says, is to ‘demean ind degrade the traditionally American concept of st ft, I vely, feminine beauty’. Howard (1963) on behalf of MRA .aw widespread homosexuality as a communist plot,1 while the communist* claim that th is bourgeois vice ii unknown in Russia.1 Giey (1963) tells of a police chief in London who spent several hours trying to find out ‘the man behind the homosexual ring in London*.
But this is ex. ggeration caused by ignorance, ’file homosexual minority is not at all organized and with very little power. As Plummer (1963) has pointed out, a minority of ox er a million has
i The dhlurbini increase in homosexuality ... 19 the result of a Moecow-durctoJ prripaganda. cxprcs-ily J, ligned to com >de the tissues of capitalistic society ’
a. A froap of visiltuR Brir-sh do lors was told by their Russian hosts dial ihcie was no liomosecual problem in the Soviet Union.
The Other Homosexuals	183
quite a strong potential, but its importance at present is small and its political influence i. nil. The probable explanation of the exaggerated fear of the homosexual minority is given by Bailey (1955) who has suggested that society has tried to relieve its sense of general guilt in connect!- n with sexual immorality by treating the homosexual in isolation and using him as a scapegoat.
But it is true that these introverted group's into which the homosexual is driven by social hostility may have a disruptive effect upon the community. It has been noted that a homosexual who has already occn obliged to break with conventional society will find it easier to take up nonconformist attitudes, and it has been further noted that these attitudes may be either useful or antisocial. But a collection of individuals, all with a relatively tenuous commitment to the moral norms of the larger society may turn to alcohol, or promiscuity, or to other techniques of sexual gratification which arc forbidden by normal society. There is also the tendency tu mix with other social rejects like drug addicts, prostitutes and criminals, with the attendant risks of becoming involved in their antisocial behaviour.
There are some homosexual groups where the standard of behaviour is high and in no sense antisocial. Indeed Wood (1947) fi und low crime rates among all minority groups which were persecuted by the majority. But the new member of even the most circumspect homosexual group must discard some of the customs and controls of the mtside society in favour of the less conventional norms of the in-group.
Before lung all the social ties which are important to him are with other homosexuals. He «peaks the language, a colourful vernacular which has contributed many words (e.g. ramp, send up, drag, kinky) to the popular idiom, but which has other words unknown to the outside world. The homosexual group has its own status symbols and mythology, and may provide the same kind of social and psychological support that a family group provides for other people All this means that before long the homosexual becomes alienated from the conventional culture Then it will become impo«3iblc for him to be a participant in community activities even in a limited way. From a social isolate he becomes a social alien.
It is not true to say that homosexuality is socially harmless and law reformers who make this claim are mistaken, it is the cause of unhappiness and suffering to many homosexuals and their families. As noted above, a man in conflict w ith society is tempted to adopt antisocial attitudes. An introverted minority group is a destructive element in a community.
к
184	Sociological Aspects oj Homosexuality
But all these arc minor problem! Compared with nuclear warfare, 01 juvenile delinquency, or mental illness, or even traffic congestion, the. ill effects of homosexuality have little effect on our economic development or political stability. References to Sodom and Gomorrah arc absurd; a nation В much more likely to decline through political apathy than from homosexuality. Most signifi-cantly the social harms of homosexuality are self-inflicted xn the seme that they are the direc t result of the social pressures brought to bear on the homosexual.
I О SOCIOLOGICAL ASPECTS
A.	THE SOCIAL SETTING
In any situation - homosexual or otherwise - there is the individual and his setting. Change either the individual or the setting and a different situation is produced. To study the personality of the homosexual is to study only a part of the situation.
The development of the homosexual condition and rhe form it takes may depend upon events in the early life of the individual; but it will also depend upon the attitude of society to that condition, and upon the social controls which may limit the condition, or may encourage it to develop in a particular direction. These propositions are true even for those who b- Id that the genesis of homosexuality is inborn; for those who believe that homosexuality is caused bv early environmental influences or conditu ning, the statements arc sclf-ev ident.
So far the emphasis has been placed on changing the individual, and leaving society as it is. But the idea that the doctors can rid the world of homosexuality, as they hope to lid the world of smallpox, is a medical fantasy.
However, it may be that people have concentrated on changing the individual because altering the setting is too big a job. And so it is. There are numerous ways in which the social setting may play a part in the development of homosexuality. Urbanization, segregation of the sexes, earlier maturity due to better health standards, the difference between public altitudes and private actions, the breakdown of old-established taboos, changes in the structure of the family and many other factors can change the development of the homosexual condition. But all thr.se things are basic structural components of society and it is unlikely that they can be changed without making fundamental alterations m the way wc live.
One of the. main objections to psychoanalysis is that it is difficult, and maybe dangerous, to break down and rebuild the personality of the individual. It is still more difficult and dangerous to break down and rebuild the social setting. Indeed most people would be against such a massive reorganization of this society, except possibly the followers of Marx who believe that social problems can only be solved after capitalist society has been radically transformed.
Not unly would it be very difficult to make fundamental
186	Soctvlogual Aspects of Homuse-xuality
alterations in the social setting, but it ts not certain that such changes would be fur the better II is possible that change? which will help solve the problem of homosexuality will create bigger problems elsewhere. It may well be that some of the factors in the social setting that indirectly produce the homosexual condition have very beneficial results in jthcr ways.
The trouble with people who want to reform the world is that they always assume that bad can only come from bad. No doubt in the higher realms of philosophical thought, something which is wholly good cannot produce evil, and something which ir wholly bad cannot produce good. But m the real world things are more complicated.
It is the widespread ownership of cars that causes the traffic congestion which costs the country millions of pounds tn delays and a large number of deaths and injuries on the road. An example of good causing evil. It has been found that among teenagers in New York, crimes of violence, assault and rape decrease as the rate of diug addiction increases (Clausen, 1961). An example of evil having a by-product that is good.
Here is another rather more complex illustration. One of the reasons for the great shortage of beds in the mental hospitals is that a large number are occupied by patients suffering from brain damage caused by syphilis. Since the introduction of penicillin, there have been very few new cases uf advanced syphilis. And yet the records show that there are more cases of syphilitic brain damage in mental hospitals today than thirty years ago. The reason for this is that advanced syphilis wed to be a fatal disease and the patient would die within a few months Now the administration < f the antibiotic drugs will halt the disease. It will stop the patient from dying but if the brain damage is already too severe, it will never be possible for the patient to leave the hospital even though the penicillin has halted the spread of the disease. So the hospitals are fiill of helpless patients and the very success of penicillin has created a difficult social problem.
Th» point has been emphasized because it is essential to the understanding of the sociological approach It is difficult to make people see that an evil thing, like robbery, may be the result of something which mt-4 people hold to be good. And people are surprised to be told that demot racy, or individual liberty, or iolciance, can have unanticipated evil consequences.
For example Kardsner (1954) says there is a recent increase in the number of homosexuals because the feminist movement has stepped uf» the requirements of masculinity and some men flee from this
Sociological Aspects	187
competition; such men have ’a tenuous hold on masculinity' and may become homosexual. The reader is not being asked to accept this premise. But suppose it were true, what steps should be taken to st op the spread T homosexuality ? Should the campaign for equal rights for women be put in reverse?
Bieber (1962) and many others have suggested that the main cause of homosexuality is a dominant mother and an inadequate father It would n<it be too difficult to sort Out the dominant women and the inadequate men. In 01 Jer to lessen the chance of producing a homosexual child, should the Government make it illegal for them to marry?
Nowadays the family seems to be the scapegiat for all social problem'. Juvenile delinquency, teenage immorality and almost every other unpleasant aspect of our behaviour, real or imagined, is blamed upon the lessening influence uf die family. But do the people who hold ditse views really want to change the fundamental structure of the family? If so, one of the first things they wifi have to control is mate selection. Is it such a good idea to have a law or test which will select those who can marry, and reject those who are not suitable for parenthood?
AU this is plainly unacceptable. The conclusion is inescapable. It is difHcult to change the individual and almost impossible to change the natation which produces homosexuality. Thu is not surprising because homosexuality has been found since recorded history and is present in every modem civilization.
B.	DEVIANT BI HAVIOUR
There is another way of looking at this. Deviant behaviour of one kind or another is part of the particular *ocial organ iaatioa we have evolved. It is part of the social cost. A« we have seen, to get rid of it we may have to change the social structure, but many parts of the social structure are good and we do not want to lose these parts. The alternative it to accept it. Where the deviant behaviour is haimful, like most other crimes, this alternative is not acceptable. But for other things, like divorce, or cigarette smoking, or mad congestion, we may deride that the harm ir causes is lcs-> than the harm of changing the social structure. Perhaps homosexuality is one of the deviant behaviours that cannot be eradicated without fundamentally changing the soc ial structure.
But this does not mean that there is nothing thai can be done. Once it is realized that the homosexual condition is not due to any ‘evil* that can be exorcized, then efforts which were previously med
188	Socwegical Aspect! of Him-fftuaor?
to eradicate the condition can now be diverted to contain or control1 the problem.
The object sliould be to pi even I the homosexual ennmuon from leading to the deterioration of the individual m other ways. That is why it is necessary to make some attempt to contain the homosexual conoitron. At the same time it is important to realize that as society is condemning the homosexual, simultaneously it is creating a social problem. The size of the homroexual population depends upon certain pathogenic processes, but the size of the h rmuocxual problem depends upon the attitude of society to the condition.
Tne power of crus social hostility tu add cumplicaiions far beyond the origiiul homosexual condition ran be ihwwn by an anthropological example and its cquivalerr opera lion ui society today.
.Anthropologists have found that hnnusexuality u mr«rc often found m the more restrictive communities w here sexual custom? are subject to formal rules (Mead, 1949; F -rd and Beach, 1952). For example, homosexuality was rare in the very uninhibited culture of the Trobtiand Hands (Malinowski, 1932 but quite common among the Mohave Indians (Devereux, 1937). This Indian tribe had very strict rules about the type uf work a num should do. The men were warriors and fighters, but if a man wanted to stop at home and work with the women, he was allowed to do this, and indeed he was permitted to marry another man and act out the part of the w de as far as this was physically possible.
In modern society the most obvious mincing effeminate homosexuals are to be found, not >n London, but in thr rm.all provincial towns. This is ber ause in a large city a man can have a private homosexual life unfettered by social press ires from neighbours. But m a small 1 (immunity vhere everyone knows eservone else, the bumroexual’s predilections will ляп Ьа.пу winmun knowledge and before long he will have to give up in-ing to appear normal to his friends and workmates, and there wdl be no point in trying to keep up any pretence. Indeed as a compensation for the social disapproval he finds, he goes to the < ther extreme and becomes more and m-irr effcmuiate - like a Mohave Indian. This is just one way m which the social pressures can cause the pa - nality of the homosexual to deteriuraie
Many ol the problems that beset the homosexual are created by the hostility of society. He 11 comueUed to feel ashamed of his sexual desire» and it is often suggested that he is mentally til. If he gives
r The better word ts 'control', but unforrunsirii this has itrone памижий uvertoca auuoMtrd with political policies. So we will tne the word 'axiuun' in futurr.
Socwlvgual Aspects	189
way to his desires he is filled with guilt, and there feelings are often more destructive than the actual liunxnexuai act. He must conceal his true identity and on occasions he may be requiird tn agree with others, and pretend to coederan his own interests and activities. This paranoic «phi in his life may prove to be difli. ult to maintain and lead to breakdown. If he openly expresses his predilections, he is said to be so disturbed that he is seeking conflict, scorn and ridicule from his fellow men. He is denied the comforts and companionship of marriage lira family life. If he attempts to settle down and live with another man, the difficulties put m the way may make it impucuible fur the affair to survive. Instead he may have to seek gratification tn public and sordid places.
C.	NONCOXFORMIST AND ABbRRAKT BEHAVIOUR
The previous < hapter has detailed the four-stage progression and the introverted minority groups which can interfere -with the homosexual's integration within the community . In additi n there are the more serious danger* such as blaikmail, robbery, assault, suicide, and even murder All th can be the direct result of social hostility.
In particular the prevalence of suicide amung homosexuals has often iieen underestimated. O’Connoi (1948) found that over half the suicides he investigated ‘‘uncovered the factor of homosexual tendencies’. Spencer (1459) suggests that homosexuals ‘contribute strongly to the ranks of undergraduate suicides'. In many cases the homosexual reason for a suicide is kept frun the corona by family and friends.
Obviously one f the first tasks 11 to change social attitudes to homrecxuality. A community education programme aimed at changing attitudes towards hom««sexuality is liable to create anxiety and even manifest hostility toward the people carrying out the pr.«gramme, unless it is very carefully planned and conducted. But the new techniques of the social scientists have much to cr «tribute to the -work of health educators (Schofield, 1964;. Sociological concepts have been used in numerous othei problem areas such as mental health, social work, town planning ^nd traffic congemon. The same methods and efforts would in the course of time prove successful in combating the social hcnidny aroused by homosexuality.
Such a plan would not be easy to carry out and progrew would be slow. It should, however, be ^rjsible to di.pel some widely held м umpi i ins namely that homorexuab- arc (1 moral degenerates. (2) criminal types, (3) better isolated horn the public al large, (41 a
igo	Sociological Aspects of НотыехиаНп
threat to our manhood, (5) the carriers of an infectious disease, and (6) anxious to induce others to share their disabilities.
It may be possible to make runic progress along these lines by using the concept of nonconformist and aberrant behaviour as suggested by Merton (1961). Merton suggest' that two major vaneties of variant behaviour can be usefully distinguished. These differences can best be shown side by side
Nonconformist
challenges the legitimacy of the social values he rejects
aims to change these moral laws
when caught he appeals to a higher morality
claims that his actions are the right solutions for him so he cannot be dissuaded from repeating them
insists that his action.' do not injure 01 her people
Aberrari acknowledges the legitimacy of the values ho vi ijates tries tn еч ape the pun.shments f ir breaking these laws without proposing substitutes when caught he apjieals to extenuating circumstances claims that he usually conf irms and пи present behaviour is exceptional
seeks to satisfy his own interest without considering the effect on other people
Looking back at the three homosexual, groups. the behaviour of the HO men 13 noncrnfnrmist, the HC men’s behaviour is al ю raut, and the HP men are somewhere in between. It is the HC or H P men who lepresenr the stereotype of the homosexual, but it is the HO men. it will be remembered, who repicscnt the vast majority of hcnn-sexuals.
Whether or not it w ill be possible to make people see that the behaviour uf fhc typical homosexual is nonconformist, and not aberrant, the time must come when people will realize the great economic price they pay for their settled and inflexible convictions. No one will expect miracles, but as the homosexual piublem is in fact the creation of society and the people in it, sooner or later men. and women must realize that they arc accountable for the outcome of their collective actions.
U. EXAGGERATE!) IMP«,RTAKCB
The man who involuntarily comes into close contact with the homiKcxuai may have good reason to be annoy ed. The man who
Sociological Aspects	tgi
furiously rejects a sexu d advance from a homosexual may have diflicultу in seeing that such a suggestion is a compliment in one way. But tl is rarely happens; hum.,-sexuals have a great fear of being repulsed and hardly ever make a sexual suggestion until they have received some encouragement from the other man,
But many people are apt to respond with ho»t?ity even when the homosexual's behaviour has no direct effect on them. Esen if they have not been inconvenienced in any way, the homosexual's behaviour in effect repudiates the standards which they’ value and threatens the social validity of their moral ode. So the mere mention of the -word gives rise to mo: al indignation.
But moral indignation will not eradicate homosexuality As noted earlier, neithei changing the individual nor manipulating the social setting will eliminate the condition. No doubt such a statement w ill be attacked because it is too fatalistic. But it is exactly because wc live in an activist society that it is necessary to make such a statement.
We live in an age when people believe that almost everything is subject to human control. Such an activist attitude is good, for it is the meant of curbing previously unchecked discties. reducing the death rate, doing away with acute poverty. But this solid faith in our own achievements and tins fcai that we may be called fatalistic if we accept that sum* phenomena are immutable may mean that we err too far on one side.
The relative importance of a soc ial problem depends upon the values attached to it by the people in that society. Sometimes the leads tu badly distorted impressions ol the social significance uf a problem. Thus the problem of witchcraft in the Middle Ages was partly based upon a misjudgement uf ihc pow er of the witches.
Likewise it is possible that the problem of homosexuality ha- l/cen overestimated. Large modern societies consist of a variety  faocial groups or subcultures within which a certain kind of behaviour и accepted; whereas the same behaviour would be considered strange by those outside the group or subculture. Sociological research has shown the existence of a large numba of these subcultures each with their own nrrms and values (Williams, 1951). In fact» diverse arc die norm, of most large societies that there «ire probably i nly a few’ norm? which are accepted as binding on all persons (Clinard, 1962). It f illows that almost everyone must take part in some behaviour which w uld be considered deviant by othei members of the same society. Not all these deviations from social norms are subject to disappmv al. IExceeding the spe'u limit on the roads, weai trig unusual clothes, getting slightly drunk, are all examples of deviations from
tga	SocwlogKal Axperis rf H<s№uewultfy
social norms which may not always be condemned. But other deviations are not tolerated.
Some of the-e deviations fcutn suuial п-хгпь have a di uptne influence, while others are so*iallv harmless. Ideally the degree of tolerance should depend upon the amount of social harm, but unfortunately this is not always the case. Motoring offences do not arouse much disapproval although they are p >teniully very harmful. On the other hand ideas of right and wrong as regards exuat behaviour have alway s been the subject of strong convictions w ilh< »ut reference to their social effects.
But even the norms of sexual behaviour are xioc the same throughout one community and vary considerably from one society to the next. The ex code "T the lower ec rixnnic groups differs in many ways from the middle-class sex code (Whyte 1943). Homosexual behaviour is condemned in Britain and America, but in other countries it is tolerated, and in still others it is only mildly disapproved. For example, m the Middle Last homosexuality is accepted with tc lerant jocularity (Klausncr, 1961) Acts that are criminal under English law are regarded as unimpoitant in some Scandinavian cr-untries.
But in the English-Speaking world homosexuality is considered to be a serous, sordid and intractable problem Perhaps this is a mistake. Pcriiaps things would be better if we worried about it less. It would Ic going too far to say that Ы л -sexuality is a social r t iblem becaire thinking makes it so, Г >r it is not only a slate of mind, it is also a state of affairs. But it would be true to say that our efforts could be more fruitful if we sought to contain the problem instead of trying to eliminate it. These effort 1 would net reduce rhe number of homosexuals, but they would reduce the number of problem homc-exuah.
11 LAW REFORM
A.	THE MAIX ARGUMENTS
It w as not the original rnrent of this report to have a section on law rd arn. However, the previous section has shown how a change of social attitudes is essential if progress towards containing this problem и to be made. Furthermore it is dear that tittle headway will be made with changing attitudes as long as homosexual acts between consenting adults in private arc illegal
Some people think that cverythv  that can be said on the Wolfendcn prop cals has been said. There have beat many book: on the subject and the Homuscxual Law Reform Society has been conducting a vigorous campaign to persuade the government to implement the recommendations of the Wolfcnden Report (1957) at the ven least. The main arguments of the Hunasexual Law ReErm Society are as follows:
1.	The law diunmmates irrationally against private male homosexuality, while leaving untouched female homosexuality and heterosexual misdemeanours, such as fornication and adultery, whose social consequences are probably marc widely harmful.
2.	The social consequences of the law are alnv-u wholly bad Many cases of blackmail and suicides have undoubtedly resulted fiom it, while it tends to increase rather than dimmish homosexual promiscuity, instability and public misbehaviour by denying homosexuals the legitimate chance of establishing discreet permanent relationships.
3.	Many homosexuals could be helped to a better adjustment if they felt freer to seek advice without incriminating themselves by doing so.
4.	The present law does much to ensure that adolescents and young men who once became involved in homosexual practices will feel it far harder to escape than would otherwise be the case
5.	The lack of any distinction between homosexual bchavioui committed in public or in private, or between those above or below an 'age of consent’, decreases the protection uf the youth.
G. Tlle existing law has been condemned, not only by a 12—1 majority of the Wulfenden Committee, but also by leading religious spokesmen of nearly all majoi denominations and by a widely representative cross-section of the Press.
iy4	SocbAogtcei Aspa.li of Hi wscxtcality
B.	OTHER COMMENTS ON THE IAW
Although it и beyond the scope of this report to г mmcr.t in detail on the anrumcnts in. the pies iou- section, there arc some items which have been brought to light as a result of this research It will be seen that all these items support rhe ars'umcnts fur a reform in tho law.
The law can be the direct cause oj homosexual beho dour. Once a man comes before the courts he i» Libelled and tagged. All his future behaviour will be influenced by this event. If the case gets any kind of publicity, he will become known as a homosexual iand men who are nut homosexual sometimes commit homosexual qffence* and are put in pitson for it), ind his cliances of marriage and heterosexual adjustment are enormous!) prejudiced. The effect of appearing in court on a homosexual charge is often calamitous, even if the sentence is not severe. A conditional discharge has been the ruin of a man’s career before now. Even men who have been acquitted of a homosexual charge often become the subject of malicious gossip.
The law also fosters the view that once a person has been persuaded to take part ui a horn1 sexual act, all hope is fost. Magistrates and judges encourage th и view with remarks such as: A u have ruined the life of this young man.’ Despite scientific evidence to the contrary, popular opinion holds that homosexual seduction is ruinous In all four variant groups in this investigation there are cases of men who claimed they were ’ruined’ at school or Borstal, but there were men in the control groups who had undergone similar experiences and had not developed humusexual tendencies.
It was also found that some f the men had a desire to return to primii where their prefaced kind of rex is accepted among the inmates and u easier to  btain. For some this de arc was lamely uncmnsciou*, but fot at least two of the prison group it was specific and conscious.
The idea of putting a homosexual offender into an all-male environment is plainly aboard. Although some form of incarceration may be unavoidable for the homosexual criminal, it is as well to remember that as tar as the Liom -sexual condition is concerned it is moat unlikely that he will tame through the experience any the better. Thcref re it behoves a magistrate or a judge when dealing with a cnmmal who is also homosexual, to award a prison sentence only as a last resort and only because am other form of disposal is unsuitable. Funhermore magistrates should consider very carefully lx fore rending a youth with an ‘educated’ accent to Borstal, because this accent will be considered effeminate by the other Ьоуз. There
Lan. ReJjrm	iqj
seem, to be litde doubt that some boys in some Borstal-. have been forced to take part in homosexual activities.
Пи law offers ж> . Lun n to the problem .Mthough many convicted homosexuals are promised treatment in prison, the results of this research show that they do not get it. There are different kinds of homosexuals, and, as noted in Chapter 3, different types < f pacdo-philiacs. It is unlikely that an) one form of treatment that can be given in a prison will be suitable for every type.
Sexual offenders ate not often recidivists, but no one supposes that exclusive homosexuals give up their activities as a result of arrest, although it is possible that some paedophiliac s may be deterred by arrest and disgrace,
Gibbem fio6A writes; ‘Although researches have shown with great consistency that sexual offenders tend to keep to one particular type of sexual behaviour often of a very partial kind, and very rarely gravitate to more serious types, this fact is strongly resisted by even the informed public.’ The law. then, is not required to prevent a homosexual from becoming a depraved sex maniac; it is unlikely to stop him from becoming a homosexual. If, by chance, the horn-/sexual is caught again, the only solution - -pen to the judge is to award a stiffer sentence. But long sentences do nor change an individual's scxuil orientation; they merely fill the prisons. Ncustattcr (1961) says that the first requirement is to determine whether an act is socially dangerou.-, and he fears that repugnance at certain acts mav destroy objectivity and result in society penalizing such behaviour out of all proportion to its true harm.
The late и capncitms The variation in the sentences awarded for similar homosexual < >ffences has been noted in earlier chapters. In particular it was found that men who were found guilty of hrmo-sexual offences in private received longer sentences than those who committed public indecencies became the latter were lea likely tu admit bugyery.
Lor every homosexual act known to the f- lice there arc hundreds that are undetected. Whether a homosexual becomes involved with the legal machinery depends in part only upon his actions; it may also depend upon юте influential segment of the community (e.g. the Press, or Paniamrnt. or the lo, al Women’s Institute) who become concerned about a particular state uf affairs, usually f ilfow-ing a widely public wed scandal, and who will bring pressure to bear on the police to 'do something about it’. Il will also depend upon the attitude of the Chief Constable in the particular area in which the horns sexual resides. Some act as ii the Wolfenden Committee were law already, others exhibit a crusading real to stamp out all
iyo	Sociological Aspects of Homosexuality
pcrvrrsi'jns. In 1955 there was one prosecution for importuning in Manchester, in 1956 and 1957 there were none; in 1958 there were tv.и A nets Chief Constable was appointed at the end of that year and the number nf prosecutions fat importuning rose to 30 tn 1959, to tog in i960, to 135 m 1961, and to 216 in 1962 (from the Observer, r September 1963).
It might alsu be worth mentioning that homosexuals in lower social classes arc much mure at гик. The)’ cannot afford to pay for treatment. It ts harder fur them tu leave the famdy home and perhaps financially impooriblr for them to live alone in rooms; m fact it is mure difficult for the workings lass. hummexual tu resist the pressures trim ha family to get married It is harder for him to take up a congenial carter where hts workmates will not demand proof of his heterosexuality. It is extremely difficult for financial and class reasons for him to set up home with another homosexual Au these things mean he is more likely to permit homosexual activities in pubhc and so get involved with the law. And he will not be able to afloid a good lawyer to defend him.
This rcsearih has also shown that those who tell the truth are much more likely to be prneernted. The experienced homosexual who blandly da ties everything can often get away with it.
The lair rccmaages aahsMial acts. The blackmailer, robber and assailant are protected by this law because the victim s frightened to go to the police. In order to avoid these risks, many horn -exuds avoid гпМмы) ittaclimcuts The advantage of pnnui&uity to a hoinii rxual is that it is impersonal.
In C hapter 9 it was shown that the legal pressures push homosexual, into intrAcrtcd min nty groups with strong intra-group loyalties that lead to provocative displaysuf group idiosyncrasies in some coses and occasionally to revengeful and other antisocial attitudes and acts.
It is also said that the law means that a homosexual who possesses secret information becomes a security risk because he is an easy prey to the blackmailer. although the danger < >f this has been exaggerated. If a man has access to top secret material he has to be ‘security cleared’ lie has tn nominate two referees who know turn very well. It is unlikelv that they will discover much about hi* ’exual -’nenration, but once he has had access to secret information, a very careful watt h is kept on him, Fur example the intelligence branch is empowered to look mtn any rumour they may hear about the man.
In theory only the practising homosexual is open tu blackmail In effect if a man is found to he homosexual he is f reed to leave the Armed Services w hether he is practising or not. It was well known
Lou Reform	|yy
that many civil servants in the U.S. State Department were branded as homosexuals duiing the rime of Senator .McCarthy without the necessity of providing evidence or proof, and it is still true that a man can be railed upon to resign although he has not committed any homosexual acts. 1 Lis is з reaction to sexual deviation, not to then sensitivity to blackmail. So here the crime is to be homosexual, not to perform an illegal act.
Th г. is a icnous problem because m- ir and n“‘re people re having access to top secret material It is very difficult to screen a man beforehand because homosexuality is usually a very private aspect or a perwin's life. Even if all homosexual* could be screened, it would still be a serious waste of talent, for many of them are w ell suited to responsibility at all levels, including the highest The solution is to change the law so as to icmove the possibility uf blackmail
The problem of the Services is said to cause some difficulty. One of the reasons given against a change in the law is that it would be necessary, but awkward, to have a different law for the Services.1 But all that is necessary is to have some arrangement tu prevent an officer ur N.C.O. from taking advantage of his rank to persuade a soldier to have hurrrwexual relations with him. This does not need frrsh legislation Ml these cases tuuld be dealt with unaer Scrriun 69 of the Army Act. 1955 (and its equivalent provision, in the Naval Discipline Act and the Air Force Act) - ‘Conduct to the prejudice of good order and discipline'.
In fact an officer or N.C.O. who takes advantage of a subordinate could easily be removed from the Service without introducing a criminal charge. The usual practice 111 the Women’s Sen.ices when they discover Lesbian activities is to remove the participants under the heading, "Services no longer required’. This is nut a dis* harge with ifwunurr, nor a medic al discharge; thus it is not prejudicial to the girls in civilian life.
According to Gross (1962} when a homuscxual is discharged from the U.S. Army, not only is the rea«in why dearly printed on his discharge sheet, but the civilian police tn his h me town are notified. In contrast to this, the New alls i 1962) report that when the authorities ш Israel come across a case of homosexuality, they send him on the army.
1. When Mr Burin wu Hone Sctmary he юш "The WoUend n Committee excluded the Armed Forces, as mjr bon. Friend the Member for Aihfixd (Mr lorries Kud Ar* we to accept iu rec*лшпемкикжа to that extent * Il u very diffieol* to carry through this reform if we make that big omorion ’ iHauarJ: House uf G>>mmon> 29June tgbo, Got. <44J-J
i«0	SoaoLgiuJ Aspects of H mostxuahty
The I Jar vwn be the ouse of bad police prjctice. In this report there have been allegations of entrapment, false evidence by the police, the use of agent provocatcurs, policemen peering through peep holes, and hiding in lavatories, as well as genuine mi takes by the police. Furthermore two of the men m ргьоп for h. mnsexual offences in private maintained that the police had pinned the homosexual offence on them because they felt sure they were gudty uf non-scxual offences (Section В of Chapter 2).
There is no guarantee of protection fir horn -exuau whe have b*en robred ж blackmailed. If they complain to the police they may be < harped with an offence. Tn a letter to The^>pecuit:r in i960 the Secretary < f the H mosexual Law Ref rm Sot icty wrote: M >re ctrcn than eser we are visited by homosexuals who have been robbed, beaten up or blackmailed, or who have received threatening letters. In every case I have to advice the men not ti i report the crime, since in many cases it и the v icum who is prosecuted while no action is taken against the real criminal.’
Л barrister writing in a book about the police (Rolph, 1962) has no doubt that the police frequently commit perjury. Not only is it difficult for magistrates to deodc when they should disbelieve police evidence, but it is often unwise for a defendant to make allegations against the police without independent witnesses. Where the accusation is a homosexual offence there aie unlikely to be any witnesses. Solicitors < (ten advise their clients to keep quiet. Two statements are used ume after time by policemen in importuning cases; first that the arrested man took out his penis which was erect, and second that this was seen by a young person who was upset by the sight. Homosexuals who freely admit they were trying to pick up another man snenui usly deny that they would ever do such a thing And yet the same phrases are repeated by one policeman after another until it appears to lie almost a fotmuLi for getting a conviction for importuning. When it is suggested that some policemen amnm petjury, people become indignant and react as if all the police have been accused of dishonesty. The general good name of the police is not being questioned. Rut it is a mistake to believe that there is no problem of any consequence, although the last Royal Commissi .n (1962) on the police came to this conclusion.
The law is heivily weighted against the honest man who makes a statement, especially if he admits buggery which is usually awarded with much suffer penalt ies The law is also weighted against the man who commits only infrequent acts because he is unaware of the methods used by the police to bring this type of malefactor to justice. Gross (1962) wonders about the psychological effect on the pohre
Law Rtjorm	19g
whn arc engaged in such a performance : ‘A uate professing to have some interest in the moral welfare of its police should give some thought to what peciing through holes in a subway washroom dues to those who peer. ’
Not only is the law capricious but when the police undertake to f rm a chain reaction by persuading one homosexual to incriminate others, the inspector in charge of the investigation has to make important derisions about which people to prosecute. Coon (1957} writes- ‘In mud cities the police ... do not seek to find all those involved. They know they will be taxing the capacity of their courts and will find that too many people are involved who are locally important.’ If this is the case, how docs the inspector decide whom to prosecute and w hom to let go w ith a warning? As homosexuality is to be found ii 1 all social classes, it is pu ssible that in a chain rear uon of this sort, some of the people involved will be well known to the inspector in charge and to the Chief Constable. These policemen may have a very difficult decision to make in such a situation.
In the British Afedual Journal of 27 January 1962 a police surgeon writes- Tn the past 13 years I have been asked by the police to assist them with certain examinations < f homosexuals. I found that the request to provide medical evidence for homosexual piactices of the passive partner was a major problem Nf<>st of my cases were teenagers or in their early twenties. I could not find any references in my books and had to rdv on findings as I went on.’
This police surgeon’s trial and error method has led him to the conclmion that one can tell a homosexual because there is a certain readiness felt to receive the examining finger’ tn the anal passage. ‘A normal iphinctcr would lesist the insertion of the finger while the anal sphincter in the homosexual dilates almost m a reflex ntinner * But tf this is wh.it is meant by evidence of homosexual practices, it would 'eem to rely upon subjective judgement to an extent which would make other form? iff evidence inadmissible in a court of law.
The point made in Set non В of Chapter 8 that homosexual acts, but not homosexuals, are criminal, is not always understood even by the police. According to Plummer (1963), when a Soho public-home wa? raided in 1953, the police said that gi were homosexual, but that ‘only 22 had been convicted’. It is difficult to understand what legal evidence the police had in order to be able to state that 69 men were homosexual although they had not been convicted.
One of the most disquieting things found in this report и the apparent relationship between effeminate appearance and the likelihood of being arrested foi importuning. The implication, are that
aoo	Sociological Aspects of Homestwalitr
importuning ic med . n a known homosexual in the same way that ’being a suspected рег-on loiteimg* (a misused relic of the 1Я24 legislation against Wclhngtun’s homeless discharged soldiers; is alleged to be used on a known crimmil. A related point is that a known nude proiritute is liable to be u rested even after he has given up that profession.
The unsupported evidenced the plain-clothes p-licemcn is usually accepted by the magistrates. So fearful u die homosexual of the social repercussions that he can often be persuaded to picad guilty on the promise from the police of no publicity. The policeman is neither authorized to give such a promise, nor is he^ablc to prevent publication of the proceedings in the press.
In some ways the law on importuning may be the cause of more injustice than the law which prohibits homosexual acts between consenting adults in private. .‘Mthough the use of the word persistently' in the original wording of the act suggests that the i mention was to protect members of the public from interference or at least annovanre. the interpretation by the courts menus that in practice no one except the plain-clodics police-men need be aware of the importuning: and convictions aie usually obtained on the sole evidence of the policemen who make the arrest. In such a situation it is not necessary to stress the possibility of perjury, or indeed of provocative actions, on the part of the arresting constables It is nnt sufficient to argue that the penalties are comparatively slight, fur the uuffrare that follows a conviction for importuning can be shattering.
A distinction should be made between soliciting and importuning. In their memorandum on the Street Offences Bill, the Church of England Moral Welfare Council (1959) noted that the majority of homosexuals charged with importuning ‘are in fa< t guilty «f soliciting, often of a not very offensive nature, rather than importuning. But little distinction seems to be made between these two different forms of behaviour either in charges or penalties.* With its use of the phrase ‘persistently importuning* the law seems to be framed to prevent male prostitution. In fact only a very few of the homosexuals charged with tint offence are prostitutes. The great majority are merely trying to find out if the other man is homosexual by the use ofwords or an enquiring look which would go unnoticed by the man who is heterosexual. If the other man -joes not respond, the homosexual will go away and seek a sexual partner elsewhere. A homo-sexual would be stupid to importune persistently and pressmgly as be is well aware that the vast majority of men look upon homosexual activities with repugnance.
Law Reform	201
The law it unuurkabk. Some people have a great faith in the law as an effective means of regulating behaviour. But this is only true within certain limits. If there is too large a gulf between precept and practice, then the law will not work.
The example of this mt-м frequently quoted is Prohibition in the United States. Many people were worried by the problem of alcohol and the prohibition of all drinks was seen as the answer. In the event the wuulJ-bc зеке,! vure was worse Than the ailment The prohibition of off-course betting in this country had to be abandoned for similar reasons.
Some people have suggested that the clients of prostitutes, as well as the girls themselves, shuuld be subject to the criminal law. But if an attempt to patronize a prostitute were made a crime, it would cause more social disruption and inefficiency than the harm caused by the evihuf prostitution. Homosexuals also participate in the basic activities of the society, in business, government, home, the chuich, etc. To disrupt all this by throwing them into jail would be to the detriment of the whole community. Thu docs not happen because most homirjcxual acts go undetected. But a law which is tolerated only because it is unworkable, and which would cause chaos if it could be made effective, is plainly not a good law.
Meet ol the sanctions against sexual activities are part of society’s effort to harness the sex drive. Sex is only permissible alter marriage. But for most homosexuals mam ч;е s undftffi able. Mote often than nnt the homosexual who uses marriage as a mlution to his problem is the cau^e of much unhappiness to others as w-cil as himself. The only alternative tu marriage is abstinence But thu, as noted earlier, is thought to be beyond the powers of most men. Yer the law requires of the homosexual, not just self-control, but total suppression.
77U law underpins the social attitudes. The consequences of social hostility towards homosexuality haa been noted in many sections of this report. It и not necessary to enlarge upon this. It is clear that these attitudes are supported by the present state of the law. A tolerant attitude towards homosexuals is a tolerant attitude towards a particular tyjse of criminal: to excuse a homu.-cxual act is to condone the breaking of the law. Doctors, clergy and social workers who are trying tu help homosexuals in distress have t" be ever mindful uf their own predicament when trying to assist these law breakers.
All rhe books published on this subject in the last ten yean have come out, from their very different stand points, in favour of a change of this law. From the pastoral and religious viewpoint of • »ross (196 a), Buckley (1960) and Wood (19601 the scholarly study of Bailey (1955), the medical opinions of Bieber (1962), West (i960),
202	Sociological Aspects o f Homosexuality
Berg and Kiitch (1458), Chesser {1959, 1958), Allen (1958), de Savitsch (1958;, and even Berglcr (1959, 1958, 1956); the sociological surveys of Westwood (1960I and Hauser (19621:1 or the popular journalism of Plummer (19Л3) and Steam (1962); for their different reasons and in their different ways, all of them believe that a reform of the law would be desirable It is unlikely that they are all mhtaken
1. It u difficult to cl.tsjity Mauser’s book under any discipline and he would probabh disown any tassiricanon allocated to him. He took no account of any of the other books or ankles tn the *cientific jvumab on this subject as he wanted a new and original approach. H also scorned numbers and statistics, eaplaitu-d nothino about the size of his sample or where be obiainod hu mi.irnuus In the esent he has come to much the same conclusions as everyone else, although not in as much detail as some of the specialists.
1 TOWARDS A THEORY OF HOMOSEXUALITY
A. THEORETICAL FORMULATION
The task of drawing practical conclusi ms front empirical investigation is difficult, and the remits are sometimes far from satisfying. Sociology is not alone in this respect. Even in the mere advanced physical sciences there is often a gap between experiment and explanation. But one of the features uf social investigation , seems to be the production of a series of undigested empirical facts with htde relation from one study to another.
So far the sociological books on homosexuality have had to be content with investigating the phenomena and describing the results by listing the known facts. On such occasions it may lie legitimate, bul annoying, for the reader to he told that no conclusions can be drawn until further research has been undertaken.
Although scientific study of hum-isexuality from representative samples has not been going on for very long, perhap a first attempt should he made to ‘make sense’ of the. known farts. We are not yet at the stage when we can hope to evolve a single strictly formulated theory that will enable us to account for every significant aspect of homosexuality But the result* of this research and the other studies based on n< n-cuminal and non-patient samples lead us to formulate the following theory.
Hom sexuality is a coniiti n which tn ttself has only r wr effects upon the development of the personality. But the attitudes, not of the homosexual, but of other people towards this condition, create a stress situation which can have a profo und effect upon personality development and can lead to character deteri.ration of a kind which prohibits effective integration with the community.
Л proportion of homosexuals arc unable to withstand the pressures from outside and be-ome social casualties. These are the homosexuals most often found in prisms and climes. Their difficulties may take a form not directly associated with ths homosexual condition, although originally caused by the social hostility shown towards homosexuality. On the other hand the homosexuals who have learnt to contend with these social pressures can become adjusted hi their condition and integrated with the community. These men are hardly torr found in prisons and clinics. II
II VARIATIONS IN THE REACTIONS TO SOCIAL PRESSURES
These outside pressures have some influence on all homosexuals to a greater or lesser extent. However, to the vast majority the
и«4	Sociology ai Aspects of H-mosexuahrj
disturbance caused by these stresses docs not take them into the field of mental health or into the legal sphere
\Vbv do some. men will -tand these pressures w hile others do not? Our information on this is meagre and turthcr research is required, but mas be the clue is that many < f the homosexuals in prisons were not unlike other prisoners, many of the homosexuals under treatment were not unlike others under treatment, and пишу .-f the other homosexuals were similar to other people in every respect but me. It is possible that there is a vulnerability in some people which makes them incapable ef withstanding pressures of any kind.
The i.incept of a hereditary vulnerability is conjectural but it is in keeping with the evidence when it is linked with e.irly environmental influences. If a child does not have -Tcurity in his reJation-ihips with those who are important tv hun. and if this is coupled with a genetic vulncrabilitv. then a stress condition may result. \nd yet another child with the - «me genetic vulnerability and a more favourable family environment may not show signs of stress. And a third cli>l*l with a strong genetic predisposition may develop a stress condition even under favourable family circumstances»
Hereditary vulnerability, which would not rest on a single gene but on combinations of gene*, is not susceptible to scientific proof, but it is a tout epi w hich would be acceptable to many psychiatrists. But they would think of it in terms of die appearame or not of the hom.^rxual impulse- if the hereditary vulnerability is not strung and the environment conditions are favourable, then the h mosexual impulses w ill nut appear.
But a mure meaningful way of looking at this concept is to suggest that the hereditary vulnerability combined with environmental influences will affect the way an individual deals with any stress situation. It is nut the homosexual condition, but the social hostility to it that creates the stress situation. And the reactions to these stresses explain the diflercnt ways in w hich individuals deal wuth their homosexuality. Thus the men m the HC group tended to develop antisocial attitude* to compensate, the men in the HP group were unable to cope with the hostility; and the men in the HO group were лЫс to take their homosexual condition and fit it into the rest »f their lives.
Some people may feel that the extent to which a pervon is integrated into the soc al fabric is more important than an earlier combination of vulnerability and environment. The man surrounded by family and friends is m-те likely to have props to help him in periods of stress Certainly there seems to be some evidence that the lonely introspective man is more likely to find a homosexual
Towards a Theory of Humosexualip	305
condition to be an intolerable burden, while the well-integrated man is les* likely to allow his homosexual condition to damage other aspects of his personality.
But as our knowledge increases it will probably transpire that this is all part of the *ame thing. The lonely introspective man is likely to be the man who is unable to deal with any stress situation, and his introspective attitude is part of this vulnerability, just as the sociability of the well-integrated man arises from bis background.
The homosexual condition is just one of a number of other conditions all of which would have had a similar effect on each particular individual - a profound effect in some cases, a minor effect in others. The fact that the condition is homosexual is irrelevant, any other condition w-htch produced stress would have had a similar effect.
C. THE CAUSE OF THE SOCIAL HOSTILITY
It is very difficult to give logical reasons for the social hostility directed towaids homosexuals. The discussions in previous chapters (8.9 and io! have indicated that it is a mistake io assume ‘rationality' when dealing with a popular prejudice like this. Attempts to change human attitudes by the presentation of facts alone are notably ineffectual. People select from the myriad of facts w ith which they are being constantly bombarded only those messages towards w hich they have an initial predisposition.
As far as sexual attitudes are concerned, many people appear to have two distinct systems of morality coexisting together at different levels. There is the private sexual m irality which has certain definite rules, but is not usually so strict as the public morality which ie the one that is openly expressed and is the code expected of other people in the abstract. This и not just a description of a few hypocrites. A great many people have these two levels of morality and, as our knowledge grows, we may find that it applies to most people It is a not unreasonable system for controlling the strong sexual urges without repressing them completely. The idea is echoed in legislation that tolerates prostitutes as long as they do not solicit in the main street*; in the suggestion that public figures must have higher standards of morality than private citizens; in the slogan that gening caught is the unforgivable sin. In a re. ent study of the attitudes of young people (Schofield. 1965), it was found that some of the unmarried boys and girls with sexual experience disapproved of pre-marnal intercourse in general.
2Oti	Sociological Aspects oj Homosexuality
This two-lcvcl system of morality may have ica uses, but it is difficult for the individual to maintain without the arousal of guilt feelings. It is ibcfiil to be able tn project these feelings о Г guilt on tn others and so people seek scapegoats for the sin* around them The scapegoat is punished for two incompatible reasons. His punishment can be regarded as a safety device that deflects the same fate from us for the sins we have committed ourselve:. At the same time the scapegoat provides us with the flattering illu*ion that we are superior to him (Taylor and Rey, 1953). The homosexual minority has often been used as a convenient scapegoat and has been persecuted with a vindictiveness that is not related to the harm caused by thr homosexuals, but to the imagined enormity uf their w ickedness.
A good deal is known about these people who have an aggressive and unreasoning prejudice against all deviants. The investigations of Adorno (1950) have shown that these authoritarian personalities were often found to hold totalitarian and chauvinistic views. Their prejudices seem to be a v. ay । .f dealing w ith inner fears and insecurity concerning then own status and capabilities Robb (1954) found that people with pre< isely similar views were antisemitic and Taylor (1953) found they had a deep fear oi homosexuality and regarded it as an unspeakable sin.
Most authoritarian pronouncements overstate the seriousness of a problem. But even inure tolerant peuplc fear that homosexuality may be on the increase. Although our attitude tu all sexual behaviour seems to be getting more permissive, there is no conciete evidence of a vast increase in homosexual behaviour b.iuscv (11148, 1953) gave figures which show that there has been an increase in premarital coitus, extra-marital intercourse and masturbation in those born after 1920 when compared with those boni before 1910. But he found no increase in the amount uf homosexuality in the younger generation when compared with the older.
In any case it is doubtful if the social hostility haj much effect on the incidem e uf homosexuality The origins of this social hostility may be obscure, but it is certain that it is self-created. Ford and Beach (1952) give many examples of societies where homosexuality и tolerated. Numerous anthropological studies bear witness to the fact that what is regarded as a serious problem in one society may be conridcrcd ‘normal’ in another (Polgar, 1962). Nur is there any foundation for tile belie! that the toleration of homosexual behaviour in private will cause the disintegration of society or the dcstiuction of all morality.
Towards a 7 heoiy of Homosexuality	207
O. SUMMARY OF THE RESULTS
A short summary of the main point* of each chapter shows that this theory fits in with many of the known facts, although there arc other items of information which remain unexplained.
Chapter Two. The homosexuals in prison tended to come from disrupted homes and to be reared in conditions that were unsatisfactory in some way. They were nut well educated and did not do well in the verbal reasoning test. Many of them came from the home, of unskilled manual workers; their own earnings were low, they were less robust and less masculine than die others groups in the sample. Many had records of non-scxual offences. There are sign» that the police set traps to catch these homosexuals and effeminate men run a bigger risk -if being arrested fur importuning Men who commit h -mosexual t ffence» in public seemed to lie cither rnen with weak homosexual impulses w ho are tempted in a moment of weakness, or else homosexuals who arc ashamed uf their desires and will only allow’ homosexual activities with strangers.
The law в not a deterrent and half the prison group admitted that they got some pleasure out ol bieaking the law. Those in prison lor homosexual offences committed in private had usually made statements and pleaded guilty; they tended to get longer sentem es than those who had been apprehended in a public place, probably because they admitted buggery which is subject to heaviei sentences. Ah hooch many prisoners asked fur treatment, few had attempted to obtain help before their arrest. It is possible that a good chance of administering treatment to homosexuals is being missed due to a shortage of psychiatrists in the prison service. The homosexual offenders had higher sexual frequencies, were more promiscuous, and they w’crc more likely to find their partners in public places; social restraints no longer had any influence on them. They played the active part more often and there were more bisexuals in this group. Six of them were mairied but very few of these men were capable of a stable relationship with a woman or a man.
Chapter Three. The pacdophiliacs were similar to the Other prison group in some ways and dissimilar tu the three homosexual groups m пишу ways. They tended to come from unsatisfactory homes, were older and had pour results in the verbal reasoning test. Very few had mure than the minimuni education; they came from poor homes; and their own earnings were low. Many were married, many went to church and they did not differ in appearance horn the control groups. Over half were fir t offender*, but a quarter had committed offences against young girls as well as boys.
2п8	Sociological Aspects of Homosexuality
They weie not interested in treatment, bu t they had strong feelings of guilt and shame unlike the homosexuals. They appeared to get little satisfaction from their sexual activities with children. They did not migrate tu London, did not vail hom isexual meeting places and did not have any homosexual friends. They rarely had the facilities to take their boy partnas back to their homes. They had low sexual frequencies and rarely went further than mutual masturbation and fondling. Less than a quarter were attracted to young boys exclusively; many did nut start molesting children until after the age of fifty; the maiority had had extensive heterosexual relationships at one time, and turned to young children as they grew older and as their heterosexual life came to an end. Very few were interested in adult men and it is clear that paedophilia is not the same as homosexuality.
Chapter Four. The homosexual patients tended to be younger than the other homosexuals and went to church less often than the homosexual offenders. Most of them came from homes that were unsatisfactory in some way. Few of them were happy in thei: work and most of them had poor relations with their employer 'They were having homosexual experiences les? frequently than the other homosexual groups; they were less interested in active anal intercourse; nut many of them were promiscuous, but those who were tended to have several partners per month. They did not often go out to find sexual partners, but when thev did, they would go to public olares. and only a few of them were able to have their homosexual experiences m private, those who sought treatment for specific homosexual reasons were bisexual; the exclusive homosexual would only ask for psychiatric aid when he was in trouble with the law, or when he was unable to cope w ith the social hostility.
Chapter Five The group of nou-horn- «xualf -tierus also came from unsatisfactory homes but were more likely to have had good relations with their fathers- They were less likely to have migrated to London and were more likely to have been arrested for nnn-sexual crimes. Apart from thu- there is remarkably little difference between the two psychiatric groups. They both came from disrupted homes, had similar positions in the family birth order, tended to be lower on the social scale than their fathers, and were similar in appearance (except for a slight tendency for the non-homosexuals to be more delicate). Both groups were discontented in their work and did not get on with their employers or w orkmates, and their leisure activities were sunilai There was little difference in the extent of their homosexual experience before the age of sixteen, in the prevalence of homosexuality in the schools they attended, or in the number
Towards a Theoiy of Homosexuality	20g
inducted into homosexual practices by older boys or adults. By definition none of the NP men were homosexual, but many of them had sexual difficulties of one sort or anothci The homosexual patients were more like the other patients than the other homosexuals.
Chapter Six. Those homosexuals who had not been arrested and had not been under treatment were strikingly different in many ways. Thete were fewer disruptive influences in their family background; they appeared to he more intelligent, more likely tu move up the social scale, more likely to be supervisors or non-manual workers. About three-quarters of this group had rtanrd homosexual activities with other boys befc re the age of seventeen; only a few were initiated bv adults. They were more likely to have 1-jng-standmg relation*hips with otner men; they more often lived with other homosexuals and 84 per cent had so arranged their lives that homosexual acts were possible in the privacy of their own homes. The majority had never taken any kind of sexual interest in a girl and had given up all attempts to become heterosexual. More of these men were rated on the Kinsey Scale as exclusive homosexuals and none of them were rated as being more heterosexual than homosexual. This chapter ends with a detailed list of the many diflerenecs between the three homosexual group».
Chapter Seven. Men w ho were not under treatment tended to come from undisturbed homes; this applied to homosexuals and non-humuscxuals. The homosexuals more often thought their mothers were over-protective. The nun-homosexuals in this group earned less than the homosexuals and were more likely to be manual worker». Nearly half of these men admitted youthful homosexual activities. Almost one halt had pre-marital intercourse and one-third of the married men had extra-mantal intercourse. The non-bomc-sexuals had more sex but were less promiscuous. Although this research was designed to investigate differences between the homosexual and non-hnmosexual group, in fact there were more differences between the three homosexual group than there were between the pairs of homosexual group and their corresponding control groups.
Chapter Eight. There is a difference between lieing homosexual and taking part in a homosexual act. Some homosexual acts arc committed by men who do not come w ithin the usual definition of a homosexual There is also confusion between paeduphuiu and homosexuality. Much public indignation 1 shown towards child molesters and they get heavy prison sentences. But sometimes the present procedure causes unnecessary suffering to the child victim.
21ч	Socio logit al Aspects of Homosexuality
These child molesters are usually lull of *hamc after then arrest and arc not often recidivists. Although they are old. they may be more amenable to treatment than is generally realized.
Most htmoscxual acts go undetected, so if a man is arrested for this offence either he is very unlucky or else some other factor is at work. This other factor appears to have much in common with the per~<nality defects found in other men who spend years ш prison for a senes uf petty offences. Homuscxual offenders deal w ith the social hostility by ignoring it; they are no longer inhibited by social restraints. Thus their homosexuality is only a small part of a much larger personality problem.
Homosexuals in prison arc under-concerned with social pressures, but those homosexuals who are in clinics seemed to be over-concerned. The homosexuals under treatment are suffering from mental illness, or have been unable to cope w ith the social hostility or are in trouble with the law. Their homosexuality is only relevant to the extent that it has triggered off mher more serious mental disorders. Medical treatment has only had sporadic success when dealing with individual h<<m<wcxuals
Chapter Nine. The most striking difference between the homosexual* who are not in prison or under treatment is tliat they have come to terms with themselves and their condition. Those who accept their homosexual impulses are less likely to get into trouble with the law and are mure likely to be capable of establishing an emotional relationship with another man. 1Ъе social hostility tends to push all homosexuals into social isolation. As a defence they form introverted minority groups which can be a destructive element. But the nonconformist attitude of individual homosexuals is often of great value to the community.
Chapter Ten. Medical treatment for the individual only deals with part of the problem. The social setting is equally important. Without making fundamental changes in individuals and society, there will not be much redtk lion in the amount of homosexuality. But it is not certain tliat these fundamental changes arc desirable. There are signs that the importance of the problem has been exaggerated, for much of the humusexual'» behaviour is nonconformist, but not aberrant. It would be belter tu concentrate our efforts on containing the homosexual condition and lessening its disruptive influence. Attempts to stamp out hvnijsexuality will nut be successful and will have several deleterious effects.
Chapter Elcr*n. In addition to important rational and liuinanitaiian reasons for a reform in the law, it is suggested that the law is the direct cause of some homosexual behaviour, encourages antisocial
Towards a 7heorj of Homosexuality	an
acts, is the cause of bad police practices, ie unworkable, is the base on which the harmful social pressures are built, and offers no solution to the problem.
E. FIRST REQUIREMENTS
Although homosexual conduct is variant behaviour,, it need not be deviant. Under existing circumstances it is deviant behaviour because it is labelled as such, the deviance is not necessarily a quality of the homosexual act. From the theory suggested in this chapter it is possible to make two postulates:
i. The disruptive influences of homosexuals in the community vary' directly with the external restraints placed on their behaviour.
2. The social and economic value ofhomosexuals in the community' varies inversely with the hostility shown to them
The summary of the previous eleven chapters shows that the homosexual condition ic often irrelevant, but ihe indirect effects vary enormously. In some cases the homosexual is well integrated with the community in every way except in his sex life; if he appears to be out of step in this respect, it may be because in the words of Thoreau, he ‘hears a different drummer’. But the earlier chapters of the summary make it clear that some homosexuals lead unhappy lives and cause trouble and unhappiness to those who come into contact with them. Obviously our efforts would be better employed if we concentrated upon dealing with the distressed homosexuals and left the others alone.
How' is this to lie done? The two num requirements are to reduce the social hostility and change the law. Thn w ill entail public education and social change in areas remarkably resistant to change. History shows that it is comparatively easy to make ruminal law and rxcccdinglv difficult to unmake it This is particularly true -й the law relating to homosexual offences. The present provision (Sexual Offences Act. 1956, s. 13), making gross indecency between consenting adult males in private an offence, was originally the result of an impulsive eleventh hour amendment to the Criminal Law Amendment Bill of 1885, a Bill v hose primary purpose was to protect young girls; although there has been a long campaign to expunge this statute, this law remains unaltered. Many people now accept that the law should not try to enforce morality (Hart, 1963). At one time blasphemy was punished as meh. but now the police only make arrests when it is likely tu cause a breach of the peace; attempted suicide is no longer a crime although it is still R-rbiddcn
2t2	Sorurtogvat Aspttls of Homo'ocualttj
by most religions. But thr laws t-n homosexual conduct are still supported by ’moral rnrrepreneurs' — i.e. ]>r -pie who have an nuvc interest in the formation of rules and iheir enforcement 'Becker, T963)-	.	....
As well as the two main requirements of a reduction in social hostility and a refi-rm of the law, it w ill also be necessary to look for ‘secondary prevents lives’ such as early reuiguition of the condition and the provision of ameliorative services for the distressed homosexual. Advice could be Riven to young men when they first become aware of their condition, foi it should be remembered tliat a man docs not choose to be homosexual and the first awhrenesi -f these impulses usuallv brings worry and distress.
Before much progress can be made on the treatment of the homosexual condition, mere adequate knowledge, through rigorous research which explores _11 possible leads, is the chief hope. The mistake in the past has been to look fur one specific cause. The development of the homosexual condition probably depends upon a multicausal network. Within this network the reaction of any specific stimulus will depend upon other circumstances also being present. Thus causal factors must be qualified with such adjectives as predisposing, contributory, or precipitating As Cornfield (1959} has pointed out: The appropriate question to ask about agents in such situations is whether they alter the probability of an event's occurrence, and not whether they do or do not cause it.’
It is also possible that progrew will be faster w hen it is recognized that homosexuality may not be one condition but several II is now accepted that paedophilia is a different phenomenon from homosexuality. It may be that there are several forms of homosexuality with different aetioiogie*, and therefore requiting different f< mv of treatment.
If the only satisfactory form of 'cure' is to change a homosexual mto a heterosexual, then it is necessary to recognize that this is not always po ible m the present state of our knowledge. The alternative is that some forms of homosexuality must become socially acceptable. To suggest that homosexual behaviour should be accepted is to invite invective and ridicule. But even those who w ill not be content with anything less than eradication must admit that the existing legal and social pressures have not been very successful. Even these people may agree that sutne form of toleration, as suggested in this report, is mi re likely to reduce the disruption than the present method  f puttuig homosexuals into social isolation. It may not be possible to transform all homosexual* mto conventional citizens, but it would be possible to make them more effective and
Towards a Thtvry ^j H mosexuality	213
levs disruptive. by allowing them to bee- me part of the culture from which they have been alienated.
In later у eat» it may be possible to create a world where homosexuality does not exist. But for the present we should give up our attempts to eradicate the homosexual condition, and instead try to alleviate its effects by reducing the social pre* sum. This is not a fatalist attitude; it is an attempt to make the be-l use of  >ur available resources. To fulminate against bcm .sexual- in general and treat them all as if they were social aliens is as unprofitable as it is invidious. It would be more sensible to realize that the humr^cxual need not be a serious social problem.
Appendix
RESEARCH PLAN
A. CENTRAL OUTLINE
This research set out to collect information from three groups of hom isexuak, a group of paedophiltacs, and two groups of non-homusexuak. The two objectives were (i) to study the dilferent characteristics of the four variant groups, and (2) to obtain two nun-homosexual groups to match by age and education two of the homosexual groups, and to compare the differentiating characteristics.
By direct discussion with each individual, the research worker sought factual inf rmation on the family background, social behaviour and sexual a< tivitics of each individual. In particular, series at questions were asked on:
Relations with parents.
Early influences in the home.
Education, type of school and sex education.
Early sexual experiences.
Present occupation, income, relations with employer and employees. Number of time- arrested, court appearances and sentem.es.
Incidence and frequency of sexual ac tivities.
Sexual adjustments and emotional involvements
Attitude to homosexuality.
Effects of humusexual tendent ies < n work aud community integration.
Most of the questions were about past experiences and present behaviour, but the men were also asked to express attitudes and • -pi 1 lions on v ariuus subjects, as these arc sometimes the only guide to an estimate of present and future behaviour After the interview the men were a-ked to complete a verbal reasoning test (Secnun F of this Appendix). Altogether 150 hi im eexuals, 50 paedophiliac? and too non-hom -exual- were interviewed and thee were divided into six groups a? follows
HC Group fHomnscxuals/convicted). 50 inmates of prisons convicted of homosexual offences with adults.
PC Group (Paedophiltacs,'convicted;. 50 inmates of praams convicted of homosexual offences with boys under sixteen.
HP Group Horn  i xuakpatients’). 50 Immoscxual patients who are under psychiatric treatment in a hospital or out-patient clinic.
Appendix. Research Plan	215
NP Group (Non-homosexuals,patients;. 50 non-hommexual patients who are under psychiatric treatment m a hospital or outpatient clinic.
HO Grcup (Homosexuals others). 50 homosexuals who have not received psychiatric treatment aud who have not been convicted for homosexual offence?.
NO Group (Non-homcwexuab others). 50 non-homosexuals who have not received psychiatric treatment and who have not been convicted for homosexual .ffcnces.
B. METHODS USED TO OBTAIN GROUPS
HC and PC Gtvup]. Both thc?c groups were obtained at the same time. Veits were made to Wandsworth, Brixton end Wormwood Scrubs. The prisoners m Wandsworth were recidivists, whereas in Wormwood Scrubs all the inmates were first offenders. Both types of prisoners were found in Brixton.
The governor of each prison arranged for the research worker to see ail rhe mm convicted of homosexual offences who were in the three prisons. The prison authorities simply arranged for the prisoner to see the research worker in a cell that was made available for that day. He was not told anything about the investigation beforehand and it was left to the research worker to explain the objectives of the work and to win the prisoner’s co-operation.
It 13 felt that other researches have sometimes not made clear the considerable difficulties of conducting a research in prisons, and insufficient account has been taken of the effect these difficulties mav have on the results.
The prisons are crowded and it is always difficult to find a room where any kind of privacy can be obtained. Noise is a disturbing influence where the slamnung of cell doors, the stampuig of feet and the shouts of the prison officers echo through these old building!. The doors of the cells are const™, ted so that they are locked w hen they arc closed; at first the prison officers suggested tliat the doors should be left slightly ajar, but after trying this for two interviews it was found to be so disturbing that the research worker aked to be locked in w ith the prisoner although this meant that there was often considerable delay before he could find an officer to let him out of the cell when the interview had been completed. There wa» a shortage of staff 111 all three prisons and if the prisoner to be interviewed was in another block, an officer had to be found to escort the man to the cell used for interview tng and back again It was rarely possible to see mure than two prisoners in a full day, and inevitably
216	Svi lognai Aspects of Homosexuality
as tbt series of visits continued, the ргьоп officers found the research tiresome and upsetting to their routine. Although the i esearch worker made it clear that he was prepared to fit in with w hatever times were convenient. the routine of a prison is not very flexible and it is difficult not to be a nuisam c.
Almt-st without exception the prisoners met the research worker in one of two frames of mind. Either an aggressive deteimination nut to co-operate with someone they supposed repiesented the prison autlwrities, or else a tendency to regard the research worker as representing some welfare organization, and therefore as an opportunity to complain about an injustice or request a privilege Both attitudes had to be du priled before a »utn could be made on the investigation.
This was not easy. It was found that an informative and relaxed relation ship could be created only when the pri» mer w as convinced that the lescarcli wvrker was not connected with the prison authorities, the police or the law, and w hen he felt sure that nothing he said during the .nterview would be re lated to the governor or officers. This was invariably the case. Although some officers were anxious to talk about the men who had been inteiv lewed (and one assistant governor felt aggrieved when he found that he was expec ted to lay on the fa-1 hues without being allowed to share the results of the interview), the research worker held the view that even the must casual discussion of an individual case would be a mistake.
Ли obstinate streak in the research worker made it simple to keep to this rule, but it was difficult to convince the prisoners of this. Indeed it is hard tn think of a reason why they should believe that the" remarks would be regarded as strictly confidential. Outside the prison manv of them lived in a world where truth was expendable and condition» mride a prison do not encourage the growth of confidence in one’s fellow humans.
Nevertbeless in <ji of the 100 cases the prisoner answered freely sooner or Later, although sometimes this meant that up to 50 minutes general conversation was required before the aggression or resistance could be mollified. One prisoner refined to answer any questions; he maintained that he had done wrong and was pi epared to take his punn nment, 'but ansv. ering silly questions is not part of my punishment* Another interview was lost became the man w as taken away for a medical examination after a loquacious 4., minutes; on two subsequent visits to the prison he was not available, and then he was transferred.
Nine of the interviews included in the two series are verv scanty. The truthfulness of the responses was neither more nor less
Appauhr. Research Plan	217
trustworthy than some of the other doubtful records, but it was airbi ult to get much more than monosyllabic rrpuev fr ,m these nine prisoners.
Table A. 1 The number ataruzM «я each fnsac			
РПжТ.	HC 5г up	PC group	TOTAL
Hr.	9	5	M
Wandsworth	26	9	35
Wormwood Scrubs	>5	36	5»
TOTAL	TO	¥»	too
It was hoped that these interviews would provide a break in the long boring routine of prison life, and in some cases the prisoners undoubtedly enjoyed the experience of being able to speak fteely and frankly. But it was noticeable that others would have preferred to have been left alone. Terence and Pauline Morris (1962) note a process of ‘pnsonization’ in which many men adopt new ways of behaving unsin ted to life in the outb.de world, and contact with people from outside the prison disturbs the adjustment to this routine. This attitude was dearly to be seen in some of the prisoners.
The prisoners were not put into one or other of the two groups until after the interview. Then ifhis partner at the tune of the offence (or the last offence if several are being taken int»consideration) was under sixteen, he was put into the PC group. If his partner was twenty-one or over, he was put »nto the HC group. If his partner wai between sixteen and twenty-one. he was not put into either group.
HP emd NP Groups. Tn order to find the two groups of patients, cooperation war sought from 12 psychiatrists in or near London. They were asked to make available for interview men who would come within the definitions of homosexual and non-homosexual patients. Patent’ were dcfii rd a* men who were under psyr h.ati v ireaimeni at an out-patient clinic or ш-patients at a mental hvopital Hv-mosexua! patients were defined as men who were rcgaided ад homtrexual bv toe psvcfoatnit and who regarded themselves» as homosexual and were prepared to say so to the interviewer. Non-homusexual patienb w ere men who were not regarded as homosexual by the psjvhiatnst and did not regard thenbdves as hom-jsexuil
2i3	Sociological Aspects of Homosexuality
Some of the psvchiatrists pointed out that homosexuality was not a classifiable disease and others quiterightly insisted that they could speak definitely about homosexual acts but the homosexual condition w as a matter of opinion. Bui m fact all the psychiatrists found the definitions workable- One psychiatrist wanted the research worker to interview a number of his patients who were ‘cured homosexuals'; this was tempting, for it would have been interesting to sec if the treatment was really as effective as the patient had told the psychiatrist, hut as they were not currently under treatment they did not quality for the HP group.
This definition means that some of the men in the HP group arc suffering from mental disabilities and their homosexual condition is only an incidental part of the maladjustment. Obviously some of the most -severe psychotic cases would nut be inteniewable aud the psychiatrists were asked not to suggest these for interview. Even so, in two cases, each diagnosed as schizophrenic by rhe psychiatrist, the answers to the quesuons revealed a fantasy world which made interpretation difficult.
ГЬс HP group was seen first and then an attempt was made to find a group of non-hrmoscxual patients to match the HP group by age and education. A number of young, well-educated men seek psychiatric advice spci ifically for homosexual reasons and it was difficult to find a similar number of young meu who sought psychiatric advice for other reasons. Hi wever, the first two tables in Chapter 5 show that a good match was obtained for age and education.
No attempt was made tu match the two groups by occupation, hut tn fact the results show that they are not dissimilar Rating them on the Hull Jones St ale (1950), it is found that there are iq HP me n in supervisory positions compared with 21 NP men; and there are 18 manual workers in the HP group compared with 24 in the NP group
It is not unreasonable, then, to compare these two groups on many items. However, the comparisons fall down in one way because the HP group is not a homogeneous group. Broadly speaking, it is made up of two rather different tvpcs of homosexuals., There are 24 HP men who have sought treatment specifically because they have homosexual desires and for no other reason. But the others in this group have been advised to seek treatment for nun-sexual reasons, and their homi -sexual condition has only been revealed duiing the course of their treatment.
All the people in the NP group are much more like the second HP type, and lew of them can be described as adequate and well adjusted personalities. Although it is not possible to classify either group into degrees 1 f sickness, it is probable that the NP group are
Appendix. KtMatk Plan	2tg
suffering from mure senous mental disorders than the HP group. Over three-quarters tyh , of the NP group are in-patients, whereas lew than half (44%) of the HP group arc in mental hospital*.
furthermore a man can be suffering from some form of mental illnes- for several years and yet refuse to see a psychiatrist because he thinks th» is degrading, or frightening, or unnecessary. Such a man will not seek psychiatric aid until something serious happens to him. and tins impetus must often appear* when he has broken the law and he is ordered or recommended to undergo treatment. Consequently any attempt ti  find a control group of psychiatric patients almost inevitably contains a high proportion uf men who have been arrested. In the NP group 46 per cent had been arrested for non-scxual offences compared with 14 per cent in the HP group.
Foi these reasons comparisons between the HP and NP group can only be made with caution.
HU and . VO Groups. Westwood (i960) interviewed 127 homosexuals in the two years 1958-59. Over 80 per cent of these had never liccn arrested and had never sought psychiatric treatment. These 102 individuals were numbered serially and starting at the middle numbers and working in both directions, 59 individuals were sent a letter requestuig anuthei interview. Six people could not be traced, twn had left the country, and one had died.
This left a total of 50 self-confessed homosexuals, none of whom hud sought psychiatric ticatmert ur had been convicted for a homosexual offence AU these men were interviewed again
No inconsistencies were found tn the basic background material when it was compared with the information obtained three vears previously Where their occupational, social or sexual situation had changed between then fir-t and last interview, the must up-to-date information was used for comparisons with the other groups.
Then an attempt was made to obtain a group of non-huniosexuak to match the HO group for age arid education. This proved to be very difficult.
It was felt that it would be a mistake to tell this group that the subject of the research was homosexuality, as this would bias the responses. In any case the whole idea of a control group is difficult to explain tn a member of the general public. Social and market researchers arc continually surprised at the large number of people who are prepared to give time to help them in lheir work But m this research such volunteers would be asked to give details about the most intimate part of their private lives. People can lie persuaded to do this if they can be made to believe that what they have to say is
220	Sociological Aspectt of ffcmovnahfy
useful and if their case u regarded as important. But as soon as the ide* of the control group is explained, this seems to cause a deterioration in response. It is almost as if we have said: We are not really interested in you; there is something much m re imjwrtant that concerns us; you are being used as a kind of measuring stick. People are not flattered by this explanation after they have gone to some trouble to co-operate.
After consultations with Dr Louis Moss of the Central Office of Information Social Survey» and Dr Henry Durant of Social Surveys (Gallup Poll) Ltd., the following scheme was devised. Interviewers employed by Gallup Poll Ltd. were ins trutled to rind a number of mci. of the required age and education. To each uf these men they gave this card.
W₽ arc helping a University investigator, Mr Schofield. We want to find people like vnuneli’ who would be willing to nave a talk with М/ Schofield about some controversial matters inetuding people’s altitude towards sex. Can I give him w -,ir name and be would write to you ? Nothing else u involved spin rrcrtn the interview.
Signed, Henry Durant,
Director.
Each individual was told that some of the questions would be about sex before he was aJted to agree to an interview. It was felt that it would be unfair to persuade a man to agrtc to an interview and then confront him with some very personal quesucns about his sex life. It was also hoped that the refusals, which were regarded as inevitable in a research of this sort, would take place at this stage. In fact 38 out of 140 people refused to agree to an interview when appn -iched by the Gallup Poll men.
Step I. 140 people were approached by Gallup Poll men.
Step 2 38 people refused to be interviewed.
Step 3. 102 agreed to an interview
Step 4. 4 letters were returned "not known*.
98 received a letter or telephone call from the research worker.
Step 5. 60 appointments were made.
9 failed to keep the appointment.
Step 6. 5т interviews were completed.
The list above shows that as well as the expected loss between Step 1 and 3. there was also a considerable loss between Step 3 and 5,1 and a smaller loss between Step 5 and 6.
1 The four letters returned "not known" is not an undutv high proportion became there n ah»an a cerum amount of mobility amongst an urban papulation.
Appendix Research Plan	221
From experience it was found that a telephone call had a better chance of producing an interview, and so whenever it was possible to obtain a number, the appointment was made by telephone. Twenty-two of the 102 names supplied were on the telephone.
22 received telephone calk from the research worker
7 refused an interview or were unable to make a definite appointment after three calls.
15 agreed to an interview
2 faded to keep the appointment.
13 interviews were completed
Those who were not on the telephone received the following letter.
Dear Mr —
I am very pleased to team that you have agreed to hrfp in the research I am conducting on behalf of Birthed College. Lmvcrsity of London Can you spare me some time >0 that we can talk about variutu things? I will ci plain ш detail when wt m-et Ibt whulr dmussi о need not take m»<- man in hour.
I will come 10 your own home if you wish, but it you feel it wauld be difficult for us to talk without interruption at home, wc could meet at 10 В— Street. London. W. t. We shall be pleased to pay your expenses.
In order to save you the trouble of writing a letter I have pul four suggested times on a Separate page. Ptrhape you would put л tick by the tunc and place that suits you best and return the note to me tn the enclosed stamped addressed envelope. If none of these что art suitable, I si .ild be cr tie iui it you wul lei ne know when sod wb<re we «.an meet 1 оспе day in the week beginning Monday.....1 s h 1)d prefer to meet
you during the day, but 1 shall be pleased tn make myself available during the evening or at the weekend d that is better for you.
.Ml th* information is regarded as itncdy confidential. No one, except myself, will have access to any of it.
I endow a stamped addressed emriope and a sketch map to help you find th- way to to В-- Street.
1 am looking forward to meeting you and I hope I will heat from you fairly soon.
Vours sincerely.
If no reply was received to this letter, я second letter was sent. Eighty fenple were sent one letter and 4B were rent the second letter
80 were sent the first letter.
4 wm* returned ‘not known*.
76 were presumed to have received the first letter.
28 made an appointment after the first letter.
222	Sociological Arficrii of Homotexiialitj
48 received the *econd letter.
17 made an appointment after die second letter.
31 diil not reply.
Of the 45 who made appointments:
7 faded to keep the appointment.
3? interviews неге completed.
As it became clear that the number of people who would answer a letter of this kind was disappointingly small, the research workei called on some of the people who had failed to answer either letter, although this of course nullified the whole point of the scheme which was to employ an agency to contact the men so that the research worker could concentrate on the interviewing. Calls wae made on t6 of the 31 people who had not replied to either the first or the «econd letter. The people who were called on were not selected in any way except where it was convenient or when the research wotker had the time to do this.
ib < ills were nude.
11 were not in (sometimes after 2 or 3 calls J.
5 refused tn make an appointment for an interview.
15 of those who had not replied to cither letter did not receive a calL
So these personal calls on the contacts did nor produce even one extra interview. This is contrary to the usual experience in social rescan h where personal calls are ncarlv always more effective than sending out letters requiring the contact to reply. But it may be that having ignored two letters, a personal call would then be unlikely to alter an attitude that had become fixed either because of a slight feeljie of shame for net having answered the letters, or because it gave time for second thi lights and to formulate a reason for refusing. It 13 also possible that these contacts never intended to allow them* selves to be interviewed, but thought that agreeing to the request from the Gallup P< 11 man was the quickest way ol getting rid ufhnn.
So 27 per cent of those originally contacted refused a later interview.. Tlits is not an altogether unexpected figure, as the Gallup Poll man was not asked to try to persuade them to co-operate, and the reasons f >r icquesting an interview were vague. It is the loss at the next stage tliat is surprising, because 102 people agreed to make themselves available but only 6u could be prevailed upon to make an appointment after one or two letters or telephone calls, and a personal call in five cases.
Appendix Raearch Plan	223
When it bcrame dear that a considerable loss was occurring after the man had agreed to be interviewed, the Gallup Poll men were asked to get a signature from each individual who had agreed to co-operate. This rignature was on a slip of paper under the sentence:
I am willing to assist in this investigation.
Signature ....
Of course this did not put the contact under any obligation, legal or i ilrt-rwrisc, but it was hoped that it would reduce the number of refusal' at ths stage. As far as Can be seen, it did not seem to have much effect on the refusal rate.
There was a third loss at a later stage when nine of the Go who had made appointments hided to keep them This doc* not include five people who tailed to keep their first appitnUnenc but □ub-equently were interv -ewed after a second appointment had been made, but it does ’nclude tnree people who made a second appointment and again failed to keep it. It is calculated that something like 34 hours were spent cn these 14 people from which five interviews were obtained.
The object was to get 50 interviews from non-h> «moeexuals to •klatch by age and education 50 homosexuals. In fact 51 interviews were obtained because one of this group turned out to be a self-confessed horn asexual1 «nd it was decided not to include this man in the поп-homi иех la! group. In order to obtain these 51 interviews, 140 people were contacted, so the full non-response rate is &3 6 per cent.
No one can pretend that this is anything but unsatisfactory. The unguial refusal rate (27%) was high but not altogether unexpected. The greatest loss (50%] was after the contact had agreed to an interview but could nut be persuaded tu make an appointment. It would seem that people can be persuaded to stop and answer a short questionnaire, but the idea of answering a letter and agreeing to a specific day and time is too much to expect.
When the contact agreed to have the research worker visit him at heme, or when the contact arrived at the interview room, no further difficulties were encountered. There were no face to face refusals at this stage and all interviews were completed succe- fully.
It is p^sihlc that the high rate of non-response occurred because the contacts were warned that some of the questions would be about sex activities. There were good reasons for doing this and there are no clear indications that it did, in fact, increase the refusal rate to
I. Others in thia group hod homosexual experiences but they did not regard thrrnsrlvrs as botnnerxual 'Scrtxxi F of Chapter 7}
Appendix. Research Plan
225
224	Sociological Aspects of Homosexuality
л large extent. There was a fear that unless a person’s 'ex life was relatively blameless, he would refuse Rut several of the 50 had complicated sex experiences involving pre-nuirital or ex-marital intercourse or homosexual experiences.
It »eem* that the most likely саше of the high rate of refusal is simply apathy. The men were not provided with a sufficiently good reason for co-operating, and when they discovered that they would have to go to some trouble, they decided not to bother Although 16 personal calls did nor produce a single interview, it did help to give the research worker a picture of the kind of people w ho would not make a ipecifii appointment for an interview. Most >f the contacts who did not answer the letters were men under thirty from the poorer homes Again this is not unexpected; the mystery is why they ever agreed to an interview in the first place.
It is reasonable to suppose that th.«e who did agree to be interviewed were, not necessarily more intelligent, but more 'research minded’ in the sense that thev were able to appreciate that an investigation of this kind might have some purpose beyond curiosity. This would produce a bias of a sort, but a similar bias would almost certainly be uj>eriung when the HO group was obtained, for these were all volunteers.
Although the high non-response rate is disappointing, this does not necessarily invalidate the results. From the start it was < bvious that reprexentatnenes» was not a practical possibility ; it wouid be absurd to hope that 50 people could adequately represent all the people in England and Wales who are not homosexual. In any case there is no way of know ing how far the HO group represents the homosexual population of the country. The best that could be hoped for was that the NO group would match the HO group as closely as po-sihlc This much has been achieved and tables A. 2, A.3 and Л.4 sh< iw that a dose match has been obtained for age, education, and to a leaser extent for area of residence.
Table A.g The ages f the men и the HO and SO groups
Age	HO group	NO group
21- 30	16	16
31-40	2t>	»o
4 '-5°	7	6
51-60	7	8
Table A.3 Ed-j.tr-. rd grader1 in the HO and SO groups		
Educational grade	HO gr..up	NO group
A	IO	IO
л	7	7
c	>4	14
D	19	‘9
Table Л.4 .'Irra of residence tn the HO and SO groups		
Vrca of	HO	NO
residence	group	group
London	39	46
City/town	6	3
Small town	3	1
Village'rural	2	—
This means that although it cannot be claimed that the results of either group are typical behaviour for the homosexual or non-homosexual population, yet where the results arc significantly different, then it is reasonable to suppose tliat the homosexual condition of the HO group may be an influencing factor.
C.	THE CONDITIONS AT THE TIME OF THE INTERVIEW
The difficulties of conducting a research into deviant sexu<d behaviour are not confined to the problem of finding the individuals willing to be interviewed. Another difficulty is to see enough people so that some kind of representation ie obtained in a reasonable time.
Information could be obtained from more people if it were possible to use some kind of’elf-administered questionnaire, but the subject of homosexuality is surrounded by strong social conventions and the questionnaire presents too great an opportunity for the respondent to mislead, to understate or to exaggeiate. It was felt that the required information could only he obtained by an experienced interviewer. Furthermore the conditions at the time of the interview must be unhurried and relaxed.
Some of the most useful information was obtained, not from the direct answer to the question, but from the elaboration cn the answer and from the reactions to supplementary question*. It is
1 The four educational grades are described m Scrnon A of Chapter 5.
22б	Sociological Aspects of Homosexuality
also in this way that the truthfulnes* or otherwise of the response can often be established beyond doubt- The interviewer is frequently able to appraise the validity of what a person says in the light of how he says it.
For this reason the mo»t important factor was the rapport established between the person and the research worker On some occasions the interviewer failed to "get through’ to the man and to this extent the responses were unsatisfactory. The establishment of rapport depends on many things, not least the personality of the interviewer. But the physical conditions, a quiet and relaxed atmosphere, neutral surroundings, and the frame bl rmnd f the other person at the start of the interview are all important. Sometime», especially with the prisoners, the conditions were far from ideal. But every effort was made to give the interview a good start, and even when this did not happen, it was sometimes possible to recover from a bad beginning.
All the men from the HC and PC group-» were #ccn in prison while serving their sentence and the in-patients of the HP and NP groups were interviewed in hospital. For the others a meeting was arranged cither at the interviewee's home or in central London where a quiet, neutral, easv-to-tind room wa« used for all people who preferred n< <t to be interviewed in their own homes.
The men from the HO and HP groups all knew that they would be asked about their homosexual condition before they even met the interviewer. It is doubtful whether they expected the questions to l>e quite so detailed or to deal with such private and intimate subjects, but in the rense that they w ere forewarned that the research was on homosexuality, they can be said to have freely volunteered. The men m the NO and NP groups were also t Id that some of the questions would be about their sexual activities, but they were not told that the main subject of the research was homosexuality. The men from the prisons (HC. and PC groups) were not volunteers in the fint place because they were brought to the research worker without being given any explanation. It was then up to the research worker to tell them about the research and ask them to agree to an interview. In fact tw-o from the HC group and nine from the PC group were reluctant to continue when the research was first explained to them, but during the course of general conversation all but one of these eventually agreed to answer the questions on the schedule However, one HC and three PCs would not or could not take the verbal reasoning test.
There was, therefore, some variation in the situation m which the interview took place. A man who was being interviewed in his own
Appcnatx. Rrtearrh Plan	227
home or had made his own way to the interview room in central Ixindon was more likely to be well disposed towards the research from the start. The man interviewed in a hospital where he w’as an in-patient was inclined to think that this was part of his treatment. From the start it was made clear to Lun that this was not the care, but many patients in mental hospitals feel neglected and reach out for help from any quarter.
The men interviewed m prison, were in a much less favourable situation. Although the research worker made strenuous efforts to convince die prisoners that the interview’ was confidential, not unnatural ly some of them did not find this easy to believe. In many cases it became clear that the research worker had won the prisoner’s trust for he w’as told of activities in and out of prison which could only have got the inmate >nto severe trouble if the information had been passed on to anyone else. But there were several others who found it difficult to believe that they could say w hat they liked without it going any further, for some the whole idea of a fact-finding research was incomprehensible, while for others there was a built-in resistance to anyone coming into a prison from outside; one man from the HC group called the research worker ‘sir’ throughout the interview, and all efforts to produce a mere informal atmosphere were met with incredulity. Then there were others, especially in the PC group, who were so tilled with shame and remorse that they found it difficult to talk about their sexual offence to anyone and preferred to regard it as a dream that never really happened.
D.	THE INTERVIEW
At the start of the interview the research worker told each man about the research and described tn detail the precautions taken to ensure c-tmplere secrecy The first part of the interview was nondirective and the man was encouraged to talk generally while the interviewer concentrated upon gaining his confidence. After a while (the period could vary from to to 50 minute») the research worker explained that it would make the investigation more accurate and more useful if he followed a schedule and made notes. No one objected to notes being taken. From this point the research worker directed the coarse of the interview, making sure that all rhe items on the schedule w ere covered,
Nevertheless a few of the questions assumed a self-analytical or self-cntical attitude, and this meant that some men, especially the patients and prisoners, were occasionally asked about things which they had never considered in their lives before. Not surpiisingly a
228	Sociological Aspects of Homosexuality
few of them were unable to answer some of there questions. Tn such cases supplementary questions were asked so as to make sure that the uucstion was understood, bur where it was dear that the question had pone beyond a person’s comprehension, a 'Not Known’ answer was recorded. It seems to this research worker that the laudable attempt to get a 100 per cent response to all questions may lead to distortion. It was not alw ays advisable to press for an answer until the man gave a response which would tit into one or other of the expected categories. From the start it was accepted that many of the questions on the schedule were attempts to seek information on subjects about which many men do not speak fredy. For this reason the research worker did not hesitate to record an ’NK’ respond where this seemed appropriate, although such a procedure tends to make the final results appear incomplete.
Пю interview schedule contained direct questions requiring a factual answer and questions asking for opinions and attitudes. The tame set of topics was covered in a systematic way in each interview, but the interviewee was allowed a good deal of freedom whilst answering and he was encouraged to discuss particular points in detail if he wished.
Once the research worker felt sure that he had gained the man's confidence, the schedule was used quite openly. It was realized that making notes in the presence c f some people may have acted as an inhibitory influence, but taking into consideration the possibilities of inaccurate recollections in a long interview, it was felt desirable to place a minimum reliance on memory The open use of the «chedule also ensured tliat the research worker took notes on the same items of information in all cases and so makes more trustworthy those aspects which lend themselves to quantitative and statistical treatment.
At first each man was asked straightforward questions about his age, education, residence, occupation, etc. Then followed questions about his family. The first questions about sexual matters were about childhood experiences. The questions were so arranged that those questions likely to cause the most embarrassment were placed towards the end of the interview. Questions about homosexuality were asked last of all; at first he was encouraged to talk about other homosexuals and develop his ideas and attitudes about homosexuality in general before he was asked to talk about his ow-n sexual activities.
Uf course some of the questions designed specifically for self-confessed homosexuals were not put to the two control groups. Information on 130 items was asked of all six groups and a further
Appendix. Research Plan	224
78 items were covered with the four homosexual groups. In addition to these 217 items, 11 observations were made by the research worker on the man’s behaviour, making a total of 228 items, although not all of these were relevant in every case.
As soon as possible after the interview the notes made nn the schedule were expanded and written up, partly in case history' form. A note was also made of the man’s behaviour, appearance, responsiveness and concentration during the interview- The following day all the material was classified into a quantitative foim as far as this was possible. The person’s actual words were written out alongside the classified answers. Tn effect most of the editing and classification work was done at the same time as the field work.
E.	THE QUALITY UF THE RESPONSE
The research worker carried out all ihe interviews himself and so whatever interviewer bias is present is constant throughout the six groups. But the interview technique is a blunt instrument and the best we can do is to make it as sharp as possible. It would be absurd to maintain that complete truthfulness is obtained on all occasions in a research on this subject. Furthermore it is probable that there is considerable variation in the quality of the response from person person, and from question to question.
There is little doubt that the two groups seen in the prisons produced the least satisfactory interviews. The physical conditions, the attitude of the prisoners inside and their mode of living outside all combined to make a situation where they set little score on rhe value of truth. At all three prisons the research woiker was warned about this. One assistant governor said: ‘Wc had one ol your chaps here last year and a right mess of things he made. He sat there and Listened tu a airing of lies and then wrote it all up. You can't believe a word they say, you know.'
The caution is justified. The prisoner ha* several good reasons for not telling the truth. In this particular interview situation it was usually possible to get to the point where it was clear that the answer* were false, hut it was not so easy to persuade them to tell the truth. Occasionally a ‘Do me a favour’ interjection from the interviewer worked wonders, and there was one case where after 35 minute* the prisoner smiled and said: ‘Let’s start again and this time I’ll tell you what really happened.’
The men m the two nnn-homosrxual groups wete more likely to give truthful answers. These men were still faced with the situatii>n in which they were asked to reveal the must intimate detail’ to a
23°
Social -'gical Aspects oj Homosexuality
Appendix. Research Plan
231
complete stranger. Some did d.u with complete trust, some with relief at being able to talk to a sympathetic listener about things which they had long wished to discuss. But naturally there were others whose upbringing made it impossible for them ever to discuss sexual matters with ease; and this did not apply so much to those w ith something to bide, but more often to those whose sexual activities were conventional or ncn-cxistent.
As far as possible, the records of prisoners and in-pa dents were cheeked after the interview. No major inconsistencies were found between the information given to the 1 esearch worker and the files on the individuals where comparisons could be made. Bin in fact this is a limited check. Most of the information sought in thu investigation was not the kind ol material put on prison or medical records. Towards the end of the work, the research worker found so little of the information obtained at the interview could be corroborated from the individual prison records that where ihc prisoner was reluctant to give his name, he was not pressed. It was found that the advantage of complete anonymity outweighed the advantage of checking a few unimportant point* And as the prison authorities did n,-t hesitate to point out, their own records w ere -.imply a record of w hat the prisoner had chosen t э tell them and were not necessarily tiue. Medical records were mure useful, but like the prison records, much of the information obtained during the interview was nut the kind ol material a doctor requires for a medical history.
It is reasonable to амише that the must truthful response came from the HO and HP groups except for the two cares in the latter group where the patient’s condition made it difficult to distinguish reality from fantasy. All these men were self-confessed homosexuals. By coming to the interview at all they had revealed the darkest secret of then lives; the information obtained al the interview was no more than supplementary to this central fact. Furthermore, many of them felt strongly that an impartial research would help other people to understand their problems and were eager to co-operate.
There was another valuable check on the ПО group. All of these men had been seen previously and much of the same ground was covered at the follow-up interview. When the two records were compared no major inconsistencies and very few minor variations were found. It is fan to assume that a high standard uf truthfulness was obtained in this group
Although there was considerable variation in the quality of rhe response among the six groups, the schedule was constructed so that major falsehoods wotild be revealed. It was nut alw ays possible to get the truth, but it was usually possible to eliminate the untrustworthy
re]dies. In no case was it netessary to discard an interview, but in some cases where there was doubt about the validity of an answer to a specific question, it was considered prudent to record an *NK’ reply and these responses are not included in the statistical analysis.
t. THE VERBAL REASONING TEST
It was originally intended to give each man a full intelligence test. But as the interview took over an hour, there was the risk of a deterioration in the response if the duration of the whole session were tu extend beyond two hours Therefore a verbal reasoning test, timed to last to minutes, was used in place of a long I.Q. test.
This verbal reasoning test is in regular use at B,rkbcck College and is designated Test 1, It is printed on one foolscap page and starts as follows:
T«i 1
In this test there are twenty-five questions. WHENEVER YOU SEE A CROSS, THERE IS A LETTER OR A NUMBER MISSED OUT. Write the missing letter or number in the box on the right of the paper like this:
X кП CO ►A	b	
Now do this *		
(«) R S T U V x		(t)
(2) 4 8 12 16 xx		(2)
(3) A D G J x		(3)
etc.	etc.	
* Аз Test 1 is still being used, the examples given here are not those actually used in thr test.
Test 1 was given to each person immediately after the mtervirw. The most usual reaction was a reference to the eleven plus exam or to the two television programmes where imitative I.Q. tests were given in a kind of parlour game programme. Both channels had been featuring these programmes for several months and if, as some people suppose, there is a learning effect in intelligence tests, this might have caused some distortion in the results. It was not possible in this
Q
232	Sociological Aspects of Homosexuality
research to make any estimate of the amount of practice a man had gained from watching these TV pn "grammes.
Most, people found the test interesting and made commei-ts or asked questions about it afterwards. But a few of the older ones approached the task in a fearful spirit with remarks such as ‘I’m hopeless at figures’, and ‘1 hate doing these sorts of puzzles*. In perhaps four or five cases, particularly when the interviewee was a successful man, theic were indications of reluctance or resentment. The research worker got the impression that these feelings of inferu -rity might have affected the scores in these cases.
Four people dtd not complete the test. One in the MC group had broken his glasses and could not read without them. One in the PC group was required to report to the doctor before this test could be attempted and he was transferred to another prison before he could be seen again. Another from the PC group was unable to read, and a third from the same group felt the test was ’too childish’.
Each man was required to answer as many of the questions is he could in fen minutes. At the end of this time the paper was taken away and the number of correct answers recorded.
Two of the men got all 25 answers correct and two got only one answer correct. All the .ither? fell between these two extremes with the exception of the four who did not take the test A distribution table was made of the raw scores and from this each person was
ranked on a ten-point scale, as follows: Raw		№. tn all
маге	Rank	groups
20-25	1	32
18-ig	2	«5
16- 17	3	27
14-15	4	26
12-13	5	39
to—11	6	27
8-9	7	Л'
6-7	8	36
4-5	9	25
>-3	10	JB
		296
Test 1 is used as a rough measurrmentof intelligence in this research and us such it was satisfactory. Nearly everyone tried his hairiest but perhaps some of the men tested in institutions felt it was an imposition, and some of the older successful men in the IIO and NO groups were afraid that the result would show them up in a bad light.
REFERENCES
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AUTHOR INDEX
Adornc- Theodore W., 206
Allen, Clifford, *3 53. 58. 96 165, 202
Allport, Gordon W, 182
A pel berg, Bentamm, 165
Bailey. Derrick Sherwin. 201
Barker UmanJ., 171
Bartelruc, Kenwood F-, 150, 153
Bauer T-. 162
Beach Frank A , 188. 206
Berk, A. T., 96
Becker. Howard S., 212
Beip-LHuro, 174
Bender. Lauretta, 60, 150, 155
Bent (diaries. 5 102
Berglei Edmuiri 35, gt> 17g, 202
Brtocr. Ining. 14. >21, 13J, 167, 187, 201
Blau Abeam, 60, 150
Block. Jack. 165, 177 firaif kr-.u H i j Beemer, Johan. 168 Bromberg. W., 150 Buckle-, Michael J., 301
Calder. W., 153
Campbell, jam D., 107, 115
Can A im
Gistcll, D , 170
Chang Judy 165, 177
Ghei 1 1 Eustace, 35, 202
Clausen, John A 186
Minard, Marshall B., 191
Coon. F_ul D., 153, 154 175, 199
C-trnfirtd, Jemnw 312
Cory, Do laid Webster. 115
Curran, Desmond, 121, 167
Davids A, 171
l> Savitsch, Eugene, 202
Devereu. Gcurg- 188
Doshay, L. J„ 154
East, W. Norwood, 53. 57
Ellis, Albert 96
EtvaicJr H J., 1Б9
Ftshman, Joseph H. 159
Fitch, J. H 150, 154, 155
Ford, Mcilan S., 188, zo6
Freedman, Laurence ZeHc. 159
Freeman. T, 165
Freud. Sigmund. ic jfn
Freund, K_, 149, ivy. 170, 171
Frotch, J., ijo
Gibbens, T C N.. 49, 143, 150, 153, 154, 161 175, t&5
Glover, Edward, 35
Glueck, В C., 167
Luff man, Lr. ui6, 158
Grams, Ar nin, 17г
Greenspan Herbert, 115
Grey. Antony, 178, 182
Gri Fills, Rvl.ard M., 171
Grimes. В P.. 150
Gru*. Allred A, 53, 103, 115, T97, 198-9, soi
Grugcit, Alvar Eldridge, Jr., 133
Grygicr, T. G-, 5ГП, 171
Hama, W H-, 167
Hampson. J. G., 162
HarTipw n i. J. I., 163
Hart. H L A, 211
Haus- r. Riihard. 3, 402
Henriques, Basu 49, 151
Henry, Gtorpe W., 23, 53. 103, 107,
«•5
Hood Roger, Г54
Hooker, Evelyn 171
Howard, Peter, r&r
James, Ba™ 169, 170
J.-fbtia к J G., 108
Joelson, M , 171
Johnson, A M., 23, 165
Ionaa, (™trl H., 23, 165
ones, Eugene S. 150, 155
Kardiner, A 186
Kbisey, Alfred C.. Co, 115, 163, 206
ICausner Samuel Z., 192
Kiintwurth, Gordon K., 16a
Krught. James A, r6j
Kolb, I- C.. 23, r&t, 165
Knit h, A M., 202
Kurland, Morwci L-, 150
Lambert, Garl, 8 9
Latch. A. 65
Liddicoat, Ren£r, 8, 58, 115
Linder. Robert M., iw», 179 182
Ma-hover, Karen, 171, t”8 Ma oowski, Bronislav, r88 Martensrsef arsen, D.53 Masters, R. E. I,, 183 Matho. Jerry K., 171 McArthur. C., 171 McCord, Juan. 178 McCurd, William, 178
ip
McLane it-, J. J . 167
Mead Margaret 188
Mrod'bohn, F , 139
Meet™ R< Осп K. 190
Метт .luff, A, 1K1
Milri. Catherine С re. 103, 171
Моясь, J*. 161
M«n I1Ш1ПГ. 217
Moms. Terence. 158, 217
Tiedoma К 16,
Neustaner, W. Lindsay, 195
Newall John N F, 197
Newall, V-nena. 197
O’'Cannot, William A.. 189
Рахилсц James FL. 171
Part С. M- B , 163
P<rr. Dem« 8, 115, lei, 167
Pinu-a V.. 149
Pkecowe. Morris, 153
Kuraarr Dougiu 159, 182-3, 199-
JOT
Prtgai, 4ieven, 206
Powell Frank, i<h
Power* Clair A., 171
Prince. Joyce, 150, 152, 154, 16г, 175
Raboti.. J„ 163
hado Sa-xlur 53
Radzir.^AKx. LetM. 10, 154 179
Ramer J D , 154, 162
Raymond M. J , 169
Reifert. David, 152
Rciilch E., 150, 153
Rey J. H. зоб
Riuiser, Lawrence, 171
Ribb ]аллп. i8a, wo
Rr.‘pb. C H_. 19»
Rw M.. 129
Saul L J., 96
Schlegel Widhart S., 163
Scho&kl Michael, ill, 176, 189, 905
txFnut, E.. 170
bubennan, XL 143
Slater. E>iot, 162, 171
Slater Patrick, 171
Socandc*. Charles W., 150
Spencer, S J. G., 189
Steam, Jesa. '8i. 202
Slevertw» 170
3wchm.. W M . 1 v
Swyer. G L M . 163
Taylor, F H .rfi7
Taylor, F Krair 1 2u6
Taylor, L-omti". lutin,, 206
Terman, Lews XL, 103, tji
Ti»xpe J. G.» 170
Totsma. F J.. 154
Tuobert, Saul, tju, 133
Wei», R. G., 150, 153
Wrsi	J , 23, 54 88, 159, 165,
SOI
Westwood. Gordon, 8, 24. 29, 60, ini, 1*4, 173, ’?9i ’*»r “’9
Wheeler, W M.. 171
Whyte, William Foote, igt
МЪчтг. Wiliiar И Jr., irto
WilLams, R 191
W,-lpe,J., 169/ 70
Wood Arthur L., 183
Aloud. R uer W., '201
Woodward Mary, 167
Aaraaslun Ro S . 171
Young. Kimball 103
SUBJECT INDEX
Abstinence. 173—4
Aeadcma. achievement, Ro 13g Active, ar anal intercoutve
Aduiterv. 38, 64, 95-6 120. 136, 176
Affaire, 16. 112-16, 748 1^8, .us
Age group*, 7, 40, 65 68, 85, 101, 123, 224
Alcnliohtm, 178-9,201
Anal intercourse 35. 60-61, 111-12, '49. 16°. 199- «* Buggery
Antisocial hchavawir, 183, 204
Appearance. 8, ia, 42, 70, too, 108, 113, >30 31
Aimed Force», м Services
Attitude to homosexual* 98-9, 138-43, igt-a
Avem 1 therapy, 156, 168-71
Bachelors, г 48
Bella' - _r therapy, rar А’.стоп therapy
Rir»h order 53 77-8,90, 106, 131
Biserualt, 35, 37, 119-20. tas, too, 162, •74* «7
Blatkmat, 62, 178, 193. 196, 198
Boarding school, 27-9
Borstal 30 194
Bram washing, 171
Buggen. 17-ao 46, 195, 198
CaxtralK«. 168
Causes, 162-5, a,a
Chair rcacnocu. 19, 158, 199
Child molesters >ar paedophiliac*
CL id 1 rural 150-51
Churvh attendant r 7, 41, 86. ioi-?
Church of England Moral Wchare
Council, 200
Gornmunise. ibJ
Сооппшт» integration. 173
ConditMaurig, 164
Cotene - hornoaexuaj, sar Groups -I cmwexuaj
Ddendiug lawyer, 49-50, 151, 153
Definitions. 4-5, 59-60 66, 217
Disrupted homo, 23-5, 53, 77" 3. 9°.
104, 132-3, 207
Divuccr. 38. (
Education, 7, 40, 68, 85, 123, 225
Efiemtrart honiotetuab, 12-14, 123.
159-60, 199-200, 207
Employers. 56.8u. 91-2, 107, 134
Evidebce from children, 49, 151-3
Father-absent, 78,91,104,131-3,141. '65
Father - relationj with 24 54 77, 90-91, 104-5, «33-3
First expenenre 31-2, 58, 81-2, 93-4, 109-11
Frequrutics - homwsexua!, 53-4. 60, 82, in, 137, 159-60
Fi.ends - nomwexual, 98
Gallup Polis vmi-3
Genital appuulion, 60 61, 111-12
Girt - assaults on 42 3- 45, 59. 149
Gross mdccmcv. 9. 17, 45
Groups - drfiniiiots oi, 4, 214-15, jer
-ht Denniiiuns
Croups - homotrznal, 116, 125, 174, 181-3
Guilt feelings, 15. 40, 52, 61, 110, 139, 149. »»9
Guilty - pleading, 46-7, 153, 200
Heredity - eflrcts of, 162-3, ®°4
Heterosexual hequcncicr, 34-5. 64, 95-“. 116-18. 136-8
Home Office, sin
ImiKnrunir.4 9-14 175, aoo
Inadequate penonatitia 157-8
Intra:. 43, 150
Incidencr of hcmoserualttv 157, t88, 206
Indecent assault, 9-to, 44-5. 49, 60,
•53
In’-'iigrnce, и» A'erbai reasoning test
Intervm qum«ii 214, ?J;~9
Jew» 180, t8z
Justice - tnscarriage of, 48-9
Kinsey Scale. 35, 38, 77, IM, 162, 166, 174 »9
lavatories. 16, 36-7. 62, 148
Law -eflo u. <M. 16, 67, 140, 147, 193-
Wv. tio-11
Leisure 27, 57. 92
Lesbians, 115, 193, 197
Marital status, 7, 16, 38,41. 54 6q. 38, 95 lol, 100-21, 13*. '36
M-a*aJ aspects. 147, 161 176-7
Menopsinc - male. 58
Mental dines, 160-61,184 >89,218-19
Minoriiy groups, i8t  3, 196
Mobile Indian*. 188
Soci&gical Aspects nJ He msnescuaiity
2 44
Mudia - 'гг-[Шгс1лг 09. :af-5, 132-3 165. 187
Mo <1 - trialiote with. 24, 77, 90, i<M-5
Muni J tuniuilAUOn, 6" 110-12, 1 49
Occupation 8, 42, 69. By, 101—4, 108, •31
<Je*tmgr~*, t68
Offences  Lumosruial, 9-10, 148, 157
Offences — шо-sexual, 9, и, 17, 42 70.
87-9. *75- *78-9t ®°7
Organization -	18a
Paedophliars. 3, 37, 39-67, 147, 149-56, am-8. ata
Parents — manta] rdaiions, 24-5, 132-^
Pan тта-» - schoolboy, 29-30 81, 93
109, 135
Passive иг Anal '.itercuurse
Personality tests. 5, 155
Prrfrirrd sexual behaviour, 37, 64
118-19
Pregnancy in male*- 163
Pnsuu C > -nussionrs*. viii. 3
Prtsoei — fa nosrxuafatv in, 1589
» ‘^"5
Рим» - m'er iews m, «15-17, 227, 249
Prnur offitxn 9
Private - bummexual arts in, 17-20, 14», 148 193, *95 «7
РгоЬашг— ta. at, ji. 156
Pme-iwuitv 35-6 61, . 3, 96, 43*
«75 A 193
ProwAtrtt® 97, tra, 138-9, 176
Prraututrs male, 12-13, 72, loo. 158.
175. a«>
Psvil -analvsis. 165, 170, 1Й5
P»v. » vdi-iap» 156, too-8
Public usdecencv. 15-17, 36, 62. 64.
149. '75 «95
Quotations, viii, 5
Reconrictiua rates. m, 42,50,154. 195
Refusals, 331-4. 220
Rehgww 7, 41, 69 86, 130, 174
Reprosuxi, 174	_ „
Reside nee, 26 41, 54. 69,86, 101,130,
Rnyal Cinumsma. on the Police -
Final Report, 198
Sadism. 96, f j6, 168
Schizophrenia. 150
School — homosexual аса at, 28 30, 57, 80-8tr 92, 208-9
Secunr*, 72 5, 196-7
Scduc iou - effects of, 30. 33. 57-8, 94.
«35-6. 15+-S* ’9* \
Self^uaplmc. 51-2/124-5, ,55
Services - homosexuals in, 71-5 81-2, 1967
Sex есмсапьс. 27-8, 57. 80. 9a, 135
Soria' class 9 27, 41, 69, 87. ten, 134
Social molality, 103-3, '31-5
Social presurra ,48. 161. 180-84, 191-3. 201, 204-6, jio-t 1, «13
Statesnents to the police, 18-20. 461, «53-4. 'Л 198
Stainucal tests, 66, 90. 123, 142
Stnudc, 189, 173
I jui ent - mo juns n* pr*-> л 4ti-23, 155-6
Treatment - length of, so, 37.51,76,89
Treatment e prognoss, 121, 155-6, 167, 210, 213
Trratrnriit - reasons for net serkmg, 51-2. 76, 109. tot
Urtan migration. ±6, 56, 69, 79, isq
Validity of response, 7,40.68, 101,129, *15-17,226-7 129-31
Venereal disease, 67, 143, 176, 186
Verbal nasorurx test. 5, 7, 41, 46, 68, 85, ni. 129 207, Я14, a3«-a
Vernacular, 183
Wages, 27. 41. 60-70. 79. 87. 134
West Indian*. 180
Woifcuden Reporu 141, 157, 160 193
Wurkmalca, 56, 80, 91-2. 107, 134
176.3 S367
Schofield, Micha₽l G.
Sociological ааресйв cf
176.3 S36?
S26949
C7Ze Jlitrary BETHEL THEOLOG CAL S' INARr ST PAUL 1. MIHNISO1A