Author: Wright J.  

Tags: english   english grammar  

Year: 1998

                    THE STUDENTS, SERIES OF

PREFACE I writing this Grammar we have kept steadily in view the elass of students for whom the Series of Grammars was originally planned. As it is not intended for specialists, some details of more or less importance have been intentionally omitted, but we venture to thînk that the present volume contains ail that the ordinary student will require to know about the subjeet. The student who thoroughly masters the book will not only have gained a eomprehênsive knowledge of Old English, but vîll also have acquired the elements of Comparative Germanie grammar. But from out long experienee as teaehers of the subject, we should strongly reeommend the beginner not to work through the phonology at the outset, but to read Chapter I and sections 47-53, and then to learn the paradigms, and at the saine rime to read some easy texts sueh as are to be round in any of the Old English Readers. This is undoubtedly the best plan in the end, and wiI1 lead to the most satisfaetory results. In fact, it is in out opinion a sheer waste of rime for a student to attempt to study in detail the phonology of any language before he bas acquired a good working knowledge of its vocabulary and inflexions. In selecting examples to illustrate the sound-laws we have tried as far as possible to give words which bave been preserved in M odern English. A eomparison of the Index to the Grammar with an Old English Dictîonary would show that we have thus ineluded nearly all the simple words which have been preserved in the modern language. Out objeet in doing this was to enable the 
ri Preface student to lay a solid foundation for his further study of historical English grammar, and to provide a basîs for the next volume of the Series, which will deal with Middle English. It was originally our intention to include in the present volume some chapters on Syntax, but it was found that the inclusion of these chapters would bave rendered the book too large for the Series. This omission of the syntax cannot however be regarded as a serious draw- back, because the volume dealing with historical Englîsh syntax is already in active preparation, and will, it is hoped, be ready for press this year. Although this Grammar makes no pretence of being an exhaustive work, yet it is by far the most complete Grammar that has hitherto been wrîtten in our own language, and the first to deal with the subject in a strictly scientific manner. We gratefully acknowledge the help we have derived from the learned articles and books by that splendid band of German Anglisten which bas donc so much to throw light upon the history and philology or out language in ail its stages. On pp. xiiî-xiv will be round a select list of the books whîch we have round most useful, but itis our pleasant duty to mention here our special indebtedness to the works of BIîlbring, Cosijn, and Sievers. In conclusion, we wish to express our sincere thanks to the Controller of the University Press for his great kînd- ness in complying with out wishes in regard to special type, and to the Press Reader for the excellent manner in which he bas read the proofs. JOSEPH WRIGHT. OxFoD, EL%ZABETH M. WRIGHT. January, 19o8. 
CONTENTS INTRODUCTION ........ Classification of the Indo-Germanic languages, and a few characteristics of the Germanic languages (§ ); the periods of Old English (§ ); the Old English dialects (§ 3). PAGES CHAPTER i ORTHOGAPHY AND PRONUNCIATION ..... 5-7 Vowels (§§ 4-6); consonants (§§ 7-8); accentuation (§§ 9-s). CHAPTER II THE PRIM. GERMANIC EQUIVALENTS OF THE INDO- CaERMANIC VOWEL-SOUNDS ...... ][8-22 The Indo-Germanîc vowel-system (§ 6). a (§ e (§ ); i (§ ç); o ( ) ; u ( );  ( =);  ( 3); ê ( =4) ; i ( 25) ; 5 ( ) ;  ( aT) ;  ( =8); ei ( ) ; oi ( 3o); au ( 31); ¢= ( ); ou ('). The Indg. vocMic nasals and liquids • m ( 34); n ( ); r ( 36); 1 ( 37). CHAPTER IIi THE PRIç. GERtANIC VOWEL-SYSTEM .... 23-2. Table of the PHm. Germanic vowel.system (§ 38). The change of a to . (§ 4 o) ; the change of e to i, and of i to i (§ 4I); the change of" i to e (§ 4); the change of u to o,  (§ 43); the change of eu to lu (§ 44). The vowel-system at the close of" the Prim. Germanîc period, and table showing the normal development of the vowels in the varîous Germanic languages (§ 45). 
PAGE CHAPTER l'v" THE OE. DEVELOPMENT OF THE PRIIEZ. CrERMANIC VO%VELS OF ACCENTED SYLLABLES ....... 8 Umlaut: i-umlaut ( 47); u. and o/a-umlaut ( 48). Breaking ( 49)- Influence of nasals ( 50). Influence of initial palatal consonants (} 5x). Influence of w (ç 52). The chronolo of the sound-laws stated in } 47-5 a (} 53)- Sho vowels: a (}} 54-79) ; e } S); î (}} 96-1°8) ; o (} zo6-zo) ; u (}} zz-6). Long vowels :  (} 117-18) ;  (} II9-a4) ; E ( IaS) ; l (} ) ;  (}} IO) ;  (}} I3I-a). Diphthongs : ai (} x83-4); au (}} I35); eu (} I37); iu (ç z38). Vowel contraction (} I9-4a). The lenhening of sho vowels (} 143-9). The shortening of long vowels ( i5z). Table of the OE. vowel-system ( 152 ). CHAPTER V THE Pllt. GEI.MAXlC EQUtVALENTS OF THE OE. Vow OF ACCENTED SYLLABLES ....... The sho vowels : a ( z53) ; a (o) ( z54) ; oe ( 155) ; « ( x56); i (} x57); o ( 158); u ( 59); Y ( I). The long vowels"  ( 6z);  (ç I62); ê ( 163) ; i (} x64);  (} 165);  (} I);  (}I67). The short diphthongs" ea ( x68); eo (} I); le, later i, y ( xTo); io, later eo ( i7I). The long diphthongs" êa (} Ia) ; êo (} x73 ) ; ie, later ,  (} I4) ; o, later  (} z75). The chier deviations of the other dialects from West 8on" a (} 176); oe (}} I77); e (}} I81-8); i ( 184) ; o ( xss); oe ( );  (} x87);  (ç} ); CHAPTER VI THé. OE. I)EVELOPIENT OF TIIE PRIM. GERMANIC VOWELS • OF UNA.CCENTED SYLL&BLES ...... 84-9 The tr¢atment of Indg. final consonants în prehistoric OE. (§ 2zx). Vowels which were originally final or became final in Prim. Gcrmanic (§§ 2xa-z7). Vowels 
which came to stand in final syllables in prehistorîc OE. (§ 0.x8). Final vocalic nasals and liquids in prehistoric OE. (§ 2x9). Svarabhakti vowels (§ 22o). Vowels in medial syllables (§§ x-3). PAGES CHAPTER VII ABLAUT (§§ 2.4M) ....... 9-I00 CHAPTER. VIII THé- FIRST SOUh'D-SHIFTING, VERNER'S L«w, .'D OTHER CONSONANT CHANGES VHICH TOOK PLACE IN THE PRII. GERIIANIC LAh'6UAGE ...... IO0-I2I 'Table of the Indo-Germanîc consonaut-system (§ 29). The normal equivalcnts of the Indg. explosîves în Latin, Greek, and the Germanic languages (§ 23o ). The first sound-shifting:--the tenues (§ 23I); the mediae (§ 232); the tenues aspiratae (§ 233); the . mediae aspiratae (§§ 234-5). The chronological order ofthe first sound-shifting (§ 236 ). The twofold develop- ment of the Indg. velars in the Germanic languages (§ :dT)- Verner's law (§§ 238-9). Other consonant changes (§§ 4o-5o). Table of Prim. Germanie conso- nants (§ 0.5). CHAPTER IX SPECIAL WEST GERMANIC MODIFICATIONS OI" THE GENERAL GEIIANIC CONSONANT-SYSTEM .... 122--10. 5 Prim. Germanic z (§ 252). Prim. Germanic et (§ 253 ). The doubling of consonants (§§ 254-6). CHAPTER X THE OE. I)EVELOPET OF THE GENERAL GERIAIIC CONSONANT-S¥STEM ....... 125-159 OE. double consonants (§ 0.58). The simplification of double consonants (§ 59). The doubling of consonants in OE. (§ 6o). The voicîng of f, ],  (§ 26). The unvoicing of I,  (§ 0.60.). The semivowels : w (§§ 63- 7); J (§§ 68-75). The liquids: I (§§ 76-7); r (§§ 78-8r). 
The nasals : m (§§ e8.-4) ; n (§§ 285-8); r 3 (§§ 9-9o). The labials : p (§ .9I) ; b (§§ 292-4) ; f (§§ 295-7). The dentals: t (§ .98) ; d (§§ )9-3oo) ; ] (§§ 3ox-5). The sibilant s (§§ 3o6-8). The gutturals: k (§§ 3o9-i.); g (§§ 33-4) ; h (§§ 3s-9). PAGES CHAPTER XI NOUNS .......... I6o-i99 Classification of nouns (§§ 33o-s). Declension of nouns :-- A. The strong declensîon :--Masculine a-stems (§§ 334-41); neuter a-stems (§§ 342-50); masculine ja-stems (§§ 3.51-4) ; neuter ja-stems (§§ 355-8) ; mascu- line wa-stems (§§ 359-6o) ; neuter wa-stems (§§ 36r-3). Feminine 5-stems (§§ 364-73); feminine jS-stems (§§ 374-8) ; feminine wS-stems (§§ 379-8). Feminine abstract nouns in -î (§§ 38.-3). Masculine i-items (§§ 385-8) ; feminine i-stems (§§ 389-9); neuter î-stems (§§ 39s-3). Masculine u-stems (§§ 395-7); feminine u-stems (§ 398); neuter u-stems (§ 399). B. The weak declension:--Masculine n-stems (§§ 400-2) ; feminine n-stems (§§ 403-5) ; neuter n-stems (§§ 406-7). C. Minor deelensions :---Monosyllabie consonant stems (§§ 4oe-3). Stems in -] (§ 4t4)- Stems in -r (§ 415). Stems în-nd (§§ 46-8). Stems in-os,-es (§§ 49-o). CHAPTER XII ADJCTVES ......... 99 General remarks on the declension of adjectives (§§ 4-.). The strong declensîon :--a-stems (§§ 424 - al); ]a-stems (§§ 4-4) ; wa-stems (§§ 435-7)- i-stems (§ 438). u-stems (§ 439)- The weak declension (§ 440). The declension of participles (§§ 44-o.). The eom- parîson ofadjectives :--The comparative degree (§ 443); the superlative degree (§ 444); irregular eomparison (§§ 445-6). Numerals :--Cardinal and ordinal (§§ 447- 52); other numerals (§§ 453-7)- 
Contenais xi PAGS CHAPTER XIII Proous ......... General remarks on the pronouns (§ 458). Personal pronouns (§§ 459-6). Reflexive pronouns (§ 463). Possessive pronouns (§ 464). Demonstrative pronouns (§§ 465-7)- Relative pronouns (§ 468). Interrogative pronouns (§§ 469-7o). Indefinite pronouns (§ 47)- CHAPTER XIV VERB$ .......... °33-279 The classification of verbs (§§ 47o.-4). The full con- jugation of several strong verbs as models (§ 475). The endings of strong verbs (§§ 476-83). General remarks on the strong verbs (§§ 484-9). The classifica- tion of strong verbs :--Class I (§§ 49o-°-); Class II (§§ 493-6); Class III (§§ 497-5o') ; Class IV (§§ 503-4); Class V (§§ 5o5-7); Class VI (§§ 5o8-xo); Class Vil (§§ 5x-x9). The classification of weak verbs :--Class I (§§ 5*-34); Class II ( -7); Class III (ç 538). Minor oups :--Preterite-presents ( 5346); verbs in .mi ( 547-5x). CHAPTER XV ADVERBS ( 5) ; PREPOSITIONS ( 559); CONJUNCTOS ( 560) ......... z79-7 CHAPTER XVI WORD- FORIATION ....... 0-87-3:3 Simple and derivative nouns (§§ 56-3); noun and adjectival prefixes (§§ 564--94); noun suffixes (§§ 595- 6x6) ; compound nouns (§§ 6XT-Xg). Simple and derîva- tire adjeetives (§§ 60-o-); adjectival suffixes (§§ 6.- 39); eompound adjectives (§§ 64o-x). Simple and compound verbs (§§ 64-4); verbal prefixes (§§ 645- 56); verbal suffixes (§§ 657-9). INDEX ......... 3x4-35' 
SELECT LIST OF BOOKS USED Brugma, Karl. Kurze vergleichênde Grammatik der indo- germanischen Sprachen. Strassburg, 9o4. Biilbritg, Karl D. Altenglisches Elementarbuch (Lautlehre). Heidelberg, :9oz Cosijn, .P.J. Al-estsichsischê Grammatik. Haag, 883-6. Die;er» Ferdi,atd. Laut- und Formenlehre der altgermanischen Dialekte. Leipzig, 9oo. Iqall, Jolm R. Clark. A concise Anglo-Saxon Dictionary the use of studênts. London, 894. Holtt, ause,, F«rdiu«nd. Altsichsisches Elementarbuch. Hêidel- berg, 899. Kaha, ?lax. Histofische Grammatik der englischen Sprache. E-rster Teil. Berlin-Scl6neberg, 9o6. Klug«, ]ri«drid. Geschichte der englische Sprache (Paurs Grundriss der germanischen Philologie, vol. i, pp. 95 - 66, Strassburg, 9o4). Nominale 5tammbildungslehre der altgermanischea Dia- Iekte. Halle, 899. Kod,, Fri«drid, C. Die Satzlehre der englischen Sprache. Cassel, 878. Mavt, ao, A.L. Synopsis of O]d English Phonolo. Oxtbrd, Ik)Io Noree, .4dolf. Altisl/indischê und altnorwegische Grammatik unter Berficksichtigung des Urnordischen. Halle, 9o3. Abriss der urgermanischen Lautlehre. Strassburg, 894. tot,atsder, Alois. Zur Lauflêhre der griechischen, lateinischen und romanischen Lehnw6rter ira Altenglischen. Strass. burg. 888. 
Select L ist of Books used Sievers, Eduard. Angelsichsische Grammatik. Halle, I898. St'eitberg', Wilhelm. UrgermanischeGrammatik. Heidelberg, 1896 . Sweet, Hezry. The Student's Dictionary of Anglo-Saxon. Oxford, 1897. Toller, T. Norlhcote. An'Anglo-Saxon Dictionary, based on the manuscript collections of the late Joseph Bosworth. Oxford, I882-I898. I/F'alde, Alois. Die germanischen Auslautgesetze. Halle, 19oo. l/Vright, Joseph. An Old High German Primer. Oxford, I9o6. A Primer of the Gothic Language. Oxford, I899. The English Dialect Grammar. Oxford, 19o.5. 
ABBREVIATIONS Dor. = Doric Fr. = French Germ. = Gerrnanîc Goth. = Gothic Gr. = Greek Hom. = Homer Indg. = Indo-Germanic instr. = instrumental Ken. = Kentish Lat. = Latin loe. = locative ME. = Middle English MHG. = MiddleHigh German NE. = New English N H G. = New High German Nth. = Northumbrian OE. = Old English OHG. = Old High German O.Icel. = Old Icelandic O.!t. = Old Irish OS. = Old Saxon Prim. = Primitive Skr. = Sanskrit WS. = "vVest Saxon The asterisk * prefixed to a word denotes a theoretical form, as O E. âoeg, dqy, from Prim. Germanic *oEaaz. 
INTRODUCTION § 1. OLD English is a member of the West Germanic division of the Germanic (Teutonic)branch of the Indo- Germanic family of languages.. This great family of lan- guages is usually divided into eight branches :-- I. Aryan, consisting of" () The Indian group, including the language of the Vedas, classical Sanskrit, and the Prâkrit dialects. (z) The Iranian group, including () West Iranian (Old Persian, the language oîthe Persian cuneiform inscriptions, dating from about 5o-35o . c.); (b) East Iranian (Avesta---sometimes called Zend-Avesta, Zend, and Old Bactrian--the language of the Avesta, the sacred books of the Zoroastrians). II. Armenian, the oldest monuments of which belong to the fifth century ,.I. III. Greek, with its numerous dialêcts. IV. Albanian, the language of ancient Illyria. The oldest monuments belong to the seventeenth century. V. Italic, consisting of Latin and the Umbrian-Samnitîc dialects. From the popular form of Latin are descended the R omance languages • Portuguese, Spanish, Catalanian, Provençal, French, ItaIian, Raetoromanic, Roumanîan or Wallachian. . VI. Keltic, consisting of" (I) Gaulish (known to us by Keltie names and words quoted by Latin and Greek authors, and inscriptions on coins ; (2) Britannic, including Cymric or Welsh, Cornish, and Bas Breton or Armorican (thê oldest records of Cymric and Bas Breton date back to the eighth or ninth century) ; (3) Gaelic, including Irish- OE.«m B 
 Introduclion [§  Gaelic, Scotch-Gaelic, and Manx. The oldest monuments are the old Gaelic ogam inscriptions which probably date as far back as about: 5oo A. I>. VI I. Baltic.Slavonic, consisting of: (I) The Baltic division, embracing (a) Old Prussian, which became extinct in the seventeenth century, (b) Lithuanian, (c) Lettic (the oldest records of Lithuanian and Lettic belong to the sixteenth century); (2) the Slavonic division, embracing: (a) the South-Eastern group, including Russian (Great lZussian, White Russian, and Little Russian), Bulgarian, and Illyrian (Servian, Croatian, Slovenian) ; (b) the Western group, includîng Czech (Bohemian), Sorabian (Wendish), Polish and Polabian. viii. Germanic, consisting of:-- (I) Gothic. Almost the only source of out knowledge of the Gothic language is the fragments of the biblical translation ruade in the fourth century by Ulfilas, the Bishop of the West Goths. (2) 01d Norse (Scandinavian), which is sub-divided into two groups : (a) East N orse, including Swedish, Gutnish, and Danish; (b) West Norse, including Norwegian, and Icelandic. The oldest records of this branch are the runic inscrip- tions, some of which date as far back as the third or fourth 'century. (3) Wes: Germanic, which is composed of :--- (a) High German, the oldest monuments ofwhich belong to about the middle of the eighth cent:ury. (b) Low Franconian, called Old Low Franconian or Old . Dutch until about I2OO. (c) Low German, with records dating back to the ninth century. Up tO a.bolat I:2oo it is generally called Old Saxon. (F) Frîsian, the oldest records of which belong fo the fourteenth century. 
§§ -] Introduction 3 (e) English, the oldest records of which belong to about the end of the seventh century. NoT.--z. A few of the chier characteristîis of the Germanic languages as compared with the other branches of the Indo. iermanic languages are: the first sound-shifting or Grimm's law (§§ .29-B4) ; Verner's law (§ 2B8); the development OE the so-called weak declension of aijectives (§ zgl) ; the develop- ment of the preterite of weak verbs (§ 59.0) ; the use of the old perfect as a preterîte (§ z81). . The most characteristic differences between Gothic and Old Norse on the one hand, and of West Germanic on the other, are: the West Germanic gemination of consonants (§§ .5z-6) ; the loss of final z which arose from Indo-Germanic s by Verner's Iaw (§ .5.) ; the West Germanic development of prim. Germanic ww (§ 90), jj (§ 9.75) ; the form of the second pers. sing. pret. indicative of strong verbs (§ 48î). Gothic and Old N orse preserved the old perfect ending, as Goth. Old Norse r, amt, thou oohest, but OE. nSme, OS. OHG. n.mi. In the West Germanic languages the -t was only preserved in the preterite-present verbs, as OE., OS. wêst, OHG. weist, thou knowesg. 3. The most charaeteristic difference between High German and the other Germanie languages is : the High German sound- shifting (§ 2BO). - § 2. The division of a language-into fixed periods must of necessity be more or less arbitrary. What are given as the characteristics of one period have generally had their beginnings in the previous period, and it is impossible to say with perfect accuracy when one period begins and another ends. For practical purposes Old English may be conveniently divîded into two periods" early O E. from about 7oo to 9oo ; and late O E. from 9oo-I ioo. § 3. The oldest records of O E. exhibit clearly defined dialectal peculiarities which have been treated in some detail in the phonology, so that the student can easily collect together for himself the chiefcharacteristics of each dialect. In this grammar early West Saxon is taken 
4 Introduction [§  as the standard for O E., and is treated in greater detail than the other dialects, in using O E. poetry for gram- matical purposes the student should remember that it was for the most part'originally written in thê Anglian dialect, but that it bas corne down to us chiefly in late West Saxon copies which contain many Anglian forms. OE. is usually dividêd into four dialects" (a) Northumbrian, embracing the district between the Firth of Forth and thê Humber. (b) Mercian, between the Humber and the Thames. (c) West Saxon, south of the Thames, except Kent and Surrey. (d) Kentish, embracing Kent and Surrey. Northumbrian and Mercian are often classed together and called Anglian. Nm:E.--A detaiIed eomparison of late OE. phonology with that of the Modern dialects would doubtless show that the dialects of Sussex and East Anglia were closely related to the dialect of Kent in the OE. period. This is hot the place for such a cornparison, so one example must suffice here. The change of . to ê (§ 18, Note) in late OE. is always regarded as a speeial Kentish peeuliarity, but the same sound change must also ha-ce taken place in Sussex and East Anglia, where OE.. has regularly become  (through the older stage ê)in the Modern dialects, as lls (OE. ls), lice; rffs (OE. m.s), ni«e; whereas had  simply been unrounded to  in the late O E. period of these dialeets, the 1Vfodern forms would have been *lois and *mois. 
PHONOLOGY CHAPTER I ORTHOGRAPHY AND PRONUNCIATION § 4. OE. was written in the British modified form of the Latin alphabet with the addition of ] and ' (- w) from the runic alphabet. Vowel length was mostly omitted in writing, but in the case of long vowels it was sometimes represented by doublin gE the vowel or by using the diacritîc sign , as huus, his, louse. The sign -, placed over vowels, is used in this grammar to mark long voweIs and diphthongs. The account of the pronunciation given below is only approximately accurate. It is impossible to ascertain with perfect certainty the exact pronuncîation of any languagê in its oldest period. A. THE VOWEL$. § . The O E. vowcl-system was represented by the six elementary lett.ers a, e, i, o, u, y, the ligatures oe, oe, and the digraphs ea, eo, io, and ie, the digraphs having the value of diphthongs. See § O. They ail had both a short and a long quantity. a had the same sound as the a in N HG. ab, gast, as dagas, days ; habban, fo bave; hagol, hall; hara, hare. a before nasals was probably a low-back-wide vowel like the a as pronounced in many Scotch dialects in such words as ant, man. In OE. ît was accordingly often written o and may be pronounced like the o in NE. hot, as hand, 
Phonology [§  bond, he bound; land, lond, land; lang, long, long; mann, monn, man ; nama, noma, naine. See§ 59. . had the saine sound as the a in NE. father, as n, one; bn, bone ; rp, tope; tw, two; cnwan, to know; mwan, to room; s.wan, fo sow. oe had the same sound as the a in N E. hat, as doeg, day ; foeder, faSer; fœestan, tofasten ; hœefde, fie had; moegden, œe had the saine sound as the ai in lE. air, and the è in French père, as dœed, deed; oed, seed; woepen, weaon ; clœene, clean ; hoelan, to hem; lœedan,' to lead ; oe» sea. e had the saine sound as the e in NE. wet, ead, as etan, to eat ; fell, skin ; helpan, to heIp ; egl, sac7; ende, end; here, army ; mete, meat; exen, oxen. ê had the saine sound as the e in N HG. reh, as hêr, here; cwên, queen ; fêdan, to feed; grêne, Kreen ; tê], teeh. i had the same sound as the i in NE. sit, as fisc, fish; sittan, fo dt; ]îng, thinK ; niman, fo take. i had the saine sound as the i in NHG. ihn, and nearly the saine sound as the ee in i E. feed, as lif, life; rein, my; tid, rime ; fil, rive ; si]e, scythe. o had the saine ound as the o in N E. hot, as col, coal; coren, çhosen ; dohtor, dauKhter ; nosu, nosë ; oxa, ox. See a above. 5 had the saine sound as the o in N HG. bote, as brS]or, brother ; grSwa, to Krow ; mSdor, mother ; mSna, moon ; sSna, soon ; gSs, Koose ; 5]er, other ; ]Shte, he thought. u had the saine sound as the u in NE. put, as duru, door ; zll, full; hungor, bunker', lufian, fo love; guma, man; ]unor, thunder.  had the same sound as the u in NHG. gut, and nearly the saine sound as the oo in NE. food, as c, cow ; hûs, bouse; ffr» $our ; t, out; mû], mouth ; 5s, us. 
§ ] Ortkography and Pronunciatioz 9 oe had the saine sound as the i5 in N HG. giSter, as dat. doelater, go a daughter; oele, oil; oexen, oxen.  had the se sound as the  in NHG. sehn, as bc, books ; dma(n), to judge; ¢wn, queen. y had the saine sound as the  in N HG. mtter, as bryeg, bridge ; eing, king; seyld, guilt; ynean, go  had the saine sound as the  in N HG. , as bride; m@s, ,nice ; w9scan, fo mach ; , wave. It is difficult to deteine what was the preeise pronun- eiation of the a, e, o in the second element of diphthongs. In these combinations they had the funetion of eonsonants and may be pronouneed as very short unstressed â, ê, . The first element of the diphthongs ca, êa was a very open sound like the œe in OE. foeder, and the a in NE. bat, but the e in the diphthongs eo, êo was like the e in NE. bed or like the dose 6 in French é£é. In the long diph- thongs eaeh of the elements was longer than in the short diphthongs. ca = oe + ï, as eaU, ai1; healdan, to hoM; earm, arm ; hearà, hard ; ea, eight ; weaxan, to grow ; geat, gale. êa = + a, as flêa, death ; hêafofl, head; êapan, fo leap ; slêan, to slay; gêar, year; seêap, sheep ; nê, near; strêa, straw. eo = e + , as meolean, to milk ; heorte, hem4; teorra, star; weoor, skter ; geolo, yellow. êo = ê + o, as eêosan, go choose ; àêoç, deep ; êof, sêon, fo see ; enêo, knee. ie = i+ê, as est, guest ; ieldra, older; iee, inhe7 tance ; hehhan, to lattgh ; efan, to give ; hierfle, shep- herd ; sieh, he secs ; enieht, boy. ie = î + e, as eran, fo hear; geefan, fo belie ; ehra, higher ; ciesp, he chooses ; ehtan, to give hht ; ewe,ew. io = i+, as liornian, fo learn; mioluc, miolc, milk; 
Phonology [§§ 6-7 io = i + o, as liode, people; îostre, dark; sion, fo stram ; ]ion, fo thrive. § 0. From what bas been said above we arrive at the following 0 E. vowel-system :-- Short vowels a, oe, e, i, o, u, oe, y Long ,, ,, oe, e, , o, , ê, r Short diphthongs en, eo, le, Long ,, êa, êo, ie, io Nor.--œe was often written ne, and ç in the oldest records. In the oldest period of the language there must have been tvîo short e.sounds, riz. e ---- Germanic e (§ 80), and e = the i-umlaut of œe (§ ii), the latter probably being more open than the former, but the two sounds seem to have fallen together at an early date. Long i was sometimes written ig finally and occa- sionally also medially, as big----bL by; big--h, they; big- spell = bspell, parabte. The  in word like g5s, ffoose (§ 61) and m0n,t, moon (§ 19.1) muet orîginally bave been an open ô like the a in NE. all, but it fell together with Germanic long close  (§ 19.8) at an early period, oe and in OE. manuscripts, only occur in the Anglian dialect ; in WS. and Ken. they were unrounded to ê already in the oldest period of these dialects (§ 19.9). The diphthongs en, êa were some- rimes written œeo in the oldest records, le and ie occur chiefly in early WS. A diphthong may be defined as the combination of a sonantal with a consonantal vowel. It is called a falling or a rising diphthong according as the stress is upon the first or the second element. The OE. diphthongs were generally falling diphthongs, but the diphthongs, which arose from the influence of initial palatal c, g, and se upon a following palatal vowel, were originally rising diphthongs which at a later period be- came falling diphthongs through the shifting of the stress from the second to the first element of the diphthong. See § B. TrIE CONSONANrS. § 7. The O E. consonant-system was represented by the following letters :b, c, d, f, g, h, k, 1, m, n, p, r, (.), ,w, . 
§ 7] Orthgraphy and Pronunciation 9 v (written u) and . ( -- fs) were very rarely used exeept oeeasionally in late loanwords, e, ce, ne, se; g', ng; and h (exeept initially), hh were guttural or palatal aeeording to the sound-law stated in § 800. On the vocalic liquids and nasals in O E. see § 9.19. Of the above letters b, d, m, n, p, t had the saine sound- values as in Modern English. The remaining eonsonants require special attention. c. Guttural e, sometimei written k in the oldest records, was pronouneed nearly like the e in NE. eould. Palatal e (often written cœe belote a following guttural vowel)was pronouneed nearly like the k in NE. kid. In the O E. runie alphabet the two k-sounds had separate eharaeters. Some seholars assume that palatal e and se were pro- nounced like the ch and sh in NE. church ; ship, fish. Examples of guttural c are - bucca, he-goal  cêln, lo cool; cnêo, knee ; sprecan, o speak  cyssan, o kiss ; b6c, book ; weorc, work  drincan, to drink ; ]ncian, lo lhak  and of palatal c • cêosan, o choose  cinn, chin ; cese, cheese ; bêc, books ; crycc, cruch ; benc, bench ; ]enc(e)an, to thiï2]e  of sc- sceal, shall; scêap, sheel ; sch, shoe', wascan, to wash ; fisc, fish. f. Initially, finally, and medially before voiceless con- sonants, also when doubled, f was a voiceless spirant like the f in NE. fit, haft, as foeder, father; rôt, foot; ceaf, chaff ; hrSf, roof; geaf, he gave; sceaft, shaft; pyffan, go puff. M edially between voiced sounds iç was a voiced spirant (often written b in the oldest records) like the v in NE. vine, rive, as giefan, to give; hafa], he bas; seofon, seven ; wulfas, wo[ves ; hroefn, raven ; lifde, he lived. g was used to represent several different sounds" (a) a guttural and a palatal explosive; (b) a guttural and a pala- tal spirant which had separate characters in the 0 E. runic alphabet. The palatal explosive and the palatal spirant 
o Ihonology [  were often written ge belote a following guttural vowel with e to indieate the palatal nature of the g. Before guttural vowels initial g was pronouneed like the g în NE. good, but in the oldest O E. like the g in NHG. sagen (§ 14), as, sirit; god, God; gold, gold. Before palatal vowels initial g was a palatal spirant nearly like the j in NHG. jahr and the y in NE. ye, you, as geaf, he gave ; giefan, fo gve ; giest, yeast ; geoc, yoke. Media1 gg was always a guttural explosive like the g in NE. good, as dogga, dog; frogga, frog; stagga, slag. Media1 and final cg was a palatal explosive nearly like the g in NE. get, as lecg(e)an, go lay; seeg(e)an, to say; bryeg, bridge; wecg, wedge. The g in medial and final ng was a guttural or a palatal explosive, the former being nearly like the g in NE. longer, as sungon, they sang; hungor, hunger ; lang, long; and the latter nearly like the g in NE. finger, as lengra, longer; streng, string; ]ing, thing. Medial întervoealie g was a guttural or a palatal spirant, the former being nearly like the g in NHG. sagen, as boga, bow; fugol, bird; lagu, law; and tahe latter nearly like the g în N HG. sîegen, as beg(e)an, fo bend; foeger, fair; hyge, «'nd. lXlox.--i. Some seholars assume that palatal cg and ng were pronouneed d and nd where d- = the j in NE. just. z.  is generally used for g in OE. manuseripts and printed texts, and often also in grammars. In this grammar S is only used to represent the prim. Germanic voiced spirant (§ 229, Note 5). h. Initial h (exeept in the eombination hw)was an aspirate like the h in .NE. hand, as habban, to bave ; heard, hard; hfis, hotse ; hlVad, loud. Initial hw was prc- nouneed Xw like the wh in many Seotch dialects, as hwA, who ?; hwœete, wheat. In all other positions h, including hh, was a guttural or a palatal spirant, the former being like the ch in N HG. nacht, noch, as dohtor, daughter; 
§ ] Ortogra]y and Pronuncialîon   eahta, eiglt; tiohhian, fo ttink, consider; s feorh, le; dh, doug]z ; troh, trougl ; and the latter like the ch in NHG. nicht, ich, as flyht, fliglt ; sieh, he secs; nêah, near; iehhan, to fautif. In the oldest records final h was sometimes written ch,  elch = eolh, elk; salch = sealh, willow. k was sometimes used to express the ttural  (sec above),  kynn, race, generation ; kyng, king; knêo, knee. See  1. In Horthumbrian and the greater portion of the M ercian distct, 1 was pronounced like the 1 in N H G. and in standard H E., but in West Sxon, Kentish, and parts of the southern poion of Mercia, it was a reverted sound formed by the under surface of the tip of the tongue being turned to the hard palate which imparted to the sound a kind of guttural quality. This explains why breaking ( O, ) took place in WS. d Ken. belote l+eon. sonant, but hot in glian. The reveed 1 is still pre- served in the dialects of the southern d south-western counties. Examples are - loedan, fo lead; folc, folk ; fugol, bird ; eaU, all ; healdan, to lwM ; meolcan, fo nilk. r was trilled in all positions as in Modern Scotch, as ridan, o ride ; du, door ; word, word; foeder, fal]er. In West Son, Kentish, and parts of the southern poion of Mereia, it was reverted like 1 (sec above), whieh accounts for breaking taking place belote r + consonant more regu- larly in WS. d Ken. than in Anglian, as eau, arm; heard, lard ; eore, ea]z ; oian, fo learn. s. Initially, finally, medially belote voiceless consonts, and when doubled, s was a voîceless spirant like the s in NE. si, as se, sait; sunu, son; sandan, go stand; sweos. tor, sister ; hfis, lwuse; as, ice ; cyssan, fo ks. M edially between voiced sounds, it was a voiced spirant like the s in NE. rise, as bSsm, bosom ; cêosan, fo ¢]wose ; nosu, nose; 5sle, ousel. 
 Phonology [§  ]. Initially, medially when doubled, and finally ] was a voieeless spirant like the th in NE. rhin, as ]encan, to think ; ]êoî, thieJ ; mo,]e, moth ; boe], bath ; m], mouth. Medially between voiced sounds, it was a voieed spirant like the th in N E. then, as ba]ian, fo barbe; brS]or, brother; eor]e, earlh ; fœem, fathom. Initial ] was written th until about 9o0 in imitation of Latin. Afterwards ît was written 5, and ] (borrowed from the runic alphabet). And the voiced spirant was often written d in imitation of the contemporary Latin pronunciafion. w does hot occur in OF.. manuscripts, but was repre. sented by uu, u until about the year 900, later by P borrowed from the runic alphabet. It had the same sound-value as the w in NE. wët, as woeter, water; sweltan, to die; wlanc, proud ; s.wol, souL x was pronounced lîke the x in NE. six, as rixian, to rule; siex, six; weaxan, to grow; Rxian, fo ask. § 8. From what bas been said above we arrive at the following OE. consonant-system :-- Im-x- Gui- • LABIAL. DENTAL. DENTAL. TURAL. sxb-  Voiceless p, pp t, tf c, ce sives  Voiced b, bb d, dd g, gg Spi- ,)' Voiceless f, ff ], ])p s, ss h, hh rants  Voiced f ] s g g Nasals m, mm n, nn n n Ziquids 1, 11 ; r, rr Semi-vowel w To these must be added the aspirate h, and x. The double consonants were pronounced long as in Modern Italian and Swedish, thus habban = hab.ban, to bave ; wimman = wî, fo swim, see §§ 8-0. From the above table it will be seen that the O E. alphabet was very defecfive, insomueh as each of the letters c, f, g, h, n, s, and ] was used to represent two or more sounds. PA LATAL g, cg h, hh 
§ 9] M ccentuatîon  3 STRESS (ACCENT). § 0. AIl the Indo-Germanic languages have partly pitch (musîcal) and partly stress accent, but one or other ofthe two systems of accentuation always predominates in each language, thus in Sanskrit and Old Greek the accent was predominantly pitch, whereas in the oldest periods of the Italîc dialects, and the Keltic and Germanic languages, the accent vas predominantly stress. This difference in the system of accentuation is clearly seen în Old Greek and the old Germanic languages by the preservation of the vowels of unaccented syllables in the former and the weakening or loss of them in the latter, in the early period of the parent Indg. language, the stress accent must have been more predominant than the pitch accent, because if is only upon this assumption that we are able fo account for the origin of the vowels i% û,  (§ I3, Note I), the liquid and nasal sonants (§§ 34-7), and the loss of vowel often accompanîed by a loss of syllable, as în Greek gen. r«-p-6s beside acc. r=-p-«' ; r&'-o= beside ¢-=r-opl" ' ; Gothic gen. pl. atîhs-nê beside acc. *afihsa.ns. If is now a generally accepted theory that at a later period of the parent language the system of accentuation became pre- dominantly pitch, which was preserved in Sanskrit and Old Greek, but which must bave become predominantly stress again in prim. Germanic some rime prior to the operation of Verner's law (§ .38). The quality of the accent in the parent la*nguage was partly ' broken' (acute) and partly ' slurred' (circumflex). This distinction in the quality of the accent was preserved in prim. Germanic in final syllables containing a long vowel, as is seen by the difference in the development of the final vowels in historic rimes according as they originally had the ' broken ' or ' slurred ' accent (§ 17). In the parent language the chier accent of a word did 
 4 Ph o n o logy [§  o noe always fall upon the same syllable of a word, but was free or movable as in Sanskrit and Greek, op. e. g. Gr. nom. r«p, fat]ser, voc. r-rp, acc. r«Tp«; S kr. mi, I go, pl. imAs, we go. This free accent was still preserved in prim. Germanic at the rime when Verner's law operated| whereby the voiceless spirants became voiced wh.ê vowel immediately preceding them did hot bear the chier accent of the word (§ .BS). At a later period of the prim. Germanic language, the chief accent of a word became confined to the root. or stem-syllable. This confining of the chier accent to the rooVsyllable was the cause of the great weakening--and eventual loss--which the vowels underwent in unaccented syllables in the prehistoric period of the individual Germanic langutges (§§ tll-7). And the extent to which the weakening of unaccented syllables has been carried in some of che Modern Germanic dialects is well illustrated by such sentences as, as et if mgen, I shall bave if in the morning; ast o durit if id kud, I shouM bave donc it # I had been able (West Yorks.). § 10. The rule for the accentuation of uncompounded words is the saine in Old English as in the oldest period of the other Germanie languages, viz. the chier stress fell. upon the stem-syllable and always remained there even when suffixes and inflexional endings followed it» as beran, fo bear; dagas, days. grêting, greeîing; hlnes, salvation ; hœeriht, hairy ; handlung» handling; mistig, misgy, hlêapettan, fo /ca/9; ierringa, angrily; lêofosta dearest, hêafodu, heads; lenere, lender', sealfian, o anoin ; wtmdrode, he wondered, berende, bearing ; cynîngas, kings; grimet::an, o rage. gœedeling, coin. panion ; heofonisc, heofonlic, heavenly. œe,ele, noble; hetele, hosgile ; macode, he ruade; nerede, he ,aved. oe]elingas, noblemen ; fultumian, ito he/# ; huntigestre, huntres; ma]elode, he spoke. The position of thê secondary stress in trisyllabic and polysyllabie words 
fluctuated in O E., and with the present state of our know. ledge of the subject it is împossible to formulate any hard "and fast rules concerning it. In compound words it is necessary to distinguish be- tween compounds whose second element îs a noun or an adjective» and those whose second element is a verb. In the former case the first element had the chief accent in the parent Indg. language ; in the latter case the flrst element had or had not the chier accent according to the position of the vrb in the sentence. But already in prim. Germanic the second element of compound verbs nearly always had the ch[efaccent ; a change which was mostly brought about by the compound and simple verb existing side by side. This accounts for the difference in the accentuation of such pairs as dgîet, inlel/igen¢e'ongîetan, ¢o understand; ndsaca, adversary • onsAcan, lo deny ; bgang, pracl[ce" begugan, lo practise ; 6ricane, device : ncan, lo devise; û]genge, fugitive: o]gAngan, o escale ; w[]ersaca, o/- lonent : wi]s.can, fo o1pose. § Il. As bas been stated above, compound words, whose second element is a noun or an adjective, had originally the chief stress on the first syllable. This simple rule was preserved in O E,, as .cbêam, oak-tree; oeftergield, addilional laymenl ; br.dguma, bridegroom ; cozxzh5s, granary ; dêa]mtede, dealh-place ; fêowergield, foufold paymen¢ ; frêomoeg, free kinsraan ; gêardagas, dczys of yore ; godbearn, godchild ; l.rhBs, school, oefterboren, posihumous ; œe]pelcund, of noble or@in ; .rfœest, virtuous ; brynehgt, burning bol ; gearowyrdig', eloquent ; isengroeg, iro.grey ; m6dwlanc, proud ; wordsnotor, etoquent. N ouns like .lefednes, permission, onfgmgennes, receltion , ongletennes, understanding, ong(nn, beginnig, &c., are no exception to the rule, because such nouns were formed direct from the corresponding verbs: pp. .lîeÎed, on. f.ngen, ongieten, înf. 
 6 Phonology [§§  z- 4 § 12. Already in the oldest period of the language many nouns and adjectives were formed from verbs containing an inseparable particle, and accordingly had the chier stress on the second element, as bebod, command; beby. rignes, burying; bedelfing, digging round; begang beside bîgeng, braclice ; behRt, bromise ; behéfe, suilable; belRf, remainder; belimp, oc¢z,rren¢e ; forbod, prohibition; for- gietol, forgetful; forhœefednes, temiberance ; forlor, for- lorennes, destruction ; but f6rwyrd, ruin. In like manner the prefix ge- was already unaccented in the oldest period of the language--probably partly also in prim. Germanic-- and therefore words compounded with it had the chier stress on the second element, as gebann, decree; gebed, #rayer; gebrSpor, brethren ; gefeoht, fight; gefêra, com- panion ; gesceafl:, creation ; ge]eaht, counsel, thought ; gewicler, bad weather, storrn ; ge.œe]ele, congenial ; gecoren, chosen ; gecynde, innate, natural; gedêfe, befitting; gelic, alike; gemoene, common; gemyndig, mindful; gesund., healthy ; gefyrn, long ago. § 15. In compound nouns the chier secondary stress was upon that syllable of the second element which would bave the chier stress if it were used alone, as brydghma, bride. groom ; fëowergleld, fourfold »ayment ; géarowrrdig, eloquent. For further examples, sec above. But eompounds which were no longer felt as such did hot have a strong secondary stress upon the second element, as êorod from eoh+ rSd, troo# of cavalry; h.15.forcl from hlS.f+ weard, lord; weortld, werod from wer + rRd, multitude, army. § 14. In the oldest period of the language, the compound verbs had the chîef stress upon the second or first element according as the first element was inseparable or separable, as bec6man, to become; beh6aldan, to behold; and similarly geboeran, to behave ; gehtan, to naine. ; forbêodan, fo for- bid; forgiefan, to forgive ; geondsêon, go survey ; geond. pencan, go consider ; o]berstan, go break away ; o]feallan, 
o fall off; tbetan, fo burs asunder ; t6doelan, fo div£de. oetîewan, fo exhibçtj œetnan, to deprive; and simîlady oïerswiaa, go overcome ; o£erweorpan, fo overIhrow ; ereran, to 8upport ; unean, to comprehend ; relian, fo çerce ghrough ; urhwan, lo abid« cozE- ous ; wtfn, fo grasp ai; metan, lo compare; ymbbindan, lo bind round; ymbhweorfan, fo revolve. Verbs like hnflswadan, fo answe; ndwdan, lo azswer, ftmtan, to support, ôrettan, io figlt, are no exception to the rule, because such verbs were formed direct from the nouns • dswar, dwyrde, ft, 6ret. ExampIes of separable verbs are- ftersçrecan, to claire; fteolan, to flursue ; bîstdan, fo suflport; bbban, io lire by; and similly eftciean, to turn bu¢k ; eftflSwan, toflow back ; foreggan, lo recede ; forescêawian, toforesee ; fip, to raise up; ûpiernan, to run u2 ; incuman, fo tome in ; dan, to lire togeher; ongéaoEedan, go ]old baçk ; tSdSn, to 2ut to ; fitdfan, fo drive out; fitflSwan, fo fiow out.  1. In compound adverbs the first element had the chier or seconda stress according as it w the more or less important element of the compound, as é(l)mst, alnmM; éaeg from ealne + weg, always ; Salsw, qu#e so ; but onwég, away ; tSgdere, toKether; oenne, therein. oz. (} C 
 8 Phonology [§  CHAPTER II THE PRIMITIVE GERMANIC EQUIVALENTS OF THE INDO-GERMANIC VOWEL-SOUNDS §1o. The parent Indo-Germanic language had the following vowel-system :-- Shortvowcls a, e, i, o, u, o Long ,, R, ê, i, 5, fi Short diphthongs ai, eî, oi, au, eu, ou Long ,, Ri, êi, 5i, Ru, êu, Su Short vocalic 1, m, n, r NOTE.--I. The short vowels i, u, e, the long vowels i, , and vocalic 1, m, n, r occurred originally only in syllables which did not bear the principal accent of the word. The short vowels i, u, and vocalic 1, m, n, r arose from the loss of e in the strong forms ei, eu, el, em, en, er, which was caused by the principal accent having been shiffed to some other syllable in the word. e, the quality of which cannot be precisely defined, arose from the weakening of an original ., ê, or , caused by the loss of accent. It is generally pronounced like the final vowel in German Gabe. i and  were contractions of weak diphthongs which arose from the strong forms ei, , êi, i ; eu, u, êu, u through the loss of accent. The e in ei, eu had disappeared before the contraction took place. See § 9. .. The long diphthongs .i, êi, &c., were of rare occurrence in the parent language, and their history in the prehistoric perîod of the various branches of the Indo-Germanic languages, except when final, is still somewhat obscure. In stem-syllablês they were generally either shortened to ai, ei, &c., or the second element (i, u) disappeared. In final syllables thêy were gêner- ally shortened to ai, ei, &c. In this book no further account will be taken of the Indg. long diphthongs in stem-syllables. 
§§  - ] ldo.Germanîc Vowd.System 19 For their treatment in final syllables in Primitive Germauie» see § 17. 3- Upon theoretical grounds if is generally assumed that the parent language contained long vocalic I, rn, a, r. But their history in the various Indg. languages is still uncertain. In any case they were of very rare occurrence, and are therefore left out of consideration in this book. § 17. a (Lat. a, Gr. «) remained, as Lat. ager, Gr. Goth. akrs, O.Icel. akr, OS. akkar, OHG. ackar, OE. oecer, field, acre; Gr. Xç, Lat. gen. salis, ioth. O.icel. OS. salt, OHG. ealz, OE. sealt (§ 64), sait ; Lat. aqua, Goth. ahra, OS. OHG. aha, OE. êa from *eahu, older *ahu (§ 70), water, river. § 18. e (Lat. e, Gr. «) remained, as Lat. retS, Gr. I 3ear, O.Icel. bera, OS. OHG. OE. beran, o ear'; Lat. edS, Gr. o«, f eag O.icel. eta, OHG. egan, OS. OE. etan, g eat; Lat. pellîs, Gr. w&k«, OS. OHG. feJ, OE. fell, skin, bide. § 19. î (Lat. i, Gr. )remained, as Gr. Hom. Fg, Goth. witum, O.Icel. vitum, OS. witun, OFIG. wîz2um, O E. witon, we now, cp. Lat. vidêre, fo see ; Lat. piscis» G oth. fis, o. Icel. fiskr, OS. fisk, O H G. O E. fisc, Lat. vidua (adj. rem.), bereftof, de#rived of, Goth. widuw5, OS. wîdowa, OHG. wituwa, OE. widewe, eoidow. § 20. o (Lat. o, Gr. o) became a in stem-syllables, as Lat. octS, Gr. 6z6, Goth. aht.u, OS. OHG. ahto, OE. eahta (§ 68), eight; Lat. hostis, slranger, enemy, Goth. gasts, OS. O HG. gast, OE. gîest (§ 78), guest; Lat. quod, Goth. ha, O. I tel. hvat, O$. hwat, O H G. hwag, OE. hwoet, what. § 21. u (Lat. u, Gr. u) remained, as Gr. uv6 (gen. sing.), Goh. hunds, O.Icel. hundr, OHG. hunt, OS. OE. hund, dog, hound; Gr. @, OS. fluri, OHG. turi, OE. duru, door; S kr. bu.budhîm, we wgtched, Gr. r-roo-r«t, he has inquired, Goth. budum, O.Icel. buum, OS. budun, OHG. butum, O E. budon, we announ¢ed, offered. 2 
20 Phonology [§§ § 9..  beeame a in all the Indo-Gerrnanic languages, except in the Aryan branch, where it beeame i, as Lat. pater, Gr. r«-O, O.Ir. a:hir, Goth. radar, O.Ieel. fakir, OS, fader, OHG. rater, OE. fmder, fat]wr, Skr. pifer. (from  potér.),father; Lat. status, Gr. «T«T6S, Skr. sthitAs, standig, Goth. sta]s, O.Icel. star, OS. stad, OHG. star, O E. stede, prim. Germanic *stadiz, place. § 28.  (Lat. ., Gr. Doric a, Attic, Ionic 1) became ô, as Lat. mater, Gr. Dor. o, O.Icel. m56ir, OS. mSdar, OHG. muoter, OE. m5dor, mother; Gr. Dot. member of a clan, Lat. frAter, Goth. brS]ar, O.Icel. br56ir, O S. brSthar, O FIG. bruoder, O E. brS]or, 3rolher Lat. fâgus, beech, Gr. Dor. çay*, a kind of oak, Goth. bSka, later oJ the al2habet, O.Icel. OS. bSk, book, OE. b.c-trêow, beêch-ree. § 24. ê (12at. ê, Gr. ) remaîned, but it is generally written oe (= Goth. ê, O.Icel. OS. OHG. A, OE. oe) in works on Germanic philology, as Lat. êdimus, Goth. êtum, O.Icel. Atam, OS. tun, OHG. Agum, OE. œeton, we ae ; Lat. mênsis, Gr. , month, Goth. mêna, O.Icel. mine, OS. O HG. mAno, O E. m5na (§ 19.1), moon ; Goth. ga.dê]s, O. Icel. dA8, OS. dAd, O HG. tir, OE. dffd, deed, related to Gr. e-ato, I shall place. § . i (Lat. i, Gr. î) remained, as Lat. u.inus (adj.), belonging o a 2Mg, Goth. wein, O.Icel. via, OS. OHG. O E. wîn, swing pig; Lat. simtx, OS. in, O HG. sire, O E. si.en, vve may be. § .6.  (Lat. , Gr. o) remained, as Gr. rktoT6s, swimming, Goth. fl5dtts, O.Icel. fl5, OHG. fluot, OS. OE. fld, flood, tf'de, cp. Lat. plôrAre, go wee2 aloud; Gr. Dot. G'oth. f6tus, O.Icel. tôtr, OHG. fuog, OS. OE. f'6t, foog; Goth. d5ms, O.Icel. d6mr, OI-IG. tuom, OS. OE. dm, judgment, sentence, related to Gr. Océ6,, hea#. § 27. fi (Lat. û, Gr. ) remained, as Lat. O.Ieel. OHG. OE. mfi, mouse; Lat. sfis, Gr. s, OHG. . 
§ ,8-a'-] Indo.Germanic Vowel-Syslem OE. sri, sow, pig ; Goth. ffils, O. Icel. grill, OHG. OE. ffil, foul, related to La. pfiteô, I smelI bad, Gr. I make go rot. § «8. ai (Lat. ae (ê), Gr. «, Goth. .î, O.Ieel. ei, OS;. ê, OHG. ei (ê), OE. .)remained, as Lat. aedê, sanc,uary, originallyfire-#lace, hearth, Gr. «0, I burn, OHG. «if, OE. d, funeral pile, ignis, roEus ; Lat., Goth. .iz, O.Ieel. eir, O HG. êr, O E. âr, brass, metal, money; Lat. caedb, I hew, cut down, Goth. skidan, OS. skêdan, skêaan, O HG. sceidan, O E. scdan, sce.dan (§ 18, Note .), fo divide, sever. § 9. eî (Lat. i (older ei), Gr. «) beeame f go, Goth. steîgan (ei = ), O.Icel. tiga, OS. OHG. O E. stigan, fo ascend; Gr. )cidre0, _î leave, Goth. leih.ran, OS. OHG. liban, OE. lêoxa from *liohaxa, older *lilaan (§ 9.7), fo Iend; Lat. dîc5, I say, tell, Gr. 8&g/, 2" show, Goth. ga.teihan, to tell, decIare, 05. af.tîhaxa, fo deny, OHG. zihaxa, OE. têon, fo accuse (§ § 80. oi (O.Lat. oi (later ri), Gr. o 0 beeame ai (op. § 9.0), as Gr. o, Goth. wiit, O.IceI. veît, OS. wêt, OHG. weig, O E. wt, he knows ; O.Lat. oinos, later fintts, Goth. 2ns, O.Ieel. eîxm, OS. ên, OHG. eîxa, OE. xa, one, ep. Gr. otvfi, the one on dice ; Gr. rr-ro0«, he trusts, Goth. btip, O.Ieel. bel6, OS. bêd, OHG. beit, OE. bd, he waitedfor. § 81. au (Lat. au, Gr. «, Goth. tt, O.Ieel. au, O OHG. ou(O), OE. êa) remained, as Lat. auris, Goth. OS. OHG. ra, OE. êare, ear; Lat. auge, Gr. I increase, Goth. tukan, O.Ieel. auka, OS. kian, O HG. ouhhn, O E êaeian, to add, hcrease. § 9.. eu (Lat. ou (later ri), Gr. eu, Goth. iu, O.Icel..]6 (jfi), OS. OHG. io, OE. êo) remained, as Gr. ,/«,, .r give a faste of, Goth. kittsan, O. Ieel. kjsa, O$. OHG. kiosan, OE. eêosan, fo test, choose ; Gr. r60o«, I inquire, Goth. ana.biudaxa, fo order, command, O.Icel. bja, OS. bîodaxa, OHG. biotaa, OE. bêodan, fo offer; Lat. doue (altier), 
: Phonology [§§ -7 lead, Goth. tiuhan, OS. tiohan, OHG. ziohan, OE. têon (§ 180), 0 lgad draw. See § 44. § SS. ou (Lat. ou (later 5), Gr. ou) became au (cp. § 20), as prim. Indg. *roudhos, Goth. r.u]s, O.Icel. rauSr, OS. rSd, OHG. rSt, OE. rêad, red cp. Lat. rSfus, red; prim. Indg. *bhe.bhoudhe, bas waked Goth. bu], O.Icel. bauX, OS. b5d, O HG. b5, O E. bêad, bas offered. § 84. m (Lat. em, Gr. « «) became um, as Gr. o- (in àl60, from some place or other), Goth. sums, O.Icel. umr, OS. OHG. OE. sure, some one; Gr. K«T6v, Lat. ŒEEentum (with n from m by assimilation, and similarly in the Germanie languages), Goth. OE. OS. hund, OHG. hunt, hundrêd, all from a prim. form *kmt6m. § 85. n (Lat. en, Gr. «, «v) became un, as Lat. coin. mentus (pp.), invented, devisêd, Gr. «6a'6-1«o , acting ofone's own oeill, Goth. ça.rounds, OHG. gi.munt, OE. ge.mynd (§ 1190, remembran¢e, prim. form *mnt6s (pp.) from foot men., think ; 0. wundar, O HG. wuntar, O E. wundor, wonder, cp. Gr. à00t¢0 from *F0p% Igaze ai. § 86. r (Lat. or, Gr. «, toc) becamê ur, ru, as OHG. gi.turrum, OE. durron, we date, cp. Gr. 0«pr6s (0p««6s), bo[d O¢pŒE¢a, I ara of good courage; dat. pl. Gr. r«rp¢I«, Goth. fadrum, O H G. faterum, O E. foed(e)rum, fo fathers; Lat. porc,t, he ridge bet.ween gwo furrows, O HG. furuh, O E. luth, fu'row. § 87. 1 (Lat. ol, C-t. eX, ),«) became ul, lu, as Goth. fulls, O.Icel. ftdlr, OHG. vol, OS. OE. full, prim. form *pln6s, full; Goth. wulfs, O.Icel. mi'r, OHG. wolf, OS. OE. wulf, prim. form *wlqos, wolf. Noa'E.Ifwe summarize the vowel-changes which have been stated in this chapter, it will be seen tha: the following vowel- sounds îell together :--a, o, and e ; original u and the u which arose from Indg. vocalic 1, m, n, r ; î and ei; . and ô ; ai and oi; au and ou. 
§§ a8-4] Primîtive Germanic Vowel-Syslem  3 CHAPTER III THE PRIMITIVE GERMANIC VOWEL-SYSTEM § 8. From what has been said in §§ 17-7, we arrive at the folIowing vowel-system for the prim. Germanic lan- guage :--- Short vowels a, e, i, Long ,, , ê, i, 5, û Diphthongs ai, au, eu NoTs.--- was an open e-sound like OE. . ê was a close sound like thi e in NHG. ieh. The origin of this vowel has hot yet been satisfactorily explained. It is important to re- member that ît is never the equîvalent of Indo-Germanic ê (§ 24)which appears as e in prim. Germanic. See §§ 119,1.5. § 39. This system underwent several modifications during the prim. Germanic period, i.e. before the parent language became differentiated into the various separate Germanic languages. The most important ofthese changes w¢r : § 40. a+x became âX, as Goth. OS. O HG. fhan, O.Icel. fâ, O E. tôn (§ 39), from *farxanan, fo catd, seie, cp. Lat. pangS, I fasten; Goth. ]5.hta, OS. thS.hta,- OHG. dS.hta, OE. ]Shte (inf. ]encan), from older *]axjxta, *]arxtS-, I t]wught, cp. O.Lat. tongeS, I ]now. Every prim. Germanic 5. în accented syllables was of this origin. Cp. § NOTE.--The  in the above and similar examples was sdll a nasalized vowel in prim. Germanic, as s seen by its develop- ment to ô in OE. The  (§ 4I) and  (§ 48) were also nasalized vowels in prim. Germanic. § 41. e became i under the following circumstances :-- x. Belote a nasal+consonant, as Goth. OS. OE. 
 4 Phnology [§ 4  bindan, O.Icel. bînda, OHG. bintan, o bind, op. Lat. of.fendimen:um, chin-cloth, of.fendix, knot, hand, Gr. r«0«O, father-in-lazo ; Lat. venttts, Goth. winds, O.Icel. vindr, Ot-IG. win:, OS. OE. wind, zvind; Gr. Goth. fimf, O.Icel. tire(m), OHG. flmf, finf, OE. fîf (§ rive. This explains why O E. bindan, o bind, and hœelpan, fo help, belong to the same ablaut-serîes. See § .6. This i became i under the same conditions as those by which a became â (§ ,IO), as Goth. ]eihan, OS. t:hhan, OHG. dihan, OE. ]êon (§ 1.7), from *]ix]xanan, older *]ex]Xatlan, o lhrive; and similarly OHG. sihan, OE. sêon, o strMn ; OHG. tîhala, OE. fêol, file; OHG. dhsala, O E. ]ixl (isl), wggo-îboIe, shaft. .. When followed by an i, , or j in the next syllable, as Goth. OS. OHG. ist, OE. is, from *istî, older *esti = Gr. o-r, is; OHG. irdin, earlhen, beside erda., earth; Goth. midjis, O.Icel. mi6r, OS. middi, OHG. mitti, OE. midd, Lat. medius, from an original form *medhjos, Mddle ; OS. birid, OHG. birit, he bears, from an original form *bhéreti, through the intermediate stages *térei, *bérii, *bri(ti, beside inf. beran; O.Icel. sitja, OS. sitt.ian, OHG. sîzzen, O E. sit:tan, from an original form *sedjonom, fo sil; and similarly O.Icel. liggja, OS. liggian, OI-IG. liggen, O E. licgan, to lie clown. This sound-law aceounts for the difference in the stem- vowels of such pairs as OE. feld (OHG. feld), )qeM" gefilde (OHG. giflldi), a plain ; fe]er, feathcr" fi]ere, wing; weder (OHG. wetar), wealher" gewider (OHG. giwi:iri), sorm; heord (OHG. herta), herd" hierde (OHG. hirîi), shepherd; helpan, o help" hilps:, hilpp (OHG. hilfis, lailfit); beran, to bear" bir(e)st, bir(ê)] (OHG. birîs, birit:), and similarly in the second and third person singular of the present indicative of many other strong verbs; pp. legen, eten : inf. 1leçon, o lie down, iLan, o sit. 
§§ -] Primitive Germanc VoweLSystem  5 3- In unaccented syllables, except in the combination -er when not followed by an i in the next syllable, as OE. têt, older î¢êt, from *f'6fiz, older *f6:es, feet, cp. Lat. pedes, Gr. ar*Btç. Indg. e remained in unaccented sylla- bles in the combinatîon .er when not followed by an i in the next syllable, as acc. OS. fader, OHG. far:er, OE. fœeder, Gr. raptt, father; O E. hwœe]er, Gr. r6zpos, which owo. § §=. i, followed originally by an â, , or ê in the next syllable, beeame e when hOt proteeted by a nasal +con- sonant or an intervening i or j, as O.Icel. vert, OS. OHG. O E. wer, Lat. vr, from an original form *wiros, man; O HG. O E. net, Lat. nidus, from an original form *nizoEos. In historie rimes, however, this law has a great number of exeeptioni owîng to the separate languages having levelled out in various directions, as O E. spec besîde spiê, bacon; O HG. lebara beside OE. 1fier, l{ver; OHG. lece5n beside OE. liccian, fo lick ; OHG. lebên beside OE. libban, o lire ; OHG. quec beside OE. cwic, quick, alive. § 4. u, followed originally by an ., , or ê in the next syllable, beeame o when hot proteeted by a nasal + con- sonant or an intervening i or j, as OS. dohter, OHG. tohter, OE. dohtor, Gr. 0-#, daughter; O.Icel. ok, O HG. job, OE. geoc (§ 11o), Gr. gv,#v, yoke ; O HG. got, OS. OE. god, from an original form *ghut6m, god; OHé. OE. gold, gold, beside OHG. guldin, OE. gylden, golden; pp. OS;. giholpan, OHG. giholfan, OE. geholpen, he[i3ed, beside pp. OS. gibutxdan, OHG. gibuntn, OE. gebunden, bound; pp. OS;. gibodan, OI-IG. gibotan, OE. geboden, offered, beside pret. pl. OS. budun, OHG. butum, OE. budon, oeê offered. Every prim. Gerrnanic o in accented syllables was of this origin. Cp. § .0. Thîs sound-law accounts for the difference in the stem- vowels of such pairs as O E. cnotta, knot" cny[;tan from 
6 Ponology [§§ *knuttjan, go gie; coss, a kiss" cyssan, to kiss ; corn, corn • cyrnel, kernel; fox : fyxen, she-fox ; god : gyden (OHG. gutin), goddess; hold, gracious" hyldo (OHG. huldi), grace, favour; pret. bohte, worhte: inf. bycgan, o buy, wyrcan, to zoork. u became fi undêr thê saine conditions as those by whieh a and i became A and i, as pret. third pers. singular Goth. ]fihta, OS. thfihta, OHG. d5hta, OE. ]ffhte, beside inf. Goth. ]ugkjan, OS. thunldan, OHG. dunken, 0E. ]yncan, 'o seem ; Goth. 5htwS, OS. OHG. hta, 0E. fihte, daybreak, dawn; OH G. ffihi, 0 E. fht, damp. § 44. The diphthong eu became iu when the next syllable origînally contained an i, i, or j, cp. § 41 (2), but remaîned eu when the next syllable originally contained an , , or ê. The lu remained in OS. and 0 HG., bue became jfi (r by i-umlaut) in O.Icel., and io, (ie by i-umlau 0 in (DE., as Goth. liuhtjan, OS. liuhtîan, OHG. liuhten, O E. liehtan, to give light" OE. lêoht, a lighî; O.Icel. dpt, OS. diupi, OHG. tiulï, OE. diepe, deth. OE. dêop, dee# ; OS. lîudî, OHG. lîuti, OE. liode, #eople ; OS. ' kiusid, OH G. kiusit, O.Icel. krs(s), OE. ciesp, he chooses" OE. cêosan, fo choose. See § 130. § 45. From what has been said in §§ 40-4, it will be seen that the prim. Germanic vowel-systêm had assumed the following shapê bêfore the Germanic parent language became differentiated into the various separate lan- guages • -- Short vowels a, e, i, o, u Long ,, A, oe, ê, i, 5, fi Diphthongs ai, au, eu, lu The following table contains the normal development of the above vowel-system in Goth. O.Icel. OS. O HG. and O E. stem-syllables :-- 
§ 4] Primitive Germanic VoweLSystem P. Germ. Goth. I O.Icel. ll OS. OHG. ei la, (ie) iii iii ill ail j5 jfi eo, (io) iii t eo, 0 NoTE.--'I'he table does nom include the sound-changes vhich were caused by umlaut, the influence of neighbouring consonants, &c. For details of this kind the student should consult the grammars of the separate languages. But as we shall have occasion to make use of many Gothic, OS. and 0 H G. 
 8 Phonology [§§ 4- forms in this grammar, the following points should be noted here :-- x. Goth. i and u were broken to ai (= short open e) and ai (---- short open o) belote r, h, and Iv, as bdiran, O E. beran, to bear; satl%ran, OHG. sehan, to sec; ba/ri], OHG. birit, e beam; sath;i], OHG. sihit, te sees; pp. bafirans, OE. boren, borne; dmihtar, OE. dohtor, daughter; wattrms, OHG. warm, serfent , ,.l,orm; safihts, O HG. sttht, s{ckness. Gothie ei was a monophthong and was pronounced like the i in the other Germanic languages. Germanic ai and au remained in Gothic, but they are generally written Ai and Au in order to distinguish them from thc shor vowels af and cri. 2. a was the only vowel which underwent i-umlaut in OS. and OH G., as sing. gast, pl. gesti = Goth. gasteis, gue, ts; OS. sendian, O HG. senten = Goth. san¢tjan, fo senti. When it is necessary for phonological reasons to distinguish between this e and Germanic e, the latter is written ë in this book, as bëran, o bear. 3. Prim. Germanic ai became ê in O HG. before r, w, and old h, as er, before = Goth. Air, soon ; êht = Goth. Aîhts, 7ossession; gen. snêwes, Goth. nom..n.îws, snoza. 4. Prim. Germanic au became  in O HG. belote the con- sonants d, , g, , n, r, 1, and old h, as tcl = Goth. dAu]ms, dealh ; ks = Goth. kAus, he chose ; hh = Goth. hAuhs,/dgh. CHAPTER IV . THE OLD ENGLISH DEVELOPMENT OF TI-IE PRIM. GERMANIC VOWELS OF ACCENTED SYLLABLES § 40. Before entering upon the history of the separate Germanie vowels in O E. i will be well fo state and illus- trate here several phenomena whieh eineern the O E. vowels in general. § '/. Umlaut is of two kinds : Palatal and Guttural. Palatal umlaut, generally called i-umlaut, is the modification 
§ 47] Umlaut 9 (palatalization) of an aecented vowel through the influence of an î or j which origînally stood in the following syllable. This process took place in prehistoric O E. and the î or j had for the most part already disappeared in the oldest O E. records. The i, which remained, mostly became e at an early period (§ 1, Note), so that for the proper under- standing of the forms which undeent i-umlau it is necessary to compare l hem with the corresponding fores of some other Geanie Iage, especially with the Gothie. The simple vowels and diphthongs which under. went i.umlaut in OE. are" a(o), œe, o, u ; , , fi ; ca, io ; œe d io. a(o) > e (but oe in e oldes period), as bene from *bakiz, bench ; ende, Goth. andeis, end; lengra, OHG. 1en,fo, loer; leng(u) from *lapu, lenh; sendan, GooE. sandjan, fo send ( 60). oe > e, as bedd, Goth. ba, bed; bet(e)ra, Goth. batiza, better; hebban, Goth. hoEj, fo raise ; here, GooE. harjis, army ; lecgan, Goth. la, an, fo lay ( ). o > e (older oe),  dat. dehter from *doht, beside nom. dohtor, daughter; ele, Lat. olem, oil; exen, oxe, beside oxa, ox ( lo7). u > y, as bycgan, Goth. buan, fo buy; cg, O HG. kg, khg; cynn, Goth. ki, race, generatbn ; gylden, OHG. din, golden ; yncan, Goth. ugkjan, fo seem ( ).  > , as dœelan, Goth. diljan, fo dçvçde ; oeg, any; hœelan, Goth. hfljan, îo heal; hœe, Goth. hii, heaîh ( 134); lwan, Goth. lêwj, fo betray ( 120). ô > ê (older ), as bêc om *bSMz, books; dêman, Goth. dSmjan, to judge; t, O HG. fuoggî, fier; sêcan, Goth. sôkjan, o seek ( 10). wênan, Goth. wênjan, rb bote; cwên from *kwôni., older *kwœeniz, Goth. qêns, queen, w ( 1). êhtan from *Shtjan, to »ersete ; h, he seizes, beside inf. fSn ( llS). êst from *Ss-, older 
3o Poology [§ « *anstiz, Goth. ansts, favogr; tê], prim. Germanic *tan]iz, geah (§ fi > r, a ms from *mûsiz, mite ; brrcst from *brûkis, lhog enjoygsl, brrc] from *brfiki], he cnjoys, beside inf. brficn (§ 1.). cr from *kfi.iz, cows (§ 10). cz]an frorn *kfi]jan, older *kun]jan, go make known; drstig, dusty x-). ea > ie (later i, y), as fiellan from *fealljan, older *falljan, fo fell; ieldra, Goth. al]îza, older (§ 65). ierfe, Goth. arbî, idwritance ; ierm](u), O HG. armida, lboverty (§ 67). scieppm, Goth. skapjan, to cr«ate (§ 73). hliehhan, Goth. hlahjan, to laugh; wîëx], O HG. wahsit, if grows (§ io > ie (later i, y), as hierde, O HG. hîrtî, shê2herd; ierre, OHG. irri, angry ; siehst, O H G. sihis, thou seest ; sieh], 0 HG. sihit, ]w sees ; wiersa, O H G. wirsiro, worse (§ êa > ie (later L ), as gelefan, Goth. galgmbjan, to believe; hiehsta, Goth. h,uhîsta, h]ghest; hieran, Goth. htsjan, o hear(§ 136). ciese, Lat. cseus, c]eese; niehsta from *nêahista, marest (§ 123). stiele, Germanic stem- form taxlja-, sied (§ 71). wielisc, prim. Germanic walxi. skaz,fordg (§ 64, Note io > ie (later i, r), as cies] from *kiosi], older *kiusi], he «hooses; fîeh] from *tiohi], he draws ; liehtan, Goth. liahtjan, fo give light (§ 18s). liehtan from liohtjan, older *lixtjan, o lighten, mae easier; lieh] from *liohi], O HG. h-hit, he lends (§ 127). friend, prim. Germanîc *frijSndiz, frçends (§ 104). § 48. Guttural umlaut îs the modification of an aceented vowel (a, e, i) through the influence of a primitive O E. guttural vowel (tt, ô, a) in the next syllable, whereby a guttural glîde was developed after the vowels a, e, i, whieh then combined with'them to form the diphthongs ea, eo, io. A a rule umlaut only took place belote a single consonant. 
§ 49] Umlau When the vowel whieh caused umlau was u, it ii called u.umlaut, and when , or a, i is ealled o/a-umlaut. u. and o/a-umlaut of a only took place in Mercian, as featu, vais, hegue, hawk, £eaç, illar, seaç, foun. dalion, besîde fau, hafoe, s£apol, saol in the other dialects, fearan, to go, fCara, hey go, feaa,  vals, beside fan, fa, fa£a in the other dialees. See  78. u-umlau of e and i, and o/a-umlau of i took place in Ken. before ail single consonants, in Anglian before all single consonants exeept gutturals (e, g), bu in WS. only before labials and liquids, as ç(OHG. ebur), boar; heolosor from older helur, hiding lace; hot, eodu, mead (drinh), eosol, donkey  WS. eflu, esol. Ken. breogo, nnce = XçS. and gan brego, sec  0. 91ç, milk; eli0pg, calhng, sioflu, cusom, ionu, sinew  WS. = WS. and glian sieol, gol, see liest. oma(n), lo take, oma, the ae, wio£an, o know = WS. m, nima, . Ken. kSjan, o pnh  WS. and glian s¢im, see  92-3, 102. . o/a-umlaut of e did not take place in WS. In Ken. it took place before all single consonants and in glian belote ail single consonants except tturals, as beor, bear, eot, fo car, feola, man9  WS. beran, cran, fela. Ken. weogas, ways, spreocan. o speak=WS, and Anglian wegas, spreca(n), sec  93. § 49. Breaking is du he influence of an 1, r, or h + consonant, or single 1- n a preceding vowel (Germanie a, e, i; g, i)whereby  guttural glîde was developed between the vowel and the consonant, whieh then combined with the vowel to form a diphthong. For the reason why breaking took place before 1 and r + consonant more reçu- 
,.,_ -oo«ogy [§ o larly in WS. and Ken. than in Anglian, sec § 7. In the examples given below we shall confine ourselve chiefly to WS. a (oe) > en, as ceald, Goth. kalds, coM; healdan, Goth. haldan, to hoM (§ {tzl); bearn, Goth. barn, child; heard, Goth. hardus, hard (§ s6); eahta, Goth. ahtgtu, eight; weaxan, Goth. wahsjan, to grow; seah, OHG. sah, he sw (§ s). e > eo, as meolcan, O HG. melkan, lo milk; sceolh, OHG. scelh, wry, oblique (§ s) ; cotise, OHG. erda, earlh ; heorte, OHG. herza, he«r (§ 8) ; cneoht, OHG. kneht, boy ;' seox, O HG. sehs, six; seoh, sec tho (§ Se). i > io (later eo), as liorrgan, leornian, from lirnSjan, fo leam; miox, meox, from *mihst, mam4re (§ 98). e > ê in W S. belote, h, as nêah, Goth. nèh, near; nêar from *nêahur, older *noehur (§ i > io (later êo) in WS. before h and ht, as lêoht, Goth. leihts, adj. light; wêoh, idol, Goth. weihs, holy (§ 1t7). 3" INFLUENCE OF N,s.,s. § .50. a became a low-back-wide vowel, written a, o, before nasals, as camb, comb, comb; nama, noma, naine; land, lond, land; lang, long, long (§ 59). e > i before Germanic m (§ sl), and in early Latin loan- words before nasal+consonant (§ 82), as niman, OHG. neman, fo tak; gimm, Lat. gemma, gem ; pinsian, Lat., to eigh, ponder, consider. o > tt before nasals, as guma, OH G. gomo, man; numen, OHG. ginoman, laken ; htmig, OHG. honag, honey; Imnor, O HG. donar, lhunder (§ 1oo). e > ô before nasals (§ Ira), as mSna, Goth. mêna, noon; nômon, Goth. nêmun, lhey took. " N aal disaplSeared before the voiceless spirants f, ,, and  with lengthening of the preceding vowel, as f-ff, 
§  il Influence of Initial Pal.. Cotsonants 3 3 O HG. fimf, rive ; ôsle, O H G. amsala, o«tsel (§ SsS) ; cri]v, Goth. kun]s, kno.wu ; gs, O H G. gans, goose ; ]mr, Goth. an]mr, other (§ 4. INFLUENCE OF INITIAL PALATAL C'ONSONANTS. § 51. Between palatal g (----- Germanic j, § 2o8), sc (§ 81.), and the following pal.atal vowel, a glide was developed în prim. OE., which combined wîth the vowel to form a rising diphthong, and then at a later period the rising diphthong became a fall- ing diphthong through the shifting of the stress from the second to the first element of the diphthong. The examples given below are chiefly WS. ; for the correspond- îng forms in the other dialects, the student should consult the paragraphs within brackets. me > es (older eoe), as ceaster, Lat. castra, city, fortrcss; ceaf, clzaff; geai', Goth. gai', ho gave ; sceaft, OHG. scaft, shaft ; sceal, Goth. skal, shall (§ 72). e > le (older ié), as cieres, Lat. cerasum, clwv'y-O'ce; giefan, OHG. geban, fo give ; scieran, OH G. scerar, shear (§ 91). ciele from *keli, older »kalig, ¢old; g'iest from *$est, older *$astiz, gest; scieppan from *skeppan, Goth. skapjan, fo create (§. 73).  > êa (oIder eoe), as cêace, prim. Germanic *kœekSn., jaw ; gêafon, Goth. gêbun, they gave ; gêar, Goth. jêr, vear; scêap, Goth. *skêp, sheep (§ 124). NOTE.--In forms like gioc, geoc (OHG. job), yohe (§ 110); giong, geong (OHG. jtmg), young (§ 116); ge5mor (OHG. jm), sad ( 12, Note), the io, eo, e may have been sing diphthongs, but it is difficult to deteine how far they were diphthon st all, and how far the i, e were merely inseed to indicate the palatal nare of the g It is highly probable that in forms lik¢ «¢eacan, o shake. scea4u, shadow, bede scacaa, scadu ( 57, Note), sceolfle, OH G. scolta, should ( lI0), scedau beside scâdan, to divide 
34 Phono/ogy [§§ _ (§ 133, Note ), the e was merely inserted fo indicatê the palatal nature of the se (§ 812). • 5- Iuc. o w. § t.. e and ê (= Germanic ) were often rounded to oe and cê after w in Nth., as cuoe]a, WS. cwe]an, fo say (§ 80, Note ); euoella, S. cwellan, fo kill; tuoelf, WS. twelf, twelve (§ , Note x). hu6er, where, woron, were WS. hwoer, wron (§ 119, Note 2). e beeame eo before w + a followin'g vowel, as gen. cneowes, treowes, beside nom. cnêo, (§ 89); eowestre (cp. Goth. awistr), sheefoM; meowle (Goth. mawilS), mazden (§ "/7).  became R before w, as blgtwan from *blœewan, fo blow ; cnwan, to kow ; sRwon, the.y saw (§ l.O). Initial weo. became wu. (rarely wo.) in late WS., as swurd, sworcl, swuster, sser, worold, woruld, world, beside oIder sweord (OHG. swert), sweostor (OHG. swester), weorold (OHG. weralt), sec § Initial wio. became wu- in WS. and Anglian, but remained in Ken., as wudu, wood, beside Ken. wiodu (§ o8). § 18. The following was the chronological order in which the sound-laws stated in §§ 47-15. took place: (z)The influence of nasals. (2) Breaking. (3) The influence of initiaI palatal consonants. (4) i-umlaut. (5) u., o/a. umlaut. (6) Influence of w. NoT.--In the case of words where diphthongization by preceding palatals and u-, o/a-umlaut concur, the latter has the predominance, as geolo, .yellow; geoloca, yolh; ceole (acc. ceolan, § z108), throa. This does not however prove that u, o/a.umlaut chronologically precedes diphthongization by preceding palatals. Either geolo, &c., are hot pure WS. forms (see § 09.) or else the ie becamc eo by umlaut, in which case forms like giefu (§ 8{}5) would have ie from the oblique cases. 
§ ;4] Short Vowds of Accented Syllables 35 A. THE SHORT VOWELS OF ACCENTED SYLLABLES. a § 4=. Apart from the influence of neghbourîng sound_s the normal development of German[c a (= Goth. O.Icel. Og70'i4 G. a) is. oe in.. QE. Examples in closed syllables are: clœeg, Goth. dags, O.Ieel. dagr, OS. dag, OHG. tag, day ;"t, Goth. O.Icel. ]mt, OS. that, OHG. dag, lhe ", and similarly boee, back ; boe], ath ; bloec, black ; broes, b,.ass ; croeft, skill; doel, dale; oefter, after; œet (unstressed or), al; foes, fast, firm ; fœet, var, vessel ; gloed, glad ; gloes, g[ass ; groes (goers), grass ; h.oefde, he had ; hwœel, whale ; h.w_.oe, t w/ml; poe], iath ; oegde, he said; smoel, smalI ; toef, staff; in the pret. sing. of strong verbs belonging fo classes IV (§ 508) and V (§ 05), as bœer (Goth. O.Icel. OS. OHG. bar), bore; broec, broke; cwoe], said; eoet, sat; woes, was. On forms like œeppel, aibiMe, beside pl. appta, sec Examples in open syllables when followed by a palatal vowel, or a vocalic nasal or liquid in the nëxt syllable, are- oecer (Goth. akrs), field, acre; œecern, acorn; foede_.___r, falher; foeger (Goth. fagrs), fait» beauliful; hloedel, ladle hroefen, hroefn, t'aven; hwœe]er, whether ; moegen (Goth. *magn), power; nœegel, noegl (Goth. *nagls), hall; woeter, waer ; fœe]m (Goth. *raisins), embrace, fathom snœegl, snail; toegl, rail; wœegn, wagon ; sing. gen. doeges, foetes, dat. doege, foete, beside nom. doeg, day NoTE.I. œe became ¢ in Ken. and partly also in Mercian, ai deg, feder, fer, hefde, set, we, weter -- WS. doeg, fœeder, &c. . oe became  by loss of g, as brt, he brandisled; maiden; sde, le said; wn, wagon, beside broegfl, moegflert (§ 58), œegde, woegn. 3- a often occurs where we should expect œe. In such cases the a is due to levelling and new formations, as sing. gen. 
36 Poology [§"  dat. pape, beside pœe}es, poe}e, due to the plural forms papas, papa, papum (§ 880); fera. gen. dat. acc. singular sace, swa}e, beside soece, swoe]e, due to nom. singular sacu, slrife, q«arrel; swa]m, tracb ; and plural saca, swa]a, &c. (§ 800) ; masc. gen. sing. glades, beside nom. glœed, glad, due to forms like dat. sing. and plural gladum (§ 4p, z,); imperative of strong verbs be- longing to class VI (§ 1508), as far, sac, due to the influence of the infinitive faran, 1o go, ravel; saean, to quarrel; and similarly in the pp. faren; grafen, dz.g; hlaflen, toaded, beside grœefen, laloeden. On the analogy of such past participles was formed slagen beside slœegen, slain. § 55. œe became e by i-umlaut, as bedd, Goth. badi, O HG. beLH, bed; bet(e)ra, Goth. batiza, better; hebban, Goth. hafjan, OS. heffîan, fo raçse; here, Goth. harjis, OS. OHG. heri, a-my; leegan, Goth. lagjan, OS. leggian, fo lay; and similarly hère, barley; ber from *atiz, bater; ewellan (wv.), fo bill; ege, awe, fectr; elles, ds¢; hege, hedge; hell (Goth. halja), hell; herian, fo praise; hete, haie ; mere, lake ; mete, meat, food; nerian, fo serve; nett, net; secgan, fo scLv; sellan, fo sdl; settan, Vo set; stede, place; swerian, fo swear; tellan, o corroi twelf (Goth. twalif), twêlve ; webb, web ; weccan, to awake. But sLape beside stepe, step. Nor..--z. In Nth. e was often rounded to oe after w, as cuoella, 'o Mil; tuoelf, ¢wdve. . The replat forms of the second and third pers. singular of the pres. indicative of strong verbs belonging to class VI ( 08)wodd bave e, as in OH G. fera, thou goest; fet, h« Koes, but in OE. the a of the other forms of the present was extended to th e seeond and third ps. sinlar, and then a bette oe by i-umlaut, as foerest, foerep. . It is dicult to account for the absence of umlaut in loecc,  seize ; poe}an, o aerse; sœecc, se ; wmcce, viol; d for gemoecca, mate ; hoecc, aîe afc ; moecg, man, waor; spp to ste; wrœecca (OS, wreio), ele» beside the lauted fores gmocca, mecg, steppan, wrecca. 
§§ -7] Short Vowels of A ccented Syllables 37 § l. Umlaut generally did not take place belote Ger- manie consonant eombinations, as dwœesean, fo extinguish ; oesc from *askiz, asl»tree ; œespe, aspen ; fœestan, tofasten ; heeftan, fo hold captive; mœestan, to fatten ; noeglan, to nail; reescan, fo coruscale. But umlaut oeeurs in again ; esne, servant; rest, rest; restan, lo rest ; and in efnan, go #efomn; stefnan, to regulae, beside œefnan, stœefnan, • .. § 7. Germanic a remained in open syllabls when o. rigin._a!!y - f011_o_).v_ed b.y._.a..g.ut._t.ç.ral vgwelA,._9,_)..!n..nth.e .n._çxt. s3,11able, as pl. nom. acc. daga gen. daga, dat. dagum, beside sîng. nom. doeg, day; gen. dœeges, dat. dœege; neut. nom. acc. plural ha]m, 3aths; bladtt, leaves îatu, rats, beside singular boe, blœed, foet; O E. Goth. OS. OHG. faran, O.Icel. rata, fo o, travel; nacod, Goth. naqa]s, O HG. nackot, naked; and similarly alan, to nourish ; apa, albe ; bacan, fo bake earu, care ; cradol, cradle; dragan, to draw ; pres. subi. rare (Goth. farki), he may travd; gaderian from *adu. rSjan, o gai]ter; galan, o s'ng; gnagan, îo gnaw ; grafan, to dig; hafoc, hawk ; hafola, hafela, head; hagol, ha[l; hagu, enclost«î'e ; hara, ]mre ; hladan, lo load ; hra]or, more quickly ; lagu, law ; latost, latest, slowest; la]mi,, he inviles ; la]ode, he inviîed; maca], he makes; macode, he ruade; magu, boy ; nafula, nafela, naval; racu, narra- tive ; sacan, to quam'd; acu, slrife; adol, saddle ; stapol, iMllar; ata]mlian from *sta]mlSjan, fo establish ; talu, statement ; wadan, to go, wade. macian from *makSjan, lo mîke; and simîlarly in the inf. of other weak verbs belonging to class I I (§ t;t), as baÆian, o bahe ; dagîan, to dawn; gladian, o be glad; hatîan, o hate; la]ian, to invite. ,.. I t also remained in closed syl!ables before.don_bJeeo_.n- s.p..naoE3_...(ç_xç.çpt.._.l).. ct,.w.h.en. the next slle oriinally contained a g.ttural vowel, as abbod (Lat. acc. 
38 Phonology [§§ abbâtem), abbog; assa, donkey; carte (OHG. kazza), cal; cassuc, sedge; gaffetung, scoffing; habban (§ t538), fo heve ; hassuc, coarse grass lock; sacc, "sack; ]mccian, to flai, #al; flasce (flaxe), flask ; masc (max), net ; wascan (waxan), fo wash ; brast. lian, lo crackle. But a few words have œe besîde a, as oesce, ash, dnders ; oeppel, alb#le ; hnoeppian, fo doze; lœeppa, la2bpet , beside asce (axe), appla, a»ples, hnappian, lappa. NoTx.--sca- was offen wrîtten scea. wlth ¢ to denote the palatal pronunciation of the sc, as sceacan, fo s]me; sceadu, Mmdow ; ceafan, to s/rave ; scealu, scale (balance) ; seeamu (seeomu, § BO), s/mme, beside scaean, scadu, scafan, scalu, scamu (scomu). See § 51, Note. § 58. a became ..oe......w_.hç.n " fq!j..gWç ' umlauted_v.el i..n .... fl:e_.sgllae, as ge__s (oex)from *a.kyei__, older *a.ku.s!» axe ; and similarly oepele from *alcali (OS. aali), noble; œe]eling from *auling, nob[eman; oet-, tS-gœedere from *.aduri, together; foesten (OS. fastunnia, fasting), fortress; goedeling (OS. gaduling), com1anion ; hoele] from *xalu]i-, hero ; hœerfest from *xaruBist, hanest; mœegden from *ma$adïn (OHG. magatin), maiden. The oe in the above examples is a kind of umlaut. Noœe.--The a in the stem-syllable of the present partieiple and gerund of strong verbs belongîng fo class VI (§ î08) il due to the a of thi infinitive, as farende for *foerende from *fartxndi, farenne for *fœerenne from *farannjai. § 9. Germanic a was probably a mid-back-wide vowel like the a in German Mann. In O E. il became a low- back-wide vowel beiôre nasa'Ise the â in French pâte, and the a as pronounced in many Scotch dialects in such words as ant, man, pass, which English people often mis- take for o especially when lengthened. In the oldest OE. il wa nearly always written a, in the nînth century il was mostly written o» and in late OE. mostly a again, but 
§ o] Short Vowels of .4ccened S3,ZIabZes 39 in some parts of M ercia it seems to have become o which has been preserved in many of the Midland dialects down to the present day. Examples are" gaxtgan, gong:an, Goth. gaggan, O.Icel. gang:a, OS. OHG. gangan, to go; hana, hona, Goth. hana, O.Icel. hane, OS. OHG. hano, co«k ; lang, long, Goth. laggs, O.Icel. langr, OS. 0 HG. lang,/ong ; nama, noma, Goth. namS, OS. 0 H G. namo, ame; and similarly ancor (Lat. ancora), bana, slayer ; brand, fireDrand ; camb, comb ; camp, batlle ; candel (Lat. candêla), candle; cann, le can ; fana, 5anner; gandra, gaMer; gesamnian, o col/ect; hamor, hand, hazd; lama, lame ; lamb, lamb ; 1and, land; manig (Goth. manags), nay ; mann, nan ; rature, rare ; span. nan, fo clasp, fasten ; standan, to stand ; strang, st»ong ; ]anc, thotght; ]wang, t]og; in the pret. singular of many strong verbs of class III (§ 498), as beganï, began ; dranc, drank ; fanal,round; sang, sazg ; swamm, vith metathesis of r in born from older bronn, brama (Goth. brann), burned; orn from older ronn, rann (Goth. rann), ra. Now---The a became o in unstressed adverbial and pro- nominal forms, as hwonne, wlez ; on, on ; potine, lhez ; masc. acc. singular hwone, w]orn; lone, § 60 . a (O) l became__ .e...(but œe in the oldest period) by i.umlaut, as  G0th anâeis, O.Icel. ende, OS. endi, OHG. e"-'ti, stem andja., end; lengra, OS. lengira, OHG. lengiro, longer; en..g, Goth. andjan, OS. sendian, to send; and similarly be__n_c f.rom__ *lrki.'z, bench ; cemban, to comb ; cempa, warrior ; drencan, fo give to drink ; ened, dgck ; enge, .arrow ; englisc, ngIish ; fremman, to per- form ; henn, hen ; 1engin, lezgth ; menn, ne ; mengan, fo nix ; mennisc, h««maz ; nemnan, to zame ; pening, lenny; strengra, sO'o»ger; ]encan, o think ; wendan, lo tur, bœernan (Goth. brannjan) to butez; eernan (Goth. 
4o Phonology rannjan), to run, g'«llop, with metathesis of r and preserva. tion of the older stage of umlaut. § (I1. N asalsdiaaDeared belote the voiceless iran f, _,(o) became ô througthëioer. Goth. OHG. , hand, escort, mdtitude ;. anar, second, other; sôe» OHG. samfto, Kent, soEtl ; and sîmilarly g6s, goose ; 6s., god; 6sle (OHG. amsala), blackbird ; zme, smootld3, ; s6, [Tte ; tb, ioot]z ; r6stle, th.tsh, throst[e ; wbs, to[sh,re.  o. ô became ê (older ) by i-umlaut, as êst, Goth. ansts, stem-form ansti.,favur; nêan, Goth. ana.nanjan, æo vnture oz; tê fi'om *taniz, teeth; and similarly walkhzg, moventent ; gés, ge«se ; gesêan, fo testy, dedare sêfte, sort; sêe, smooth.  68. aLbçfore 1, r, and ..çgnsonant, aO.b7h. Forms Eb"fi-ëing often occur in the oldest period of the language. Breaking did hot take place in Anglian belote 1 + consonant, and frequently not belote r + consonant. Sec 1, r ( 7).  64. x. Before 1 + consonant. , Goth. alls, O.Icel. allr, OS. OHG. al, ail; cead, Goth. kalds, O.Icel. kald, OS. kald, OHG. kalt, coM; h}d, Goth. OS. haldan, O.Icel. halda, OHG. htan, fo hold; and similarly eeale, chalk ; ceK ca; de,f, he dug ; eald, old ; ealh, temp& ; le,dan, fo foM; felan, io fall ; gealga, gal[ows ; hea!K haï; heall, hall; hep, he h@ed ; heals, neck ; mealt, malt ; Bealf, salve, ointment ; sealfian, fo anohtt; zealh, willaw ; sealt, sait; rende, he told; wealdan, fo w&M; weh, foreigner, dshman weall, ¢all; weaaan, fo ho< Forms like bealu, hale, eva ; feal, fallow ; sen, dark, &(sk, beside bu, falu, Bal, bave the ca from the inflected stem-form, as gen. bealwe, feweB, BealweB (Bec  Nor.--x. ca became êa by loss of h before a following 
vowel as gen. singular êale, wêales, nom. pl. sêalas, wéalas, beside nom. singular sealh, wealh. by i-umlaut, as wîelisc, fordgn, Wdsh. 2. a remained unbroken in late Latin loanwords, as albe (Lat. alba), aih; alter (Lat. altare), allar; fals (Lat. falsus), flse; pMm (Lat. pma), palm-lree.  6. ea became le (later i, y) by i-umlaut, as fieHan from *feaHjan, older *falljan, ofell; fielst from *fea(t), hou fa/lest; fiel from feai, he falls; ieldra (Goth. allia), older; ieldesta, old«st; ieldu, old age ; mieltan 6.), to mdt. Now.--The corresponding vowel n Anglian is me (also e), as œeldra, eldra, œelflu, foella(n), fella(n); and in Ken. e, as eldra, elflu.  . . Before r + consonant. bearn Goth. O.Icel. OS. O HG. ba, cçld; heard, Goth. hardus, O.Icel. harr, OS. hd, OHG. ha,]mrd; and similarly beard, 5egrd; bearg, cea, he caed; dea, I date; earc (Lat. arca), m an ; eam, 2oor; eaU, hou art; feh, oa 2ig; geard, yard; gearn, yarn ; gearwian, to :re:are; ge- meai, fo mark mearc, bounda7; mearg, mamow; mearh, hse; peaoc, park ; sceau, shar ; sweam, swarm ; weam, warm wea, he threw; wear, he became. Forms like beau, grove ; gel, ready searu, plol, dice, bave ea from the inflected stem-fom, as gen. bearwes, gearwes, meaes, &c. (see  26). NozE.--i. In An#ian ea became oe (later e) belote r + tmral, as berg, erc, fœerh (ferh), mœerc (merc), &c. 2. a remained unbroken in late Latin loanwords, as carce, #son ; martyr, 3- ea became êa by loss of h before a following vowel, as gen. singular ares, mêares, nom. pl. aras, mêaras, besîde nom. sinlar feh, mearh. 
4 Phozology [§§ 4. Fonns like oern (Goth. razn), ]olese ; pret. sing. arn (Goth. rann), tan; barn (Goth. brann), burned; boerst (OHG. brast), burst; goers (Goth. gras), grass; hœern, wave, are due to a late metathesis of the r.  67. ea became ie (later î, y)by i-umlaut, as diee, OS. derni, OHG. tami, secret; ierfe, Goth. arbi, OS. OHG. erbi, )herftance ; and similarly cierran, fo turn ; gierd, rod» twfg; erwan from *gearwjan, fo prepare; ierming, pauper; iermpu (OHG. amida), poverty; wier. NOT.--Thc corresponding vowel in the non-WS, dialects is e, as de,e, erre, ermu, &c.  OS. 3. Belote h + consonant (also x = hs) and simple h. t  Goth. ahtu, O S. O H G. ahto, eight ; seah, Goth. sa, OS. OHG. sah, he sa.w ; weaxan, Goth. wahsjan, O.Icel. vaxa, OS. OHG. wahsan, fo gvw; and similarly eax, axle.#'ee ; eaxl, shoulder ; feaht, he fought ; feax, bain; fleax, flax ; gefeah, ]e rejoiced ; geneahhe, enoug]z, oflen ; hleahtor, laughter ; meaht (later miht), powe meaht, lhou zayest; meahte, he mig]t, could; neaht (later ht), nzht; seax, kn; sleah (imperative), sloEy thou ; weax, wax. Now.--. ca became oe in Anglian, as oehta, foex, hloehtor, sœeh, wœex, &c. a. It became e in late WS., as ehta, exl, fex, seh, sex, sleh, " wexan.  . ea became le (later i, y) by i.umlaut, as hliehhan (Goth. hlahjan), fo &ugh ; eht (Goth. mahts, stem-form mahti.), power, migt ; miehtig, n, çghty ; nieht, nig]t ; sehst (Goth. slahis), t]ou slayest; slieh (Goth. slahit),  sla2s; sHeht, stem-form slah-, slaug],ter; wiex (OHG. wahsit), itows. NowE.--The coesponding vowel in Anglian îs œe, as hlœeh. ha(n), moeht, moehtig, &c. 
§§ o- Shozq Vowels of Accenecl S3,1lables 43 § /0. ea became êa by lo of intervoealic h, a êa, Goth. ala, OS. OHG. aha, waler, rer; slêan from *sleahan, Goth. OS. O HG. slahan, fo s[a,v, striée; and similarly flêan, fo ]Tav; lêa from *leahu, f b[ame; lêan, to blae ; slêa, /" slav; slêa] from *sleaha], thev sla3,; ]wéan, to wash ; êar (Nth. oehher) from *eahur, older *ahur, OHG. ahîr, ear of co' ; têar (Nth. toehher) from *té"ahur, older *tahur, 0 H G. zahar, tear. § 71. êa became ie (later i, } by i-umIaut, as stiele from *stiehle, Germanic stem-form *staxlja-, st«eL § 72. oe (older a) became ea (older eoe) aller initial palatal c, g, and se, as ceaf, chaff; ceafor, cockchafer; ceaster (Lat. castra), cil.y, fortress ; forgeat (OS. forgat), ]ze forgot; geaf (Go[h. gaf), hegave ; geat (0. I cel. 0 S. gat), gale, openig, hole ; sceaft (OHG. scaft), shajq; sceul (Goth. skal), I shall; sceatt (Goh. skatts), noey, prop.erty. NowE.--/. Anglian has oe beside ea, and Ken. e (œe), as AngIian coester (ceaster), goet (geat), sceel (sceal)= Ken. cester, gel, scel. e also occurs occasionally in Mercian. 2. Forms like ceald, cold; cealf, ca(f; geard, .grd; gearn, .ygrn; scealt, ]hou sh«ll; scearp, s]m'l, are due to breaking (§§ {4, 66), which look place earlier than the influence of palatals upon a following oe. In both cases the ea became e in late WS., as celf, gel, gel, &c. § 73. ea became îe (later i, y) by i.umlaut, as ciefes from *kaisS, cocgbze; ciele from *kaliz, coM ; cietel (Lat. catillus), kettle; giest (Goth. gasts, stem-form gasti-), guest ; scieppan (Goth. skapjan), fo creae. Nor..The corresponding vowel in the non-WS, dialects is e, as cefes, cele, gest, sceppan, &c. § 74. Germanic a generally remained before the w which was regularly preserved in 0 E., as gen. dal. singular clawe besîde nom. cléa, c[aw ; awul, awel, awl; ]awian, o lhaw. § /5. a + u (which arose from wu or vocalized w (§ 25)) became êa (cp. § 135), as clêa from "kla(w)u, clgw ; nom. 
acc. pi. neuter fê from fa(),/e; dat. m *fa(w)um ; hrêa from *hraw., raw ; strêa from *straw., sraw ; rêa from *ra(wu,  76. Prim. Germanic aww (= Goth. aggw) became auw in West Germanic, which regularly became êaw in OE. (cp.  135), as déaw (Goth. *daggwa., OHG. tou, gon. tçuwes), d«w; glêaw (Goth., dçlgetly), wîs« ; hêawan (Goth. "haggwan, O H G. houwan), to ]; scêawian (Goth. *skaggwSn, O H G. couwSn), o  7. a bccame e by i.umlaut, then at a later period the e bccame eo beforc w, as ewe beside eowe, eowu (cp. Lat. ovis), 'ze,e; eowde,flocç lwrd; eowestre (cp. Goth. awistr), s]e«foM ; meowle (Goth. mawilô), gb-I; strewede beside streowede (Goth. strawîda), ]te strez,ed.  78. In Mcrcian a bccame ea before single consonants by u- aad o,/a-umlaut, as ealu, aie; beadu, barde; eafora, sou ; featu, fats; heafuc, ]teu; heafola, lzead; hea}u, war ; steapul, p]l/ar ; steaul, fozndatço, fearan, lo go, traveI; feara}, ];«T /ravd; gen. pl. feata,  rats; geata,  gares; gleadîan, lo ro(ce; hleadan, to &ad; leatian, o be slow. For the corresponding non-Mercian forms, see N o.z. The ea bccamc me beforc gutturals, as dœegas (= WS. dagas), das; droeca, dragoz; moegun, f]ze2 ca;. z. Umlaut rarely took place beFore double consonants» as eaçpult (WS. oeppeltn), orch«rd; hneappian (WS. hnap- pian), fo doze. 3- VS. ealu, and forms like eafora, heafoc, &c. which are common în poet, are all originally from the Mercian dialect.  Vg. Final a waslenthened to An monosv]lables, as â (Goth. as), wlo ; sw (Goth. swa), so. e O.Icel. OS. OHG.:- ) ffen remained in OE., as OE. OS. 
§§  -1 Short gowels of.4 cceted Syllables 45 OH G.feld, fieM; fe]er, 0 S. fethara, O H G. fedara,feather; weg, Goth. wigs, O.Ieel. vegr, OS. OHG. weg, way ; and similarly bes(e)ma, besoin; cwene (Goth. qinS, OHG. quena), woman ; denu, valley; ef(e)n, even ; fela, much ; fell, skh ; fetor,feler; helm, hehnet; le]er, lealher; nefa, nelbhew ; nest, mst; reg(e)n, tain; segl, sMl; seldan, sddom ; senep, mustard ; setl, seat ; snegl, snail ; snell, quick; ]egn, atone ; wefler, weather ; wel (adv.), well; wer, man ; west, wesl; in the present of strong verbs belonging to classes III (§ 499), IV, and V, as helpan, Goth. hilpan, OS. helpau.._..._, OHG. helfan, o help ; and similarly belgan, fo swdlwith anger; bellan, fo bellow; delfan, go di; meltan, fo mdt ; sveellan, go swell; swelt_.n, to die ; b7a_._n, to bear ; breean, to break ; helan, o conceal; stelan, to steal; teran, fo tear ; enedan, fretan, to devoz¢r ; lesan, c "s9Zlecl • _metan, to measure ; sprecan, o speak ; tredan, fo lread; wefan, fo ,eeave wesan, fo be. Norr-.--I. In Nth. e was often rounded to oe after w, as woel, woeg ---- WS. cwepan, wel, weg. e. e beeame ê by loss of g, as brêdma, lo brandish ; rên, tain ; strêdan, lo strew ; pên, lhane, beside bregflan, regn, stregcltm, pegn. "" § 81. e.._i _before.Gerl_ _.anic_m. 8 (o H G. neman)» fo take; rima, ri'm. This sound-change dîd hOt take place when the m arose from f by assimilation with n, as emn, even; stemn, voice, beside older ef(e)n, stefn. § 82. e became i before nasal +consonant in early Latin loanwords, but remained in later loanwords, as gimm (Lat. gemma), gem; mini; (Lat. mentha), mint; pinsian (Lat. pensre), fo consider; but templ (Lat. templum), temple. § 88..e.was broken to eo belote !e,_.___. • ber'ores_r., and ' lL.+..ço..n..0nat  and-eforë sCp¿e .h: Breaking did not take place ifi Anglian before le, 
46 Phonology [§§ § 84. x. Before le, lh. seolcan, go become languid meolcan (OHG. melkan), fo miAk; eolh (OHG. selah), seal; sceolh (OHG. scelh, scelah), wry, oblique. But Anglian elh, melca(n), selh, &c. No-rE.-- z. eo became êo by loss of h before a following vowcl, as fêolan from *feolhs.ll (= Goth. fi]hRn, O HG. bi-felhan), o ltide; gen. êoles, sêoles, besidc nom. eolh, seolh. s. It is difficult te account for the breaking in heolfor, blood, gore; and seolf, sdf, beside the commoner form self. § 85. 2. Before r+consonant. eor]e, Goth. ar]a, OS. erda, O HG. erda, earth; heorte, Goth. hai5, OS. herta, OHG. herza, heart; weor an, Goth. wafr]an, O.Icel. verê.a, OS. werdan, werdan, te 3ecome; and similarly beorcan, te bark; beorg, hdt; eorgan, te shdter; beorht, bright; ceorfan, te czt, carre ; ceorl, chm-l; deorc, dark ; dweorg, dzvaf ; êorl, noblema+z, earl; feorh, li/e ; feorr, far ; georn, eager ; b.eord, herd, flock ; heor], hearlh ; steorfan, te die ; steorra, star; weord, sword; weorc, work ; weorpan, te throw ; weor], worth. N oTE.--I. Breaking is older than the metathesis of r in forms like berstart (OHG. brestan), te burst ; frsc, fresh ; te thrasl,. 2. The eo became e in Anglian before r+guttural, as berga(n), berht, dr¢, dwerg, ferh, wer¢ = WS. beorgn, beorht, &c. 3. The eo beeame ca in Nth., and le in Ken. (cp. § 187), as N th. earpe, hearte, stearra = Ken. ior]e, hiorte, stiorra WS. and lIercian eor]e, heorte, steorra. 4. ce became êo by loss of" h before a following vowel, as gen. fêores, ]wores, besîdc nom. feorh, hfe; ]weorh, 2erverôe, Gcross. § 80. 3. Before h + consonant (also x=hs) and simple h. t (OHG. kneht), boy; eoh, horse;feoçh, cattle; 
§§ a r-o] Shor l]owels of A ccened Syllables 47 feohan (OHG. fehtan), go fighg; Peohtas, Picgs ; pleoh, danger; reoht (Goth. raihts, OS. OHG. reht), righ¢; seox (Goth. safhs, OS. O HG. sehs), s; imperative s[ng. seoh, sec lho. But already ai: an early period the eo became le (later i, rarely y)belote hs and ht h WS. and i n Ken., as cnieht, cniht ; ryht, riht; siex, six. Nors.--eo became e în Anglian, as cneht; feh, fehta(n), reht, sex ---- early WS. cneoht, feoh, &c. § 87. eo became êo (o) by loss of intervocalic h, as sêon (sion) from *seohan, older *sehan- Goth. sa[lan, OS. OHG. sehan, o see; swêor from *sweohur, older *swehur ----- OHG. swehur, falher-n-Ia ; and similarly gefêon, o roz?e; gefêo from *gefeohu, Z re2bice ; plêon, o rish ; sêo from *seohu, I see; gen. singular fêos, plêos, beside nom. feoh, § 88. Final ew became eu, and then eu became. êo at the same rime as Germanic eu became êo (see§ 13'0, as sing. nom. cnêo, Germanic stem-form *knewa., knee ; trêo, tree; lêo, slave, servant. See § . § 8. Antevocalic ew became eow, as sing. gen. cneowes, treowes, ]eowes, dat. cneowe, treowe, ]eowe ; ]mowian (iowian)» o serve. Forms like nom. cnêow, trêow, ]êow had the w from the inflected forms. And conersely forms like gen. cnêowes, trêowes, ]êêowes had êo from the uninflected forms. § 90. Prim. Germanic eww (= Goth. iggw) beŒame euw in West Germanic, and then euw becarne êow in OE., as trêow (OS. treuwa, OHG. triuwa), lrusl, fMth, cp. Goth. triggwa, Prîm. Germanc ewwj became iowj through the inter- mediate stages iwwj, iuwj, and then iowj became ew(e) in WS. and iow(e), êow(e) in non-W$. as W$. geriewe, non- WS. getriowe, getrêowe (OHG. gitriuwî), prim. Ger- manic *.trewwjaz, cp. Goth. trîggws, rue, faitld; VqS. 
48 Ponology [§§ _ get.rewan, non-WS, getrowan, getrêowan, prîm. Ger. manie *.trewwjan, to trts. And similarly West Germanic îwwj (§ Sa) from prim. Germanic ewj, as WS. hiew, hiw, non-WS, hiow, hêow, plîm. Germanic stem-form *xewja-, Shale, colour; W S. niêwe, niwe, non-WS. niowe, néowe, prim. Germanie stem-form *newja., new. § 91. e became ie (later i, y) after palatal c.g, .g.n..d c i__._n WS., b-t reraïnel é in 'A-ng-lian and Ken., as cieres, cires (Lat. acc. cerasum), cherry.tree; forgietan (OS. forgetan), to forge/;  (O.Icel. K.f, OS. gelan, OHG. geban). /o give; giefu, g ; gieldan, to ield; giellan, toydl; gielpan, to boas; giest (cp. OHG. jesan, loferment), .ye«sg; scield, shieM; scieran (,OHG. sceran), to .s/ze0r. But Anglîan and Ken. gefa(n), gelda(n), sceld, &c. NoF..----The above sound-change took place later than breaking, ep. ceorfn, ceorl, georn, § 8. § 8«. e became eo by u.umlaut in Ken:' bef'ore.all .s.in_gle :nàhis, irï gliaribëf6re-aiisingiê C6fisoa'-n eïcept utturals (c, g), and in WS. before single Iabials and .iquids, as beofor, beaer; eofor (OHG. ebur), boat; eoloca, yolk; geolo (OS. OHG. gelo, gen. glwes), ellow ; heofon, heaven ; heolor, scales, balance ; heolstor from older helutr, hiding place; heorttt, hart; meola (OHG. tnelo, gen. mel(a)wes), raeal, flozw; seofon, seven ; meoru, greas«, fat; teoru, tar ; weorod, trool. Non- WS. eodor, enclosre; eosol, donkey; feotor,feger; meodu, ead (dr[k) ; meotod, creator = W S. edor, esol, fetor, medu, metod. Ken. breogo, prince ; reogol (Lat. regula), rulê = VqS. and Anglian brêgo, regol. Noz.--x. u.umlaut took place in WS. in the combination we, a hweogol, ee ; weotol, plain, cl, ar; weotttma, dowry, and probably also before two eonsonants in sweotor, sisler. a. The regular forms due to u-umlaut wer¢ often obliterated in WS. br levelling, as meltt, total, flour, with mel- from the 
§§ 9 3-67 Sho'l [/'[s of A ccented S.ylIab{es 49 gen. melwe, dat. melwe; pl. nom. spertt, sieam ; dat. due to the forms of the singular, as spere, gen. spere, gen. pl. spera; and similarly for many other forms. § 9. e beeame eo by o/a-umlaut in Ken. before all single eonsonants, and in Anglian (but Nth. generally before all single eonsonants except gutturals (e, g'), as beoran, fo bear; çot, to eaU; feola, many; meotan, fo measure ; seofa, hear ; steolan, to steal ; treodan, to tread ; weofan, to weave = WS. beran, earl, fela, metan, sera, stelan, tredan, wefan. But Ken. weoga, voays; preo. can, 'o s2eak = Vv'S. and Anglian wegas, sprecan. Nth. beara, eaa, treada = VS. beran, cran, tredan. § 94. The combination weo. which arose from breaking (§§ 84-6), or from u., o/a.umlaut (§§ 02-3), became wu. (rarely wo.) in late WS., a . "n in Mercian and Ken., as late WS. swurd (later swyrd), sword; swuster (later swyster), sister; swutol, lafn, clear; wurpan beside worpan, lo throw; wttrp, vorlh, #rice ; wur]an, to become ; but worc, work ; woruld, worold, world. Late Nth. sword ; wor], worth; wor]a, to become; worold, world; wosa from older weosa = WS. wesan, fo § 9. Final e was len.g.the ê in ..moaolla.bles, as hê, he;  me; ç..(masc. nom. sing.), the; wê, we; }, rèI'd'ative particle (§ 8). - i § O0. G_erma_nici= Goth. O.Icel. OS. OHG. i) generalj 2 .e. i._.., oes.g Goth. bîdjan, O.Icê. 0 S. biddian, 0 H G. bitten, topray, beg, entreat; fisc, Goth. fisks, O.Icel. fiskr, OS. fisk, OHG. fisc, fish; wîtan, Goth. OS. witan, O.Icel. rira, OHG. wiggan, lo now; "and similarly bît(t)er, bitter; blind, Mind; bridd, young bird ; brîngan, fo bring ; cild, child ; cinn, chin ; clîf, diff ; cribb, crfb ; cwide, saying; clisc, dish ; ffttger, jqnger o, «, E 
5 o PIz o  z o logy [ § § 9  - 8 gefilde (sb.), tla# ; gift, prioe of wife; bidet, tither; hild, battle, war ; nd (sb.), hind ; hHd, lid ; hring, ring; cgan, fo lie down ; libban, to hue ; lifer, huer; lira, limb ; list, cunning'; midd, niddle ; ft, niece ; hiver, downwards ; pic, pitch; ribb, rib; scilling, shilling; scip, shi; sibb, relationshi# ; sire, sieve; sige, wtory ; sittan, to sit ; smip, snigt» ; spinel, sh2dle ; twig, twt; icce, thtk ; ider, thither; ing, thing; ridda, third; wilde, wM; wind, wind; wter, whter; in the second and third pers. sing. pres. indicative of strong verbs belonging to classes I I I, IV, d V, as hilpest, hîlpe, birest, bire, itest, item, beside inf. helpan, fo helç ; beran, to bear; etan, o eat; in the pret. plural and pp. of strong verbs belonging to elass I, as biton, biten, don, riden, stigon, sgen, beside inf. bitan, to bile; dan, go "r«¢e;stigaF., o a«nd; in the inf. and present of strong verbs belonging to class III, as bindan, fo b,)zd; dncan, fo drink ; findan, fo find ; stncan, lo siuk ; singan, to spinnan, to sph, ; swimman, fo Nor.x. i beeame î by loss of g, as brîdel, bridle; frinan, o ask; li, le lies down; rnan, fo rahz; sie, stylise; tê (Lat. têga), lile, beside brigdel, frignan, ligep, sîgpe, tigele. a. i appears as e in the Latin loanwords, pem (Lat. pitre), pear; segn (Lat. signum), s[g.  97. ieça....b..Ioss of nasal before a voi9s s..a.fifGoth. O HG. fimf, rive ; fifel, sea-nwnster; gesip (OHG. sindo), companion; her (OHG. nd), ox; h)e (OH G. Hn), gentle; si (Goth. sinus), wa9; swi (Goth. swins), strong. But in remained when it came to stand belote a voiceless spirant at a later period, as pinsian from Lat. pensare, fo weigh, cosider; winster beside nester (OHG. wister), loEt (hand).  98. i w broken to io before r and h + consonant, and r%à" in earl W. theio becaë eo d thus fell together with the eo from e ( 85-8), as oan,  from *H5]an, to lear,; m9ç, .... m¢x from 
§ 99 Short Vowels of Accened @llables 5  *mihst, marne'e, ep. Goth. malhstus, dunghill; tiohhîn, teohhian from *tihh5jan, fo arrange, think, consider; twiogan, twêogan from *twixSjan (§ 139), fo doubt. NooEE.--i. eo then became ie, later i, in WS. before h + con- sonant, as stihtan, fo arrange, regulate ; wriexl, wrîxl, excange. a. In .A.nglian io became i before gutturals, as get!hhAan, to arrange, tldnk, «onsider. . In the two verbs corresponding to Goth. brinnan, to burn ; and rinnan, lo run, the metathesis of the r took place earlier than breaking, whence Anglian biorna(n), beorna(n), iorna(n) coma(n). In WS. we have biernan (later birnan, byrnan), iernan (later irnan, yrnan) for *biornan, *beornan, *iornan, *eornan, with iœe from the third pers. singxlar biern(e)] (= Goth. brinni]), iern(e)] (---- Goth. rinni]). The new formation in WS. was doubtless due to the faet that the two verbs were mostly used impersonally, ep. the similar new formations in NHG. zîemen, 1o be$eem ; and wiegen, to weigh. § 99. io beeame le (later i, y) by i.umlaut in WS., as gfierran (OHG. arfirren), from *-firrjan, fo remo'oe ; bierce, birch; fiehst (OHG. fihtis), thou fightest; fieht, he )ghs ; gebierhan, to make brfg]t ; gesieh], ision ; giernan (OS. girnîan), fo desire; hierde (OHG. hîrti), shepherd; ierre (OS. O HG. irri), angry; rihtan, ryhtan (OS. rîhfian), o se sraight; siehst (OHG. sitxis), amu seest; sieh] (OHG. sihit), he secs ; smîerwan (OHG. smirwen), to anoinl; wierreta, wiersta (OHG. wîr. sisto), vorsl; wiersa (OHG. wirsiro), orse; wier]e (0 H G. wirdi), worthy. No.--I. The i-umlaut of io generally did hot tzke place in thi non.WS, dialeets, henee we bave io in Nth. and Ken., and io (eo) in Mercian, as Nth. Ken. giorna(n), hiorde, iorre----- Mereian geornan, heorde, iorre, WS. gîernan, hîerfle, ierre. Forms Hke afirra{n), to remeve ; smîrwan, to smear, are not pure Anglian forms. 2. io became î in Anglîan before a followîng guttural or r + guttural, .as bîrce, gcbîrhta(n), gesih]; mixen (mod. northern 
5  Phonology [§§ dialects mixen), dttnghill; rihtan; wirean (OS. wirkian), fo work. The i then became i by loss of inteocalic h and con- traction in Nth., as sîs(t) from *sihis, WS. siehst, lhog seest; sp from *sihip, WS. siehp, h secs. 3. io in the combination wio became u at an early period in Anglian and then u became y by i-umlaut, as wyrresta, zvorst; wyrsa, worse ; wyrsian, to worsen ; re, worthy.  100. i bçae....y.7./a-umlaut in Ken. befqçç all single consqqa2ts, in Anglian belote ai1 single consonants except gutturals (c, g), and in WS. belote single labials and liquids. But already at an early period (ninth century)the io became eo in WS. and M ercian.  lOl. i. u.umlaut. Pret. eliopude, .ode, beside inf. elipian, o call; cliopung, caIling'; mîoluc, miole (later milc), milk ; siolue, silk ; siolufr, sîolfor, stTver; pret. tiolude, .ode, besîde inf. tilian, fo ahn ai; tiolung, prodtcG labotr. Anglian and Ken. liomu, leomu, litbs; nioor (WS. niçor), lower; siodu (WS. sidu), cttstom; sinu (WS. sinu), sinew. Ken. siocol, s2kle; stiogol, sttTe= WS. and Anglian sieol,  Fores like liomu, nioor, which are occa. sionally round in WS. prose, are hot pure NotE.--x. u-umlaut was mostly obliterated in WS. by levelling and new formmions, as plural clift, cls ; scipu, ships (Anglian eofu, seiopu), due to levelling out the stem.forms of those cases whieh had no u in the ending. Pret. plural drifun, .o, th drove; ipun, -on, they seied, due to preterîtes like biton, they bît; «tigon, they ascended. Pret. tode beside olode, he aimed al, formed direct from the inL £ilian. And conversely forms like inf. eliopian (eleopian), tiolîan (teolian), were formed from the pret. cliopode, tiolode. • a. io beeame i in Anglian before 1 +ttural, as mlle from miole, older miolue, milk. [ 10. z. o/a.umlaut. ora, heora, their,  them ; liofast, thou livest. Anglian and Ken. beonan, on this side of; #ioda, kite, lture ; 
54 PkonoIogy [§ o daughter; folc, O. Icel. O S. OH G. folk, folk; bord, Goth. huzd, OS. bord, OHG. hort, treasure; oxa, Goth. ahsa, O. Icel. oxe, OHG. ohzo, ox ; and similarly boda, messen. ger; bo¢îig, body; boga, bow; bohte, he bought; bolfl, house ; bolt, boli ; bord, board ; botm, bottom ; broie, broth ; enotta, knot; coco, cock ; col, coaI; colt, colt coss, kiss; dogga, dog; dot (OS. dot, O HG. for), door, gaie; dropa, drolb ; fola, foal; folgian, lo follow; forst, frost ; fox,fox; frogga, frog ; god, God ; gold, goM ; hlot, 1ot; hof, enclosztre ; ho1, hole ; hold, loyal, gracious; hopian, fo hoe ; horn, horn ; hors, horse ; loc, lock ; lof, 2kraise ; molde, earth ; morgen, morning; motif, mor}or, murder; noria, aorth ; nosu, nose ; ofen, oven ; ofer, over; open, oen ; smocc, smock ; storm, slorm ; toll, toll; porn, thorn }orp, village; word, word; worhte, he worked; in the pp. of strong verbs belonging to classes II (§ and IV (§ 08), as boden, Goth. buclatts, O.Ieel. boetm, OS. gîbodan, 0 HG. gibotan, offered, conmanded; and similarly coren, chosen; froren, fro2en; soden, cooked, sodden ; togen, drawn ; fohten, foght; holpen, helped; worflen, become ; worpen, azrown ; boren, borne ; broeen, broken ; stolen, stolen ; toren, torn. N OTE.--O beeame 5 by loss of consonant, as gen. hôles besîde nom. holh, hol«; brden beside brogoEen, § 10"/. O. e (older oe) by i.umlaut. AI1 native words cc;aïning-''hî °û'firat'Xë "/-eal'l ne formations due to levelling or analogy, because prim. Germanie u (ep. § 4) did hot beeome o in O E. when followed by an i or :i in the next syllable. Examples are- dat. sîng. a daugher, from *.d with o levelled out from the other cases, the regular form would be *dyhter from older *duhtri; efe» (O HG. obaa) beside yfes, caves, op. Goth. ubizwa, porch; pl. nom. acc. _xen _, beide nom. 
§§ o8- ] Shor Vo.wds of A ccened Sylables 5 5 sing. oxa, ox; mergen (Goth. mmîrgins), beside morgen, morning; ele (Lat. ole),  108. In a...cermi.numbArÇo_0bec., especially efore and affer labials, as buec (OHG. bo), Uck ; bcea, he-goag ;-ugol (HG. fogal), bir fowl; fl (OHG. fol), fidl ; furor, fitller ; fur, even ; ufia fo love;  love; murcan, fo mtwnur, grumble ; maman, fo mo«trn; spura beside spora, sttr; spurnan beside pornan, to kick; an (OHG. obana, from above), above ; afer(r)a, uper, higher; ufor, hher; wulf (OHG. woff), wo; wle (OHG. woHa), wool; cnucian beside cnocian, fo knock; scurf, scu; toE,  109. o became u in O E. before ns, as pp. cum (OH G. qu0Gan), co)ztê Mff(o (OHG. honag), honey ; and similarly numen, taken; sou. nian, fo sllm ; sumor, smmner ; punor, l]l¢gder j wuan, fo dweK AIso in early Latin loanwords, as munuc (Lat. monachus), monk; ruant (Lat. acc. montera), nuée (Lat. nota), men; pund (Lat. pondo), pomd. This u became y by i.umlaut, as mynster (Lat. mona- steum), minster, monastc; mynet Lat. monêta), coh, Itl0l .  110. o may have become the rising diphthong i6 (e6) after g = Germanic j ( 26), and also occasionally after ac, as gioc (geoc), O HG. job, yoke; geon, yon, that; ceofl, shovd ; sceolde, shouM ; sceop, oet, singer; sceo, short; sceoten (pp.), shot, besîde cofl, scolde, scop, stoP, scoten. But see  51, Note. No.--The e in the combination seeo- probably merely indieated the palatal pronunciation of the c-. il § 111. Gn!.c u (§ 1) r_em.ained in ON. as also in the other Germanic languages, as dltmb.. Goth. 
dumbs, O.Icel. dumbr, OS. dumb, OHG. tumb, dmb; hund, Goth. hunds, O.I cel. hundr, OS. hund, 0 H G. dog, hogd; and smilarly burg, cig; du, door; nd, ground ; hnuu, nz; hund, hundred ; hungor, l, unger ; lus, desire; su, sow; sh, plough; sume, sun; su, so ; tunge, gnd«r; wd, wozd; wundor, od«r; in the pret. plural oç srong verbs belongîng to classes I I ( 493)and III ( 497), as budon, Goth. budum, O.Icel. buum, budun» 0 H G. butum, we oere com«gded; and sîmilarly curon, c]ose ; flugon, ê  gruon» «; tugon» dre ; bundon, Goth. O.Icel. bundum, 0. bundun, OHG. buntum, we bon,d; and similarly druncon, drak; dugon, dgg ; fundon, fognd ; fuhton, fozzgh ; hulpon, hel«d ; spunnon, szz; scon, sa; sungon, sug; wurdon, becÆe; wurpon, lhrew ; in the pp. of strong verbs be- longing o class III, as bunden, booEd; flruncen, drgk ; funden, sungen, sgg. Now.--u became o in the prefix or- ( Goth. us-, OHG. ur., oz«l, as orsorg, wfl]ogl gxie; oranc, skill; orwêne, desgiring. And in the Latin loanwords box (Lat. buxus)» 5oxlre« ; copor (Lat. cuprum), coer.  112. u became y by i.umlaut, as cyng, OS. O HG. kung, î:", Gh g««rglion; yncan, Goh. ugkjan, OS. thunkian, o secm ; and similarly blyscan, o brycg, bridge bycgan (Gofl. bugjan) lo bg; byrd, big]z; clyppan, o embrac«; cntan, o bizd crycc, «tch ; cyme, advet cyssan» o kiss; cys, di; ysig, foolçsh; flyht, fliglzl; fyHan, o ll; fyrhtan, o ear fyxen, ix'en ; gemynd, rezeSrace; gesynto, lz«lll gyden (OHG. tin), goddess gylden (OHG. dn), goId« ; hrycg, bg«k, rMge  hycgan (Goth. hug- 
§§   - ] Shor Vowels of A ccented Sy'lhzb&s 5 7 jan), to thfnk; hyge, thottght; hyldo, grace, favotr; hyll, bill; hynan, to hunger ; hype, hip ; hyrdel, hurdle ; hymen,  horn ; lyge, falsehood; mycel, mtwh ; mycg, mge; myrran, lo nurder; nytt, use; scyld, guilt; scyldig, guilty; scyrtra, shorter; stycce, p#ce ; synn, sin ; trymman, to make s#-ong; ne, rhin; yrstan, to thirst ; yfel, ev#; ymb(e), about; yppan, Vo oen ; wyRen (OHG. wn), wooIten ; wynn, joy ; wyrcan, fo work ; wyrhta (OS. wurhtio), workman; wyrm flore *wurmiz, shake, dragon, worm ; wyrt, herb. so in early Latin loanwords, as cycene (late Lat. eoquna, cucina), kitchen ; eylen (Lat. culina), ki& ; mylen (Lat. mona), mill; pyle (Lat. aec. pulvinum), pillow; pytt (Lat. acc. puteum), pit. No.--I. y became  in Ken. in the ninth eentury, as beig, efel, gelden, senn = WS. bysig, bus.),, yfel, g ylden, synn. 2. y was often unrounded to i in Iate WS. and Anglian, especîally before and after c, g, h, as cinn, cining, fliht, hrîcg, hîge, scildig, IMncan, &c. § 18. bes.a..n) b_y. loss of n befo.r.e s and (Goth. kun]s), known, familiar; cri]ge (Goth. kun]a), he cottM; dfist (OHG. tunst, sorm), dttst; fris (OHG. funs), ri'ad.y; eager for ; gû] (OHG. gundia), war, ha#le ; hrisl (Goth. hunsl), Eucharist; m5] (Goth. mun]s), nouth ; ris (Goth. OHG. uns), zts ; tûsc from tunsk, gztsk (OH G. sund), south.  14. û became  by i-umlaut, as can (Goth. gaswi. kunjan), fo make known; dsg (OHG. tunstig, stormy), dusO, ; fsan fi'om *funsjan, fo sendforth, hasten ; wscan from *wunskjan, OHG. wunsken, to wth; st (OHG. st), slorm, tempest; p (OHG. undea), prîm. Germanic *unjr, wave.  115.. b aoE b_oE. 1.. 9 f  aÇÇÇ J y, befoe voyeL, as .gçn:.sing. ffie, pl. gen. frira, dat. rum, beside 
5 8 Phonology [§§   -  9 nom. zing. luth, firrow ; pl. gen., dat. zfilum, beside nom. ing. ulh, plough. § 116. a may have become the rising diphthong ia, later i6 (e6), after g = Germanic j (§ 9.68), and also occasîonally after se, as gîung, giong, geong, older imag (gang) = Goth. juggs, O HG. jung, yottng; gîogu], geogu], older iugu] (gugu]), youth ; inf. sceolan, shall; pl. indicative seeolon, beside sculan, settlon. The î.umlaut of which was ie (later i, y), as giengra (OHG. jungiro), gîngra, gyngra, 3'ounger; giengesta (0 HG. jungisto), gingesta, gyngesta, oungest. But see § 51, Note. Nog.--The e in thc combination sceo. probably merely indicated the palatal pronunciation of the sc-. B. THE LON VOWELS OF ACCENTED SYLLABLES. § 117. Germanîc nasalized , which arose from a accord- îng to  0, became  in OE., as brhte, Goth. OS. OHG. brhfa, f o«A/d; n from *fêhan, Goth. OS. OHG. h, lo Ainsi, s«f; and sîmîlarly h5h, /wd; hên, to hang; êht, ersectttion ; tSh, Æough ; 5 (Goth. hS), clay; hte, I thought ; wSh, crooked, wry.  118. 5 beeame ê by i-umlaut,  êhtan (OS. htian), to persecute; fêh (OS. hid), he sei»es; hêla from older *hSla, heeL  119. Geanic  (Goth. ê, OS. QG. ) geneIly WS. dœed, non-WS, dêd, Goth. ga.dês, OS. dAd, OHG. tât, S. soEd, no-WS, aêa, OS. sd, OHG. seed; WS. rdan, non-WS, rêdan, OS. radan, OHG. r, fo adve ; d silly boer, b{er ; bloedre, bladder ; bloem,  b&at; brrr, briar; oefen, ening ; œel, eel; œes, 
§ o] Long: Iowels of Accented Syllables 59 camion; oe]m., breatl ; hœer, fiait; lœe¢e, ptsicn; lœetan, fo leave ; mg, kinsman ; moel, meaLtime ; &nglian (OS. mki, ord; moere, renowned; nœe, needle ; =oedre, shake; rd, advice; wœe, leasant; poer, lhere ; wœeg, wa¢,e :, woepen, weabn ; in the pret. plural of strong verbs bel#onging to classes IV ( 08) and V ( fio), as bœeron, bore; ewoedon, saM ; oeton, are ; toelon, shle ; œeton, sat. No.--I. It is diffieult to aecount for the  beside  in a few words, such as lcnian, fo re; slpaa, îo stee ; swr, heavy; t, blame; wt, u,et, beide leni, slips, 8wr, tl, In fos like w beside g, 'avG the  is due to the stem- fo of the plurM, see  R0 (2). a. The ê from older  was offen rounded to oe affer w in Nth.,  hr, where ; woep, weaon ; woeron, IIey were = WS. hwœer, wpn, woeron. 3. The â in early Latin Ioanwords had the same development ' in OE. as Germic , as nç (Lat. nâpu), tuntip; trt (Lat. trta), stmet.  10. Geanîc oe beeame R in OE. (I) before, as .blAa (OHG. bblow ; cnAwan (0 HG-. knAen), to know ; crRwan (OHG. krach), to c'ow; màwan (OHG. mien), to mow; sAwan (OHG. en), to sow ; 8Rwon (OS. sA), they saw ; tRwian, fo prepare ; rRwan, fo wAw (OHG. wen), to blow. This A became œe by i-umlaut, as lœewan.çrom *lAwjan, older *loewan = Goth. lwj, to baray. () In the combinafion œewed by attural vowel dat. mAgm, besîde nom. sgular œeg, kinsman ; pret. plural lagon, lay; agon, recdved; .o «aied NoT.--Forms like mg ; wgas, ,eaves, were new forma- tions from the singular mg, wg. And lgon, woegon were due fo the alo of such preterites as stoelon which regularly havc . 
60 Phoology , [§§   _ § 121. oe became ô before nasals, as môna, Goth. mêna, 0 S. O H G., noon ; nSmon, Goth'-. 'ïf» 0 S. OHG. nâmun, the9 took; and similarly brSm, broom; ¢(w)Smon, the9 came; gedSn, done ; môna, month ; 5m, rus:t; aana, soon ; spSn, chip ; wSma, tumu/t. Noz.--The  may bave become the rising diphthong affer g = Germanic ] ( 68), as gemor (OS. OH G. ]Rm), sad; ge5mrian, fo mourn. But see  1, Note.  1.  became  (older ) by î.umlaut, as wênan from wônjan = Goth. wên]an, O$. wAnîan, O H G. wRnen, fo hope ; and similarly brêmel, bramble ; cwêman, go #Iease ; cwên, queen ; gecwême, agreeable ; wên, hope.  18. In WS. oe was broken to êa before h, as nêah, Goth. nê, OS. OHG. nâh, near; nêar from *nêahur, older *noehur, nearem By i-umlaut êa became ie (later i, ), as niehsta from *nêahîsta, but glian hista (O H G. nAhisto), nearest. 1. In WS. i became êa (older eâ) through the inter- mediate stage e affer palatal c, g, and sc, as gêar, Goth. ]êr, OS. O HG. jAr, year; and similarly cêace, #zv ; for- gêaton, they forgot; gêa, yes ; gêafon, they gave ; scêap, sheep; scêaron, they sheared. êa became ie by i-umlaut, as ciese from *cêasi (Lat. cAseus), cheese. Noxx.--The E ( Il0), which arose from , remained un- înfluenced by palatals in the non-WS, dialects, as gêr, gfon, scêp = WS. gar, gêafon, scêap. This êa also becamc ê in late -- 1. Germanic ê, which cannot be traced back phono- logically to Indo-Germanic ê ( 88, Note), îs of obscure origin, tn Gothîc the two sounds feu together in ê, but in the other Germait languages they were kept quite apa, thus Indg. ê = OE.  ( lle), Goth. ê, O.Icel. OS. O H G. but Germait ê = OE. Goth. O.Icel. OS. Germait ê remMned in O E., as ¢ên (OHG. Man), 
§§ 6-71 oz.g Vowels of Accened Syllables 6 lorch ; OE. oth. O.Icel. OS. hêr, OHG. hiar, here ; OE. mêd, OS. da, OHG. miaia,ay, reward; in the preterite of the oldreduplicated verbs ( 1-1), as OE. OS. OHG. h, in£ OE. htan, fo call; and similarly preterite fêng,êd, slêp, besîde in£ n, go seize ; rdan, fo advise ; span, fo sleep. Nox.--Latin è beeame i in early loanwords, as cîpe, Lat. cêpa, onion; pî (OHG. #ha), Lat. poena, Iae Lat. pêna, æoNum; de (OH G. da), Iate Lat. sêta, silk; but ê remaîned in later loanwords, as hère, Lat. bêta, bee#oot; crêda, creed, Lat. crêd, I believe.  16. Germanîc i generally remained in O E., as also in the oldest periods of the other Genanic languages, as OE. OS. OHG. sin, Goth. ses, his; OE. OS. OHG. n, Goth. swein, O.Ice]. yippig, swine ; and similarly be 2 blithe ; hw, space & thne ; hwit, while ; idel, empty ; !fig, izy;  ice; isen, iren, iron ; lift l ; rein, mhze ; rice, khgdom ; m, mmber ; side, side; sHm, Mime; tid, Uma, lime ; in, thhw ; wid, a»Me ; wif, we; wis, wise ; in the present of strong verbs belonging to class I ( 490), as OE. OS. bitan, Goth. beîtan, O.Icel. bita, O HG. bigan, t bite; and similarly bidan, td rema[Iz ; drifan, to drive; glidan, lo ghe ; pan, fo seie ; Han, to go; dan, fo ride ; scinan, fo sh,e ; sHdan, fo sh'de ; smîtan, go smite ; fo cul; sgan, to asçend ; stridan, o stride ; wtan, to write.  lg7. i._WfiS.._beo, to io before h and ht in WS. But already at an early -heîo ôoey ame êo (= glian i), as betwêoh, between, cp. Goth. tweni, mo each;  Goth. leihts, O HG. 1, adj. wêoh (Anglian wih), idol, Goth. weihs, HG. wîh, ho, OS. , temple; imperatîve singular lêoh (Anglian lih), Goth. leiN, OS. OHG. 1, lend tlzou ; and similarly têoh, 
6 Phonology [§§ --9 accuse ; êoh, thrive ; wrêoh, cover. With lo of medial h after breaking had taken place, as betwêonun, baween ; ol (Anglian fil, OH G. ffhala), ri& ; infinîtîves Ion, lêon (Goth.leian, O S. O HG.Hhan), go &nd; and similaxy sion, sêon, fo strain; ion, êon, o thrive; won, wrêon, oover. The i-umlaut of this io (êo) is ie, as ehtan from jan, fo lhten, make easier, Anglian geHhn; Hehst from *oMs (0 HG. his), thou lendest; lieh from *Hohi (OHG. ht), he lends. o  128. OEgîe (= Goth. O.Ieel. OS. 5, OHG. uo) generally remained in O E., as brSor, Goth. brSar, "0LIëel." 6ê, "S 'ëê 0H' bur, brother; OE. OS. fSt, Goth. fStus, O.Icel. ftr, OHG. fog, foot; and similary blSd, blood; bl8wan, to bloom ; bot, book ; b8sm, bosom ; broc, brook ; br8d, brood ; c01, cool; d8m, ment, doom ; d8n, fo do ; fld, flood ; flwan, fo flow ; da, #od ; gen5g, ouKh ; gl5f, glove ; #5m, gloom gl5wan, îo glow ; g5d, good; gr5wan, to ow ; h5c, hook h5d, hood; hL ho; c, rook ; hrL roof; hrpan, lo shout; m6d, moo6 mind ; môdor, molher; r5wan, to row ; B5hte, he sough; z5t, soot ; Bt5l, stool; in the pre- teHte of strong verbs belonging to class VI ( 08), as OE. Goth. O.Icel. OS. r, O HG. for, he wenl, travelled; and imilarly bot, baked ; bOL raised; sl5g, struck, sl 8wor» e. No2The combination cB- was oRen itten eeô. th to denote the palatM pronuneiatioa of the ne.,  pretete , shook; ¢eBp, eated, bezide e5e, eôp ; e5h beside  0. ._becaç. ê (older , preseed in Nth.) t, OS. , OHG. fuogî, from *, older anoE mly b, bks; bên, to im#e ; 
g.§  4-] ong owels of 4 cceed Syll«bles 63 . The eqer, dat. sing. of br]or, brolher; cêlan, fo cool; denote thejudge ; drCart, pret. sinœ ed ; glêd, lire coal Note. ¢o heed; mêder, dat. sing. of mdor, § 1]/'; spêd, success ; swête, s,veet; wêpan, fo weep. G 1BO. Final w became fi in monosyllables» as c, OS. kS, OHç. kuo- cow, -fr6ïn n 0rigiïaal cc. f6;in--iB6m (cp. Gr. Dot. Ç) = prim. Germanic *kwSn, older *kwSm ; h_.OS, hwS), !o....; tri (heur.) from *twS,/,vo. The neuter bfi for older *bS, both, is due to association wîth tri in the combination bù tri, 3oth, Iiterally both fi became r by i-umlaut, as c, from older *kfi.i, prim. Germanic *kwS.iz, cows. § 11. Germanic fi generally remained in O E., as also in the oldest periods of the other, Germanic languages, as OE. O.I¢el. OS. OHG. bris, bouse, cp. Goth. gud.hfis, îemple ; OE. O.Icel. OS. OHG. rftm, Goth. rftms, room; ]hte, Goth. ]f.thta, OS. thhta, OHG. dfihta, il seemed, inf. O E. pyncan, fo seem; and similarly brît, eyebrow; brûcan, to enfoy ; br5n, 3rown ; bûan, f dwell ; bfigan, to bow down ; clûd, rock hlûtor, dear, pure ; lfican, î'o close ; lûs, louse ; mûs, mouse; n, now ; prSt, proud; rst, rus ; scrd, garrnen; scîffan, 1o #ush ; slpan, o glide ; scan, fo suck ; scr, shower ; sûpan, fo st#, drink ; sftr, sour ; tûn, enclosure ; trtwian (pret. trSde), fo trusl; 5der, udder ; f.thte, early davn ; ût, ouî ; ]ma, lhumb ; ]send, thousand. § 182.  became  by i-umlaut, as brd, from prim. Germanîc *rfidîz, bride; m.s, from prim. Germanic *msiz, oice;rrman, Goth. *rfnjan, OS. rSmian, fo nake roora ; and sîmilarly f.r, tire; frst, ,tïst; hl.dan, fo mak a sound ; h.d, Mde; hdan, fo Mde, conceal ; hrf.. hive ; lrs, lice;, lçtte ; ontrnan, lo open; scrrdan 
64 Phonology [§§ fo dress ; ]rmel, thumbstall; in the second an. of medial sing. pres. indicative of strong verbs which hax betzaeen ; înfinitîve (§ 49e), as br.cst, br'c,, from older,n, lêon *brfiki], inf. brï2can, fo enjoy, y sion, NorE.-- became ê in Ken. in the ninth eentury, aov er" hêf, mês, ontènan -- WS. hf, ms, ont:nan. C. THE DIPI-ITFIONGS OF ACCENTED SYLLABLES. ai § 188. Germanic ai (= Goth. &i, O.Icel. ei, OS. ê, O FtG. ci (ê)) beeame â in OE., as an, Goth. .ins, O.Icel. einn, OS. ên, OHG. ein, one; hil, Goth. h.ils, O.Icel. hei11, OS. hêl, OHG. heil, whole, sound, haie ; h.tan, Goth. h&itan, O.Ieel. heita, OS. hêtan, OHG. heigan, o naine, call ; and similarly ic, oak ; d, heap, fi.meral ile ; .gan, to possess ; igen, ow ; âr, oar; iscian, to ask ; itor, ioiso ; ì], oath ; bâ, bolh ; ban, bone ; bar, boat; bt, boat; brâd, broad; clà], clolh ; dî, doe; dag, dough ; gàst, s#irit; gAt, goal; grpian, lo grole ; hAd, tank, order ; hàm, home ; ht, ho ; hlf, loaf ; hiC.lord, lord hlw, grave, mound ; hriw, corlse ; lit, lofe, learning ; mA]pro, treasure; ri (OHG. rêho), roe; rAd, raid; r.p, rolbe ; 1, tope ; sr, sore ; swol, soul ; li (O H G. slêha), sloe; sn.w, snozv ; stAn, stone ; sw.part, fo szvee t, {OH G. zêha), toe ; t.cen, token ; twâ, two ; ]As, those ; w, zooe; wAt, he nows ; in the pret. singular of strong verbs belonging to class I (§ 90), as bid, Goth. O.Icel. hein, OS. bAd, O HG. beît, he aeoaited; and simi- larly bat, bil ; li], zoent ; drâf, drove ; lih, lenl ; rid, rode tg, ascended. NOTE.---L it is dîfficult to account for 6 beside . (Goth. iw), ,ver; and similarly in the compounds -wiht, -wttht, any- tMng; nB.wih%, -uht beside -wiht, n-wiht. 
§§  a4-] DipMhongs of .,4 ccented Syl/ables 6 5 . Tbe combination e. was often wrien ee. th e to denote te pret sinlar sceân, sho, beside scdan, sein. See  51, Note. 184.  became œe Oate Ken. ê)by i-umlaut» as hoe, Goth. ht, healh ; hoelan, Goth. hfljan, OS. hêan, lo hem; law  d sîmilarly oeht, possesso ; œenig, any; œer, /merly, bore ; bloecan, fo cloene, clean ; doel, #a, #orlion ; dœelan, fo deal; dfan, o de; sc, flesh ; goet, goals ; hoetan, o hegt ; Moeder, /add ; œew, ave, mound ; hw, corse ; hwoete, wheaî loestan, fo follow; moenan, Io mean; roecan, o reach; roeran, fo raise; soe, seg; spd, o s#mad; stoenen, o/ stone.  185. manie au (= Goth. u, O.Ieel. a, OS. 5, OHG. oua in OE., as dç, Goth. duus, O.Icel. dauSe, 5, O.Ieel. , OS. 5ça, OHG. ouga, eye; rêa, "-. O.Ieel. raur, OS. rSd, OHG. rSt, red; d sfmilafly bêacen, beacon ; bêag, ring, 3racelel; bêan, 3ean; brêad, bread; cêap, chea#; cêapian,  buy; dêad, dead; flê, deaf; drêam, jby ; êac, aIso ; êadig (Goth. udags), bled ; êare, ear êat, eat; hêafod, head; hêah, Mgh ; hêap, lroo ; êap, to lea#; lêac, leek; lêaf, kaf; lêad, lead; lêan, reward; scê, sheaf; stêap, stee têt, roe; in the pret. singular of srong verbs belonging to class II OS. OHG. kSs, he chose, infi OE. cêos, fo choose; and similly bêad, red; brêac, enjbyed; clêaf, cloEl; frêas, [ro»e ; #at, oured ogt ; lêag, lied ; scêat, shol ; têah, drew. Nor.--i. a beeame ê in late WS. before c, g, h, and affer 
66 Phonology [§§ c, g, se, as bêcen, lêc, bêg, êge, hêh, te-h; cêpian, cês, gêt, scêf, scêL. 2. In nglian it became œe (later ê) before c, g, h, as oec, flœeh, hœeh, tœeg, lter êc» lêc, flêh, hêh, têg. § 130. êa bccame îe (= non-VS. ê) by i-um|aut in the oldest period of WS. ie then became i, r already in early WS., as geliefan, early WS. gelifan, gelrfan, non-WS. gelêfan, Goth. galgmbjan, OS. gi151ian, to believe ; hieran, early WS. hiran, h¢ran, non-WS, hêran, Goth. hgtttsjan, OS. hôrian, to hear ; ed, early WS. nid, n¢d, non-WS. nèd, Goth. n.u]s, prim. Germanic *naucliz, need; and similarly bieenam, to beckn; biegan (Goth. *b6.ugjan), fo bend ; eiepan, 'o buy ; drieman, to rejoice ; driepan, go let drop ; iecan, 'o increase ; ie]e, easy ; gieman, 'o take notice of; hiehra, higher; hiehsta (Goth. hgtuhista), highes; b_ienan, fo humiliate ; edan, to compel; seîete, sheet ; sliefe, sleeve ; stiepel, steeple. eu § la7. G.ermanic eu__(= Goth. iu, O.Ieel.jô (jfi), OS. OHG.  eo (io))_becâ-më__o:_n_-..OE. The êo remained in WS. and Mercian» but was often written io in early WS. and M ercian. In N th. if mostly became êa which fell together with the êa from Germanic au (§ 185). In Ken. if becarne io (also wrîtten ia), and thus fell together with io from Germanic iu (§ 188). Examples are: do,. Goth. _dius, ,f O.Icel. djûpr, OS. dîop, OHG. tiof, ee; WS. and Mercianlèof, Iiof, Nth. lêaf, Ken. Iiof, Goth. llufs, O.Icel. l]fifr, OS. liof, OHG. liob, dear; WS. and Mercian dêor, dior, N th. dêar, Ken. dîor, deer; and similarly bêod, tab/e ; bêor, beer ; flêos, fleece ; lêoht, a light ; sêoc, sck ; r, .rudder ; ]êod, nation, race ; ]êof, thief; ]êoh, thigh ; in the present of strong verbs belonging to class II (§ 498), as. bêodaa,. Goth. biudan, O.Icel. bjSa, OS. biodan, 
§ Is] Diphthongs of A ccented Syllables 67 O HG. biotan, to offer; cêosan, Goth. kîusan (to test), O.Icel. kjSsa, OS. OHG. kiosan, fo choose; and similarly clêofan, to cteave; crêopan, lo creep ; drêosan, to fall ; flêogan, o fly ; frêosan, fo freee ; géotn, to pour out; lêogan, o lie ; rêocan, to smoke ; scêotma, to shoot ; sêo]att, to boil, cook ; têon (Goth. tiuhan), to draw, lead. NoTx.--z. The old diphthong eu was occasionally preserved in the oldest monuments, as st;eupfaedaer, later topfœeder, stelfather. . êo (êa) beeame ê in Anglian belote c, g, la, as rêea(n), c, flêga(ta), lêga(n), lêht = WS. rêocan, sêoc, &c. iu § 138. The normal development of Germanie_i..u., which arose from ldêr e îv-C" tlae next sylible c0ïatàined an i, i, or j (§ 44), is..i.o .in.._OE. (= Goth. lu, O.Ieel. j (), OS. O HG. lu). In WS. îo generally beeame ie (later i, r) by i-umlaut. But when no umlaut took place, early WS. had io beside êo, and later generally êo only. It is diflïcult to account fr"he non-umlauted forïaï's, înless we may suppose that they are hot pure WS. Examples are • cies], Goth. kiusiJ, O.Ieel. ks(s), OS. kiusid, OHG. ldusit, he chooses, tests, inf. OE....cê._o.soe; tieh], Goth. tiuhi], OS. tiuhid, OHG. ziuhit, he draws, leads, inf. OE. têon; lîehtan, Goth, liuhtjan, OS. liuhtian, OHG. liuhten, to give light, dicte beside dêore, OS. diuri, OHG. tîuri, dear, beloved; dierling beside dêorlîng, darling; ge]iedan beside ge]iodan, ge- ]êodan, to join, assodate; stieran (O.Icel. stra, OHG. stiuren) beside stêoran, to steer; ]iei, iestre (OS. thiustri), beside ]êof, theft; ]iostre, ]êostre, dark. ge]iod.e» ge]êode, language; liode, lêode (OS. liudi, 0 HG. liuti), people; and a few other words. The i.umlaut of îo did not take place in the other dialects, so that we have in Nth. and Ken. îo (also written ia in the latter dialect), and in M ercian io beside êo (later F2 
oo 1-/lOlO]O,..y [§§ 139-41 mostly êo), as Nth. Ken. diore, liode» ]ioztre, stiora(a), but in M creîan io beside êo. Nor.In Anglian o became  before e and h, as een, older *oken from *in, chicken; lta(n),  from *ti = WS. Heht, teh. VOWEL CONTRACTION. § 189. Vowel contraction took place in OE. when inter. voealic h, w, or j had disappeared. A long vowel or a long diphthong absorbed a following short vowel, as r beside older rha, roc (§ 183) ; gen. soes from *sœees older *swis (§ 184) beside nom. soe, sea; Anglian nêsta from *nêhista beside WS. niehsta, nearest (§ 128) ; Anglian ti from *tihi], older *tiuxi], he draws (§ 188, Note); tôn from *f'6han, fo seize, f5 from *tôhu, I seize (§ 11'/'); pl. seSs from *seShas, beside sing. seSh, shoe (§ 128, Note); sêon from *sêo(h)an, lo sec; sêo from *sêo(h)u, I sec ; gen. fêos from *fêo(h)es, beside nom. feoh, carie (§ 87); slêan from *slêa(h)an, æo slay, slêa from *slêa(h)u,/" slay ; êar from *éa(h)ur, car of corn (§ "I0) ; nêar from *nêa(h)ur, neamr (§ 123); lion, lêon from *lio(h)an, older *lihan, to len lêo from *lio(h)u, Il end (§ 127); tên from *têo(h)an, to draw, &ad; dat. pl. ]r5m from *]ï'5(h)um beside nom. sing. ]r5h, trough. § 40. a+ u (from older wu or vocalîzed w) became êa, as elêa from *cla(w)u, claw ; strêa from *straw., (§ ). e + u (from w) beeame êo, a enêo from *cnewa., knee, trêo from *trewa., iree (§ 88). i or ij + gu...t_tural vowel beeame io (êo), as bîo, bêo from *lî]5n., bêe; tîond, fêond, Goth. fijands, enemy; ffiond, îrond, Goth. rijnd,friend; nom. aee. neut. ]rio, ]rêo, from *]rrt(j)u =-Goth. ]rîja, three (§ 0). § a. î +  beeame i, as Nth. sî(t) from *ihîs, thou seest i from *b.j, he sees (§ 829, 4)- 
§§  -] 7he Lengthenîng of Short Wowels 69 § 1.. Long palatal vowels absorbed a following short palatal vowel, as goest from *is older *Ris, thou Koêst ; gffe]9 from *]oei]), he goes ; dêst from 15is, thou doest ; dêp from *di], he does; gen. dr.s frorn *drre-, beside nom. drr, magician. , Ta: LENGTHENING OF St-IORT VOWELS. § IAS. From our knovledge of M E. phonology it is clear that short vowels must have been lengthened some rime during the O E. period before certain consonant combina. tions, especialIy belote a liquid or nasal + another voiced consonant. But it is impossible to ascertain the date at whîch these lengthenings took place, and whether they took place in all the dîalects at the same rime. § 144. Final short vowels were Iengthened în mono- syllables, as hwR, who ?, sw., so (§ 7t}) ; hê, he, mê, me, wê, we (§ ). § IaAS. Therc was a tcndcncy fo lengthen short vowcls in monosyllables ending în a singlc consonant, as wêl (mod. northern dial. w from older wêl) bcside wel, wdl. 15f, praisc, wêg, zocty, but in words of this kind the short vowcl was restored again through thc influence of the inflectcd forms, lofes, weg'es, &c. § 14,6. Short vowcls were lengthencd through thc loss of g bcforc a folIowing consonant, as mden, maiden, soede, he said» bcside oldcr moegden, sœeg'de (§ 5d:, Note )" brêdan, fo brandish, strêdan, 'o sfrew, beside older breg. dan, stregdaïa (§ 80, Note 2) ; brîdel, brid£; la'le, file, beside older brîgdel, tigele (§ 06, Note x). § In.7. By the loss of a nasal before a foltowîng voiceless spirant, as ô]er, Goth. un]ar, other, gSs, O HG. gans, goose, sSfte, O HG. samfto, soflly (§ 01); sw, Goth. swin])s, strong, f'if, Goth. fimf, rive (§ 97); cilié, Goth. kun]s, known, ris, Goth. uns, us (§ 113). 
o Phon61ogy [§§, § 148. Short diphthongs were lengthened by the loss of tervocalic h, as slêatt from *sleahan, Goth. slahan, strike, slay (§ 70}; sêon from *seohan, O HG. sehan, see (§ s). § 140. By the loss of antevocalic h after 1 and r, as gen. ales beside nom. sealh, sêal (§ 64, Note I) ; gen. mêares .side nom. mearh, horse (§ , Note 3) ; gen. êoles beside )m. eolh, elk (§ 84, Note i); gen. fêores beside nom. ,orh, 1 (§ 83, Note 4); gen. h5les beside nom. holh, le (§ 100, Note). TI-IE SiiORTENING OF LONG VOWELS. § lî0. Much uncêrtainty exists' about the shortening of mg vowels. They were probably shortened before double )nsonants some rime durîng the OE. period, as bliss,]'oy, lammœesse, Lammas, wimman, woman, beside older h)s, lïl.fmœese, wifman; blseddre, 31adder, deoppra, e/er, besidê older bloedre, dêopra, see § {0. § lsl. In the first or second elements of compounds 'hich were no longer felt as such, as enlefan, prim. Ger- anic *ainliSn., cp. Goth. dat. Ainlibim, elevên ; lo]]an from si] + ]an, Mme. êorod from eoh + r.d, trooi cavalry; werod from wer+r.d, multitude, arrny. Ad- .ctives ending in .lit, as dêadlic, deadly, see § § lS.. From what bas been said in § s4--lSl it will be een that thc Germanic vowel-system (§ 4) assumed the »llowing shape in O E. :- Short vowels a, oe, e, i, o, u, oe, y Long ,, .-, oe, ê, i, 5, ri, ¢,  Short diphthongs ea, eo, ie, io Long ,, êa, êo, ie, io 
§§, aa-] Prim. G. Equivalents of OE. Vowels 7  CHAPTER V THE PRIM. GERMANIC EQUIVALENTS OF THE OE. VOWELS OF ACCENTED SYLLABLES A. TXE SIORV VowEI.s. § 153. a = (I) Germanic a in open sylIables when origin- ally followed by an o, u in thê nëxt syllable, as faran, fo go; nacod, naked; pl. dagas, days, gen. daga, dat. dagum (§ 57); gen. clawe, of a c/aw ; ]mwian from *]aw5jan, fo thaw (§ 74). =(2) Germanic a in closed syllables belote double consonants (except hh), se, and st, when the next syllable originally contained a guttural vowel, as abbod, abbot ; carte, car ; sacc, sack ; wascan, go oeash ; brastlîan, go crackle (§ 57). § 154. a (o) = Germanic a before nasals, as lang, long, long; lamb, lomb, lamb ; mann, monn, man ; nama, noma, name (§ 59). § 155. oe = (z) Germanic a in closed syllables, as doeg, day ; bœer, he bore ; soet, he = (m)Germanic a in open syllables when fol- lowed by a palatal vowel or vocalic nasal or liquid in the next syllable, as oecer, field ; foeder, father ; gen. dœeges, of a da:y, dat. dœege; foe]m, embrace, fathom ; hœegl, tail (§ = (3)Germanic a by semi-umlaut, as oepelê from *alcali, noble; œe]elîng from *a]ul. îng, nobleman; goedeling from *adul. ing, comanion (§ 58). 
7.2 Phonology [§§ -9 § 15e. e = (i) Germanic e, as beran, to bear; cwene, woman ; weg, way (§ 80). = (2) i.umlaut of oe, as bedd (Goth. badt)» bed; here, army ; leegan, to lcy (§ nO). = (3)i.umlaut of a(o), as ende, end; bene, bench ; sendan, fo send (§ 0). = (4) i-umlaut of o, as dat. dehter, beside nom. dohtor, daughter ; ele, oiI ; exen, oxen (§ o). § 17. i = () Germanic i, as biddan, fo ibray; bire], h bears ; bindan, æo bind ; ridon, we rode; riden, ridden (§ 06). = (2) Germanic e before m, as niman (OHG. neman), to take (§ 81). -" (3) Latin e belote nasal + consonant in early loanwords, as gimm (Lat. gemma, gem ; pinsian (Lat. pensRre), lo wefgh, ionder (§ 89.). = (¢) older eo (ie) before hs and ht, as eniht, boy ; six, sfx (§ 80). = (5) older le, see § 1'70. = (6) the unrounding of y belote and airer c, g, h in late W$. and Anglian, as cinn, race, generahon ; eining, khtg ; ]inean, to seem ; fliht, flight (§ 11, Note ). § 1i8. o = (r) Germanlc o, as dohtor, daughter; coren, chosen ; hord, t.reasuï'e 7, oxa, ox (§ 1Ot3). = (.) a (o), see § § :tlSl. u = (r) Germanic u, as curon, they chose; dumb, . dumb ; hand, dog; hungor, ht.tnger (§ m). = (a) Germanic o belote or after labials, as buee (OHG. boe), buck; fiall (OHG. fol), fulI; fugol (OHG. fogal), bird; wulf (OHG. wolf), wolf (§ 108). 
Prim. G. Equivalents of OE. Vowets 73 (3) Germanie o before nasals, as guma, mat ; hug, honey ; }unor, thunder ( o0). (4) older eo in the eombination weo., as swurfl, sword ; swster, sister ( ). (5) older io în the eombînation wio., as wucu, week ; wufluwe, widow ( o). (z) i-umlaut of u, as bycgan (Goth. fo buy ; cng, khg ; gylflen, golden ; wyllen, woollen ( Ilg). (e) older le, see  170. B. Tnz Lo Vowzs. (x) Geanie ai, as n, one; bt, he hl, whole ; ht, fo ca# ( ). () Gemie  before w, as blwan, fo blow ; enwan, fo know ; swon, they saw ( o). (3) Geîe  in e eombînation oeg fol- lowed by a ttural vowel, as pl. mgas, beside sing. moeg, kinsma»; pret. lâgon, tho' la3, ( 0). (4) lengthening of final a in monosylIables, as hwR, a,ho ? ; sw, so ( 70). () German[e  (non-WS. ê), as bœeron, tho' bov; ewoedon, tho' s«id; dœefl, decd ; r&dan, lo avise ( (e) î-umlaut of  = Germanic ai,  doelan, fo dt,Me; hIan, fo h«al; h, (3) î.umlaut of â : Germanic  before w, as cnoEw, he knows; lwan, to betray ( o). (4) OE. œeg, as mden, naiden, sde, le said, beside mœegden, sœegde ( Note ). 
74 § Phoology [§§  63_ 4 = (5) Latin . in early loanwords, as nffep (Lat. riS.pus), turnip ; strt (Lat. strta}, slreet (§ 119, Note 3)- ê = (I)Germanic ê, as hêr, kere; mêd, pay, reward (§ 12). = (a) i-umlaut of Germanic , as bêe, books; fêt, feet; dêman, fo judge; sêcan, fo seek (§ --- (3) i-umlaut of  -- Germanie nasalized ., as êhtan, fo ibersecute ; fêh], he seizes (§ ns). = (4) i-umlaut of  = Germanic  before nasals, as cwên, queen, wife ; wênan, fo hoie (§ = (5) i-umlaut of  = Germanîc ara, an before f, ], s, as sêfte, sort; tê], îeeth; gê, geese (§ «). = (6)OE. eg, as brdan, o brandish, fa{n, beside bregdan, regn (§ 80, Note ).  (7) lengthening of final e in monosyllables, as hê, he ; mê, me; ]œe, thee (§ 05). = (8) early WS. êa = Germanie au, before e, g-, h and after e, g, se, as bêeen, beacon ; êge, eye ; hêh, high ; cêpîan, to buy ; gêt, he #oured out; scêf, he lushed (§ 135, Note i). . = (I)Germanic rein, mine; rîdan, to ride (§ 126). -- (2) Germanic ira, in before f, ], as fil (Goth. fimf), rive; li]e, gentle ; swi], strong (§ ). = (3)OE. ig, as bridel, bridle, se, scythe, . beside brigdel, sig]m (§ 96, Note ). = (4) older ie, see § ld 
i,6-] Prim. G. Equivalents of OE. Vozvels 75 (5) Latin ê (oe) in early loanwords, as cipe (Lat. cêpa), onion; pin (Lat. poena, late Lat. pêna), torture (§ 1, Note). (x) Germanic , as b5c, book; brSor, brothez; grSwan, fo ow ; fSr, ]ze went ( 128). (2) Geanic nasalized â, as brShte, broughg ; n from *han, older *- han, lo seize ; Shte, he thougld ( 117). (3) Geanie  before nasals, as mSna, moon nSmon, they look ; sSna, soo ( lSl). (4) Gemanic ara, an belote f, p, s,  sfe, st ; gs, goose ; t, looth (5) irom Germanic o by loss of h, as gen. hle besîde nom. ho, hole Note). () Geanic ri, as hfis, hogse; scûfan, lo#ush ; ûsend, t]îousand (2) Germanic final wh, as cri, cow ; hfi, how ( o). (3) Geanic un belote , m, mouh ; ris, us ( 11). (4) Geanic u by loss of h, as gen. pl. beside nom. sing. , lough ( ). (I) î-umlaut of Germanic ri, as brd, bride; ms, mice ; brick, he enjoys (m) i-umlaut of fi = Geie as can, 1o make knon ; t, slom ) older ie, see  17. 
76 Phonology [§§  6- , -î () older oe = Germanic a, after palatal c, g, se, as ceaster, city, fortress; geaf, he gave; sceal, s]all (§ 7.). § la0. eo = (1) Germanic e by breaking, as meolean, fo milk ; sceolh, wry, obh'que (§ eor]e, earth ; heorte, heart (§ cneoht, boy; feohtan, 'ofight (§ 86). = (2)i-umlaut of Germanic a before w, as eowestre, sheepfoM ; meowle, maiden (§ 7). =(3) Germanic antevoealic ew, as gen. eneowes, reowes, beside nom. knee, trêo, tree (§ 80). = (4) Germanic e by tx.umlaut, as eofor, boat; meoltt, megl, flour ; seofon, seven (§ § 170. le (later i, y) = (I) i-umlaut of ea = Germanic a by breaking, as llan, lfell; ieldra, elder, older (§ o) ; i¢rf¢, inheritance; dierne, secret(§ 07) ; hliehhan, to Iaugh ; slieh], he slîys (§ ---- (2) i.umlau of io -=-- Germanie i by breaking, as fiehst, thou ghtest; ierre, sieh], he secs (§ ). = (3) Germanic e after palataI c,g, sc, as cieres, che'y-tr«e ; giefan, o g:ve ; scieran, to shear (§ = (4) î-umlaut of ea, after palatal ¢, g, as eîele, coM ; giet, guesl (§ 78). § 1-/1. io (later eo) = () Germanic î by breaking, as lîornian, fo learn ; miox, manure (§ s). = (m) Germanie î by tt., o/a-umlaut, as ¢lio- ltmg, calling; mioltï¢, milk (§ lOl); liofast, thou livest (§ 10.). 
§§   -a? Prim. G. Equivalenls of OE. Vowels 7 7 D. THE LoN DrPHTHONGS. 179.. êa = () Germanic au, as eêas, he chose; da], deaN ; êage, eye ; hêafod, head j, rêtd, ced (§ 185). = (2) Germanie oe affer palatal c, g, se, as cêaee, faw ; gêafon, they gave; gêar, year ; scêap, shêep  124). = (3) Geanic  by breaking before h, as nêah, near; nêar, older *nêahur, nearer ( = (6)Germanie aw which became final in prim. O E., as êa, raw; strêa, straw ( 75). = t5) from au affer the loss of întervocalic w, as clêa from *ela(w)u, claw; from *»ra(w)u, threat { 7). = (61 Gemanic aw in the combination êaw = Germanic aww, as dêaw Goth. *daggwa-), dezv; hêawn, to hea, = t7) O E. ea, Germanic a, by loss of te- vocalic h affer 1 and r, as gen. sêales, wêles, beside nom. sealh, «ofllow, weh, #retn (ç ea, Note i); gen. ŒEEar, mêares, beside nom. fearh, pi, mearh, horse ( , Note 3). = (8) OE. ea, by loss of inte,ocalîc h, as ê, river; slêan, fo Ma) ; têar, War ( 70). 178. êo =  I) Germanic e, as eêos, to choose; dêop, deep ; 1êof, dear ; of, thioE ( laT). = (z)Geanic ew which became final in prim. O E., as enêo, knee; tréo, tree t 881. 
78 Phonology [§§ 74--5 = (3) Germanic ew in the combînation êow = Germanic eww, as trêow, trust, fait (§ o). = (4) OE. eo, Germanic e, by loss of ante. vocalic h after 1 and r, as fêolan, fo bide; gen. êoles, beside nom. eolh, elk (§ sa,, Note i) ; gen. fêores, beside nom. feorh, lire (§ 85, Note 4)- = (5) O E. eo by loss of intervocalic h, as sêon, fo see ; swêor, ; gen. fêos, beside nom. feoh, cattle (§ s). § I'/. e (tarer , 9) = () i-umlaut of êa, Gcrmanic as geliefan, fo believe ; laieran, fo hear; hiehsta, highest (§ 136). = (2) i.umlaut of io, Germanic îu, as cies], he chooses ; dierling, darhng ; liehtan, to give light ; tieh], he draws, leads (§ 138). = (3) i-umlaut of îo, Germanic i before h, ht by breaking, as liehst, thou lendest; liehtan, to lighten, make easier (§ 127). = (4) î-umlaut of io (êo), Germanic ij + guttural vowel, as fiend from *fijandîz, fiends ; friend from *frijSndîz, friends (§ 105). = (5) Germanic ew in the combinadon iew(e) = Germanic ewwj, as getriewe, true, faithful (§ 90). = (6) Germanic ew in the combination iew(e) = Germanic ewj, as niewe, new (§ 90). § 175. io (êo)= (I) Germanic îu, as gel)iode, ge]êode, language; liode, lêocle, people; ])iostre, }êostre, dark (§ = (2)Germanic i or îj + guttural vowel, as fîond, fêond, Goth. fijan6s, fiend, enemy; friond, frêond, Goth. frijSnds, 
§§ 76-8o] Prim. G. Equivalens o/ OE. Fowêls 79 friend; neut. pl. ]rio, ]rêo from *]riju, Goth. ]rîja, three (§ lo). = (3) Germanie i by breaking belote h and as Non, ]on, OH G. dihan, fo thHve ; lioh, lêoh, OHG. lih, lend thou ; betwêoh, be- tween ; lé0ht, 0 H G. lihti, adj. liKht (§ 1). THE CHIE¥ DEVIATION OF' T/rIE OTI-IER DIALECT$ FROM WEST SAXON. § 170. a (Anglian) = WS. ca before I+ consonant, as cald, cold, fallan, to faAl, haldan, fo hold, WS. ceald, feallan, healdan (§ 08). § 177. œe (Anglian)= (i) WS. ca before h and h+con- sonant, as soeh, he saw, fœex, hair, œehta, eght, WS. seah, feax, eahta (§ 68, Note i). = (2) WS. ie, î-umlaut of ca before h+con- sonant, as hlœehha(n), to /augh, mœehtig, migMy, WS. hliehhan, miehtig {§ 89, Note). § 178. oe (later e)= () WS. ca belote r+guttural, as berg, pi K, etc, ark, fœerh, ferh, boar, mœerc, merc, boundary, WS. bearg, earc, fearh, mearc (§ , Note ). = (2) WS. îe, i-umlaut of ca belote 1+con- sonant, as oeldra, eadra, older, foella(n), feJla(n), to fell, WS. ieldra, fîellaa (§ 6, Note). § 179. œe besîde ca (Anglian)= WS. ca af'ter palatal c, g, sc, as coester, dy, for¢ress, goet, gare, scœel, shall, beside ceaster, geat, sceal (§ 72, Note § 180. oe (Mercian for older ca by o/a.umlaut) = WS. a before gutturals, as droeca, dragon, doegas, davs. WS. draca, dagas (§ 78, Note x). 
8o Phono/oy [§§ -« § XSX. e (Anglian and Ken.) = (i) WS. le after palatal se, as gefa(n), fo give, gelda(n), fo ay, sceld, shield, W S. glefan, gieldan» scield (§ 91). .= (2) WS. ie, i.umlaut of ea before r+con- sonant, as derne, secret erre, fnheHtance, WS. dierne, ierfe (§ 67, Note). = (3) WS. le, i.umlaut of ea, after palatal c, g, sc, as cele, cold, gest, guest, sceppan, o create, WS. ciele, gîest, scieppan (§ ça, Note). § 182. e (Anglian) = (I) WS. eo before lc, lh, as elh, elk, melca(n), to milk, W S. eolh, meolcan (§ s4). = (2) WS. eo be£ore h, hs, ht, as feh, cattle, sex, sçx, cneht, boy, early WS. feoh, seox, cneoht (§ 86, Note). = (3) WS. eo before r + guttural, as derc, dark, werc, vork, dwer$, dzvarf, ferh, IoEe, WS. deorc, weorc, dweor$,feorh (§ 85,Note 2). § 188. e (Ken.) -- (i) WS. œe, as deg, day, feder, [ather hefde, he had, W S. dœeg, foeder, hœefde (§ sa, Note i). = (2) W$. ea after palatal c, g, sc, as cester, city, forîress, get, ae, scel, shall, ceaster, geat, sceal (§ 72, Note z). = (3) WS. y, î-umlaut o£ u, as besig, busy, efel, evil» senn, sin, VVS. bysig, yfel, synn (§ 112, Note I). = (4) W S. le, i.umlaut of ea, as eldra, older, eldu, old age, WS. îeldra, îeld (§ 6, Note). § 184. i (Anglîan) = (x) WS. ie belote a guttural or r + guttural as birce, 3irc, gebirhta(n), to make bright, gesih], vision, WS. bîerce, gebierhan, gesieh] (§ 99, Note 2). 
§§ s5-9] Prim. G. :Zquivalents of OF.. l,'owe?s 8  = (2) WS. io (u.umlaut) before l+guttural, as milc, nilk, WS. mioluc, miolc (§ 101, Note ). = (3) WS. io (eo) before gutturals, as getih. hîa(n),WS, tîohhian, teohhian, fo arrange, think, consider (§ 98, Note ). = (4) WS. tt in the combination wtt. before gutmrals, as betwih, belween, cwic(u), quick, alive, wicu, week, WS. betwuh, c(w)ucu, wucu (§ lOa). § 185. o (late Nth.)= Iate W'S. u in the combination wu-, as sword, sword, wor]m, fo become, late WS. swurd, wur]an (§ 94). § 186. oe (Nth.) = (z) WS. e, i.umlaut of o, as dat. doehter, to a daugh[er, oele, oI, WS. dehter, ele (§ 107). = () WS. e after w, as cuoe]a, o say, woeg, way, WS. cwe]an, weg (§ 80, Note ); cuoella, to kill, WS. cwellan (§ 55, Note z). § 187. e (Anglian) later ê = \¥S. êa, Germanic au belote c, g, h, as oec, also, hœeh, high, toeg, rofle, Iater êc, hêh, têg, W S. êac, héah, têag (§ 15, Note ). § 188. ê (Anglian and Ken.) as bêron, they bore, dêd, deed, sêton, they sat, slêpan, to sleelb, WS. boeron, doed, soeton, slepon (§ 119). = () WS. êa after palatal c, g, c, as cêce, jaw, gêr, year, gêfon, they gae, scêp, shee2 , WS. cêace, gêar, gêafon, scêap (§ 1.4, N ote). = (3) WS. ie, i.umlaut of êa, as gelêfan, believe, hêran, fo hear, nêd, need, W S. geliefan, hierat, niecl (§ 1). § 80. ê (Anglîan).= (I) WS. êo, Germanic et, beforê 
Phonology [§§  9o'-4 c, g, h, as rêca(n), to smoke, sêc, sick, flêga(n), to fly, lêht, lfght, WS. rêocan, séoc, flêogan, lêoht (§ 187, Note 2). = () WS. ie, i.umlaut of êa from older oe by breaking, as *nêsta from nêhista, WS. niehsta, nearest, next (§ 123). = (3) older œe, see § 187. § 190. é (Ken.) = Anglian and WS. r, i-umlaut of ri, as hêf, hive, mês, rot'ce, ontênan, to open, Anglian and WS. hrf, mrs, ontaaan (§ 189., N ote). § 191. ê (late Ken.)= Anglian and WS. oe, i-umlaut of ,, as clêne, dean, hêlan, fo heal, hêtan, fo heat, Anglian and WS. eloene, hœelan, hêetan (§ 184). § 192. î (Anglian) = (I) WS. io (êo), Germanic i before h and ht, as wih, idoI, lih, lend lhou, liht, adj. light, W S. wêoh, lêoh, lêoht (§ 19.7). = (2) WS. ie, i-umlaut of io = Germanic iu, belote c and ht, as cieen, chwken, lihtan, fo gîve light, WS. eieeen, liehtan (§ 138, Note). = (3) W S. ie, i-umlaut of io, Gerrnanic i, before ht, as lihtan, o h'ghtcn, make easz'er (§ 127). § 193. i (Nth.)= WS. ieh, as sis(t) from *sihis, thou seest si] from *sihi], he secs, X¥S. siehst, sieh] (§ 99, Note 2). § 1I}4. ff (Nth.) = (I) WS. ê, i-umlaut of 5 oi whatever origin, as b&e, books, f&t, feet, gr&ne, green, WS. bêe, fêt, grênc (§ 129) ; WS. gês, geese (§ 02) ; fge], WS. fêh], he sei»es (§ 118). = ) V/S. œe, Germanic oe, after w., as huffr, where, wron, they were, WS. hwoer, wïerot (§ llO, lqote 
,-,oç] Prim. G. Eqivlents o/OE. Vowds 83 19S. e« (Anglian) beside oe, see  17s. lSs. ea (Nth.) = (x) WS. eo before r + consonant, as eare, earth, heae, heart, steaa, sta WS. eore, heorte, steoa ( 8, Note 3). = (2) WS. e, M ercian eo by o/a-umlaut, beara, eata, to eat, treada, to lread, WS. beran, etan, tredan ( 93). 107. ea (Mercîan) by u-, o/a-umlaut = WS. a, as featu, rats, heafuc, hawk, fearan, o o, WS. fatu, hafuc, faran ( 78). 198. eo [Mercian and Ken.) by u-umlaut WS. e efore all single consonans except labîals and liquids), as eodor, enclosure, eosol, onkey, WS. edor, esol ( 92). 19. eo I(en.) by u.umlaut  glian and WS. e belote gutturals, as breogo, rwe, reogol, rMe, Angli and WS. brego, regol ( ). 200. eo (Mercian and Ken.) by o/a-umlaut  WS. e, as beor, fo beaç eotan, o eaU, feola, may, WS. beran, etan, fela ( 93). 01. eo (Mercian and Ken.) = late WS. u in the com- bination , as sweord, swor weostor, sisgr, late çVS. sward, swuster(  202. io (Anglian and Ken.) by u-umlaut  WS. i before ail single consonants except labia[s and liquids), as liomu, lçm5s, oor, lowe» siodu, çlom, onu, s]w, WS. limu, por, sidu, sinu ( 101). 203. io (glîan and Ken.) by oa.umlaut  WS. i, as oman, o lakg, oma, lhe2 WS. nan, a  102). 204. io [Nth. d Ken.)  WS. ie, i-umlaut of io, Ger- manic i, as orde, s]w$]wr iode, gn, VS. hierde, ierre ( 99, Note ). 
84 Phonology [§§ o- § 05. io (Ken.) -- WS. eo by breakîng belote r+con. sonant, as hiore, hear, ior]e, «arth, stiorra, sar, W S. heorte, eor]e, steorra (§ 85, N ote 3). § 206. io (Ken.) by o/a-umlaut = Anglian and WS. i before gutturals, as stiocian, Anglian and WS. stician, o prck (§ 102). § 20V. io (Mercian) beside eo ----- WS. le, i-umlaut of io, as iorre, eorre, angry, hiorde, heorde, shepherd WS. ierre, hierde (§ OO, Note ). § Z08. êa (Nth.)- Mercian and WS. êo, Germanic eu, as flêap, deep, dêar, deer, lêaf, dear, Mer- dan and W S. dêop, déor, lêof (§ 187). § s09. îo (Ken.) beside la = (x) Mercian and WS. êo, Germanic eu, as fliop (diap), dior, liof = Mercian and WS. dêop, dêor, lêof (§ 137). = () WS. e, i-umlaut of o, Germanic iu, as dore (d[are), dear, lohtan, o give lighg, WS. cHere, liehtan (§ 138). § 20. o (Mercian) beside êo  WS. e» i-urnlaut of îo, as dîore (dêore), lohtan (lêohtan), WS. dîere, lehtan (§ 138). CHAPTER VI THE OLD ENGLISH DEVELOPMENT OF THE PRIMITIVE GERMANIC 31OWELS OF UN- ACCENTED SYLLABLES § . Before formulating the laws which govern the tretmenf of the vowels in final syllables, ît will be useful to state here the isws relating to the tretment of final consorts OEitori c O.l. :-- (x) Final.m beeame .n, and then it, as also Indg. final .n, disappearefl already in primitive Germanic. When 
§  ! l/'owels of Unaccented Syllables 8 5 the vowel whieh thus became final was short, it had the saine further development as if it had been originally final, as geoc, Goth. juk, Lat. jttgm, Gr. guvd, Indg. *juB6m, yoke; acc. sing. O E. Goth. wu, Lat. lupin, Gr. Indg. *wlqom, o; Oest, Goth. gast, from g«esg op. Lat. tuim, lower; t, Goth. fô, from *t, cp. Lat. perlera, Gr. w6g« ( ), foog; gen. pi. daga from *aaggn, older-gin, of days, op. Gr. Ov, of gods ; [eet; and similarly in the gen. plural of the other voealie and eonsonantal stems; preL sing. nerede, Goth. nasida, prîm. Germanic *nazin, older .Oto, I saved; nom. sing. of feminine and neuter n.stems, as tge, Goth. tone; êage, Goth. ugô, eye, original ending .n. (2) The Indg. final explosives disappeared in prim. Ger- manie, exeept after a short accented vowel, as pres. subi. bere, Goth. haire, from an origM fo "bhert, he may bear; bœen, Goth. bên, lhey bore, original ending with voealic n ( g) ; mna, Goth. mêna, from an original form *mênt, moon ; but }œet, thag the, Indg. *tod; hwoet Lat. quod, what; met = Lat. ad, (3) Final .z, which arose from Indg.-s by Verner's law ( 22), disappeared in the West Geanic lages, as nom. sing. doeg, OS. dag, O HG. tag, beside Goth. dags, O.Icel. da, day, all from a pm. Gemanîc fo day ; and similarly in OEe nom. sing. of m¢. d femîne i- and u-stems ; in te gen. sîngular of 5-, and consonantM stems; in the nom. d act. plural of mase. and feminine nouns; in the dat. plural of ai1 nouns, adjectives, and pronouns ; &c. Nox.--It is dicult to aecount for the -s in the nom. plurM of a.stems in OE. d OS., as dag, OS. dago, days, see (4) Indg. final-r remained, as fer, Goth. radar, Lat. pater, Gr. «, fath; mor, Lat. màter, Gr. Dot. «p, mother. 
86 Phonology [§§ "-  --  4 § «12. (I) a (= Indg. a and o), which was originally final or became final in prim. Germanîc through the loss of a following consonant, disappeared in dissyllabic and poly. syllabic forms already in primitive OE., as x.t, Goth., Gr. oV6o,, I know; wâst, Goth., Gr. oîoEO«, thon knowest; pret. first pers. singular of strong verbs, as hand, I bound; boer, I bore, sœet, I sat, prim. Germanic *$anfla, *ara, *sata, frorn older *bhendha, *bhora, *soda ; nom. sing. wulf from *wulfaz = Gr. X6o«, wo/f; act. wttlf from *wulfan = Gr. ),6ov; nom. act. heur. geoc i¥om *jukan = Gr. ,u¥6v, Lat. ]ugum, yoke ; gen. sing. doeges .from *aasesa, older .o, of a day; beran from *beranan = Indg. *bheronom, fo boat; pp. boren from *urenaz, borne ; pp. genered from *.nazidaz, saved; cyning from *ktmir$as, king. § 213. (2) Original final e disappeared in primitive O E. without leaving any trace, but when the e was originally followed by a consonant it became i in prim. Germanie, and then underwent the same further development in O E. as original i (see below), as wât, Goth. = G r. o, /te knows ; pret. third pers. singular of strong verbs, as hand, he bound ; bœer, he bore ; sat, he sat, prim. Germanic *ancle, *ttre, *sate, from older *bhortdhe, *blaore, *sode ; im- perative ber from */ere = Gr. çll«, be«r thou ; nim from *rxême, take thou = Gr. vll«, distribute filou ; voc. singular wulf from *wulfe = Gr. ),6, Lat. lupê, wolf; fil Goth. fimf = Gr. rvr, Indg. *per3qe, rive ; mec, Goth. mik, op. Gr. lxt-/, me. But pl. nom. fcêt, têt from *fôtiz older .ez, op. Gr. ar6i«, Lat. pedes,jêet; gttmata from *ttmaniz, op. Lat. homittes, men ; hrtyte from *Xtmtiz, nuts. § .A4:. (3) Final long vowels, inherited from prim. Ger- manie, beeame shortened already in prim. O E. : -ô (= I.n.dg.  and )became u, as bertt from *ter8 = Gr. çOto, I bear; nom. singular gieftt from *el8, Indg. *ghebh., .gift, op. Gr. X6p, land; nom. act. heur. plural 
[,Zowels of Unaccezted Sylla.b[es 87 geoctt from *juk5, older *juk. = O.Lat. jug., Indg. *jug, yokes. . became -i, later -e, as pres. subj. third pers. singular wile, ]te vo{ll--O.Lat, relit; imper, second pers. singu- lar nere, Goth. nasei, OHG. neri, from *nazi, older *nazij(i), Indg. *noséje, sgve § «1. (4) Short u and i, whieh were origînally final or became final through the loss of a consonant, disappeared in trisyllabie and polyiyllabie forms. They, as well as the u and i, which arose from the shortening of  and î, dii- appeared also in dissyllabie forms when the first syllable was long, but remained when the first syllable was short. The regular operation of thîs law was often disturbed by analogicaI formations. Regnalar forms were" nom. sing. giest = Goth. gasts, from *gastîz, guesl = Lat. hostis, slrauger, enemy ; acc. giest = Goth. gast, from *astin = Lat. *hosttm ; dat. sing. of consonantal stems, as ft, fêt (nom. fSt, fool) from *fSti, cp. Gr. ro; dat. plural of nouns, as dagum (nom. doeg, day) from *flaomiz; giefum (nom. giefu, girl) from *elSmiz ; hier = Goth. h,4.usei, from *xau,zî, hear thî ; sêe---- Goth. sSkei, seek lhou; bend ---Goth. bandi., from *landî, batd; in the second and third pers. singular and third pers. plural of the pres. indicative, as prim. Germanic *nîmiz, thou takest ; *nimid, he takes ; *neman, tte.y takc, from older *nemesi, *nemeti, *nemonti (on the O E. end- ings of these forms, see § 476) ; sing. nom. hand = Goth, handus, hand; act. hand = Goth. handtt; acc. singular of eonsonantal stems, as fSt = Goth. fStu, foot; foeder from *faderun, father; guman.from *sumanuxt, nan; nom. lir from *IAru, older *laizS, lore, teachh2g ; heur. pl. word from *wordu, older *wurctS, words ; nom. ace. pi. neuter yfel from *ubilu, older *ulilô, evil; nom. acc. singular wini, wine (OHG. wini), from *winiz, *winin, frfetd; mere (OHG. meri), from *mari, take; nom. plural wine 
8 8 Phono?ogy [§§   6-   (OHG. wîni), from *winiz, older dj(l)z, -ejes, friends ; imperative ete from *ati, Indg. *odeje, set thou pres. subi. scyle.from older *skulL shallj sing. nom. suret = Goth. sunus, son ; act. sunu = Goth. sunu ; feola (fêla) -- Goth. filu, much ; neut. pl. fatu, from *fatô, rats; beru (beoru) from *ler, _,r bear. Then after the analogy of these and similar forms were made feoh for *feohu, money = Goth. fahu, 0 H G. fihu, Lat. pecu, ca#le ; bindu, 1 bind, helpu, 2 r helib , cêou, I choose, for *bind, *help, *cêo. The final .u from older .w (§ a) also disappeared after long stem-syllables, as g.d, Goth. gAidw, want, lack; ., Goth. iw, êver; hrî, Goth. hriw, cor2hse ; but remained after short stem-syllables, as bealu, evil, calamity bearu, grove, beside gen. bealwes, bearwes. Nord.--Final i, which remained in the oldest period of the language, regularly became e in the seventh century. And final u became o at an early period, and then in late OF_. a, whence forms like nom. acc. sunu, surto, suna, son; pl. fatu, fato, rata, vais. § 9.le, In trisyllabic forms tir/al .u, which arose from prim. Germanic ., disappeared affer a long mêdial syllable. It also disappeared when the stem and medial syllable were short, but remained when thê stem-syllable was long and the medial syllable short, as leornmag from *lirmmgna, learning; byden from *budinu, older 13udînb, tub; pl. reced from *rakidu, older *rakidtS, halls, palaces ; neut. pl. yfel from *utlu, older *ulîlS, evil; but fera. nom. sîng. h,ligu, holy, hêafodu, heads, nietenu, animals. § 217. (5) The Indg. long diphthongs .Aî,-5i, .Su became shortened to .ai,-au in prim. Germanic, and then under- went the saine further changes as old .ai, -au, that is, they became .œe,-5 in West Germanic. La_ter than the shortening mentioned in § 9.14 occurred the shortening which was undergone in dissyllabic and polysyllabic words by the long vowel, after which an 
§ ,s] lZowels o./ Unaccenled Nyllables 89 -n or .z had disappeared, and by the-oe and -ô from older .ai and .art, which were either already final in prim. Ger- manie, or had become so after the loss of .z. In this case a distinction must be made according as the long vowel originally had the « slurred ' (circumflex) or «broken' (acute) accent (§ 9). . with the circumflex accent became .o (older oe) affer tte loss of .z, but -a affer the loss of-a: •  with the acute accent became -e (older œe) after the loss - of.n. The .fie and  from older .ai and .art beeame -e (older me) and-a. A J1 these shortenings took place in pre- historie Old English. Examples are :--gen. sing. and nom. plural gefe (Anglian) from *$ez = Goth. gibs, nom. sing. gïieft (WS.), gft; gen. plural daga from *aaggt, older • Oto, of days; fta from ff ton, of fee, cp. Gr. tgv, of gods; and similarly in the gen. plural of oher vocalic and consonantal stems ; nom. singular of masculine t-stems, as guma from gumo(n), man ; ae¢. singular gicle from • gegtx, older -ôm, girl, op. Gr. Xla, lnd; nom. singular of feminine and neuter tI-stems, as tirage from *tttr2gôtt = Goth. ttgg, longue ; êage from eye ; xxerede from *tlazigr, older-ta, I saved; fore, before = Gr. roE0«, near ; dat. sing. doege from*tagai, older .i, o a day, op. Gr. locative oo, ai ome, dat. a zvolf; dat. sing. gicle a girl, cp. Gr. dat. xe . for *X6O«,/o land; fera. dat. sing. blindre from *litxaîzai, blind Goth. blind.i, blind; bere may bear; eahta = Goth., from an original form • oktu, eil ; e]]a = Goth. aî]],.u, or; gen. singular suna ----- Goth., of a son. § 18. Aî'ter the operation of the sound-laws described in §§ 111-17, many vowels, which originally stood in medial syllables, came to stand in final syllables in prehistoric ON. These vowels underwent varîous changes. x. Indg. o remained longer in unaccented syllables than 
9o P,onology I§ •   in aceented syllables in prim. Germanie. I t became a during the prîm. Germanie period exeept () when followed by an m which remained in historie rimes, and (.) when the following syllable or]ginally contained an u. In these cases the o beeame u in O E., as dat. plural dagm besîde Goth. daam, prim. Germanie *ta$omîz, fo days; ace. sing. brô]r (later-or, .af), from *br]orun, brother= Gr. çp.-ropo, (§ 84), member of a dan ; act. pl. brS]mr fi'om *rS]orunz. Prim. Germanic a remained before % but became e (older oe) in other cases, as inf. beran from *beranan, Indg. *bheronom, fo 3ear', act. sing. of masc. and femînine n.stems, as guman, man; tungan, tongzw, from -ahuri, older .onm (with vocalîc m); nom. plural guman, tungan, from .ardz, older -ones ; but huneg older hunoeg (OHG. honag), honey. 2. Indg. e remained in OE. when origînally not followed by a palatal vowel in the next syllable, as hwœe]er = Gr. r«poç, whether, wh'cl of two; gen. sing. doeges from *flaesa, older .o, of a day; pp. bunden from *unaenaz, Indg. *bhndhenos, bound; ô]er from *anperaz, other. But when e was orîginally followed by a palatal vowel ît became i already in prim. Germanic, see below. 3. Prim. Germanic i remained in OE. before palatal consonants, as englisc, nglish ; hefig, heavy; fisic, us. It also remained in other cases in the oldest period of the language, but became e in the seventh century (see § 21, Note), as pp. genered from *-naziflaz, saved; nimes(t), OHG. ntmis, thou takest, Indg. *nemesi; nîme], OHG. nîmit, he takes, Indg. *nemeti. The e in the second and  third pers. singular was mostly syncopated in WS. and Ken., but generally remained în Anglian (see § 476). 4- Prim. Germanie u always remained before a following m, but in other cases it beeame o already at an early period, and in 1are O E. also a (see § .1, Note), as dat. plural ttnttm, o sons; fStum, to Jeel, prim. Germanie 
Vowels of Unaccened S),llables 9I • umiz ; pret. pl. indicative boerun, .on, they bore ; nereclun, .on, they saved. 5-Ail long vowels underwent shortening already in prehistoric Old English :-- >e, as fœeder, ep. Gr. r«-p, fatler; neredes (older .does) from *nazifloes, ep. Goth. nasîdês, thou didst save. i > i, later e, except before palatal consonants, as gylden (OHG. guldin) from *gul]inaz ; mœegden = OHG. maga. tin, maiden; subi. pret. plural bœeren = Goth. bêreina, O HG. b.rin, they might bear; but mîhtig = Goth. mah. teigs, OHG. mahtig, m«hîy; gSdlic, goodly, beside the stressed form gelic,/ike. 5 > u, Iater o, a (op. § 215, Note), but u always remained belote a following m, as hunto], .a], from *xuntS]uz, hunting; heardosL hard«st, lêofost, dearest, prim. Germanie superlative suffix .ôst-; sealfas(t) = Goth. salbSs, anoinlest ; sealfa] = Goth. salbS], he anoints ; pret. sîng. sealfude, .ode, .ade = Goth. salbSda, a r anoinlêd; pp. ge- sealfud, .od, .ad = Goth. salbS]s ; but always u in the dat. pl. gieîum = Goth.gibSm, togifts; tungum = Goth.tuggSm, to long,es. The combînation .Si- was weakened to -i- (through the întermedîate stages-êj-,-ej., .ij.), as in the inf. of the second class of weak verbs ' lufian, fo/ove; macian, lo make ; sealfian, to anoint. The prim. O E. ending-5] from older .on] (sec § el), .anis, .an]i, Indg..onti, was regularly weakened to .a], as bera] = Gr. Dor. they bear. >tx (later o, a). In this case the  arose in prim. OE. from the loss of Examples are- fracu], .o], from *fr akun]az, wicked Goth. frakun]s, desiMsed; dugu] from *dusun]- = OHG. tugunt, valour, slrenglh;geogu] from *jusun]-= OHG. jugunt, young. § III0. If a nasal or a liquid, preeeded by a mute con- sonant, came to stand finally after the Ioss of a vowel 
9  Phoology [§   (§ 12), it became vocalic, and then a new vowel was generated before it in prehistoric OE. just as was the case in prehistoric 053. and OHG. The vowel thus generated was generally e when the preceding vowel was palatal, but o (u), later al»o e, when the preceding vowel was guttural, as nom. efen from *elnaz, cp. Goth. ibns, even; nom. acc. oecer from *akr, older *akraz, *akran, cp. Goth. akrs, akr, fidd; nom. acc. fugul, .ol, from *fugl, older *folaz, *foslan, cp. Goth. fugls, fugl, 5rd, fowI;nom. acc. m]mm from *mai]m, older *mai]maz, *mai]man, cp. Goth. mi]ms, m£î]m, gt. In thê oldest period of the language forms with and wîthout the new vowel often exsted side by sîde. The new vowel occurred most fre. quently before r. Vocalic 1 was common especially atîer dentals, and vocalic m and n generally occurred after a short syllable. The forms with vocalic 1, m, n, r in the nom. acc. singular were due to levelling out the stem-form of the inflected cases. Thus regular forms were: nom. segel, sail; m]mm, gift ; bêacen, sign, beacon ; efen, even; œecer, fleld; ]unor, thunder; gen. segles, mA]mes, bêacnes, efnes, œecres, unres. Then from the latter were formed new nominatives segl, mâpm, bêacn, efn; and from the former new genitives œeceres, ]mnores. Examples are- eelpel, œepl, apple; hfisul, brise1, bris1, Eucharist, cp. Goth. hunsl, sacrifice; noedl (Goth. nê]la), needle ; nœegl, nail; setl (Goth. sitls), seat; tempel, templ (Lat. templum), îem#l¢ ; tungul, .ol, .el, star. b5sm, bosom; botm, 3otlom; oe]m, breath; ]rosm, smoke; woestum,-em, wœestm, growth, hrœefn, raven; regn (Goth. rign), tain ; stefn, voic¢; t.cen, tâcn (Goth. ts), toke; ]mgen, ]mgn, retain«r; wœegn, wagon. âtr, .tor, poison ; fœeger (Goth. fagrs), fait, beauiful ; finger (Goth. ttggrs), finger; hltor (Goth. hlfitrs), pure, dear; notor, ,rose; winter (Goth. wintrus), winter; wundor, 
§§ o-] Vowels of Unaccented Syllables 93 § 220. In O E., especially in the later period, a svara- bhakti vowel was often developed between r or l+c, g, or h; and between r, 1, d, or t + w. In the former case the quality of the vowel thus developed regulated itself after the qualîty of the stem.vowel. In the latter case it fluc- tuated between aa (o) and e, rarely a. The development of a similar vowel in these consonant combinations also took place in OS. and OHG. Examples are" nom. sing. bttrug, buruh (OS. OHG. burug) beside burg, burh (0S. OHG. burg), cty; but dat. sing. and nom. plural byrig beside byrg; byriga beside byrga, bail, suret.y; fyligan besîde fylgan, to follow; myrîg, beside myrg], rnirth;styric beside styrc, calf, cp. modern northern dial. strk beside stk; worahte, worohte (OHG. worahta) beside worhte (OHG. worhta), he worked, beadu,-o, battle, gen. dat. beaduwe, .owe besîde beadwe; bealu, evil, gen. bealuwes, .owes beside bealwes; bearu, grove, bearuwes, .owes beside bearwes; frœetuwe, .ewe beside frœetwe, trappings ; gearu, readÆ, gen. gearuwes (OHG. garawes), .owes, .ewes beside gearwes; gearuwe (OHG. garawa), .ewe beside gearwe (OHG. garwa), yarrow; geolu, yellow, gen. geoluwes, .owes beside geolwes ; melu, meolu, rneal, flour, gen. meluwes (0 H G. melawes), .owes, .ewes beside melwes (0 HG. melwes) ; nearu, narrow, gen. nearuwes, .owes, .ewes beside nearwes; and simîlarly with several other words. § 2Rl. Original short medial vowels in open syllables regularly remained in trisyllabic forms when the stem- syllable was short, as œe]ele, noble; gen. sing. hêofones, metodes, nacodes, rodores, stapoles, wœeteres, beside nom. heofon, heaven; metod, creator', na¢od, naked; rodor, sky ; stalol, ibillar; woeter, water ; gen. dat. sing. idese beside nom. ides, woman ; pret. fremedest from *framîdffes, thou didst perform ; neredest from *nazidœes, thog didst save. On the syncope of i after prim. Germanic 
9 4 Pkonology [§    short stem in the preterîte and past parfieiple of weak verbs» see § They also remained in elosed syllables irrespeetively as to whether the stem-syllable was long or short, as gen. sîng. cyninges, fêtelses, hengestes, wêstemaes, beside nom. cynin, king; foetels, tub ; hengest, stallion ; wêsten, desert ; fgettan, to change colour ; pres. participle nîmende, taking ; sfiperlatives îeldesta, oldest ; lergesta, longesl. It is difficult to account for the syncope in hiehsta, highest; and niehsta, nearest. They also remained aftêr consonant combinations, when preceded by a closed stem-syllable, or a stem-syllable con- taining a long diphthong or vowel, as pret. h3mgrede, tire. brede, deglede, frêfrede, beside inf'. hyngran, to hungeG timbran, fo build, dieglan, fo conceal, frêfran, to comfort ; dat. pl. syndrigm besidWnom. sing. syndrig, seïbarate. They regularly disappeared in open syllables when the stem-syllable was long, as gen. sing. diegles, engles, h[tlges, hêafdes, Dictes, beside nom. diegol, secret; etlgel, angel; h[dig, holy; hêafod, head; ô]er, other; hAlgian, go make hol2; streng]m from *strai]5 (OHG. strengida), streoEh; ieldr,t (Goth. al]Lza), older; gen. dat. sing. fr5fre, m5tx]e, sRwle, beside nom. frSfor, consolation; m5nJ, month; gwol, sonl; doeldest (Goth. dAilidés), thou didst divMe ; hierdet (Goth. htttsidês), thou heardest. § 2«. Short medial guttural vowels, followed by a guttural vowel in the next syllable, often became palatal by dissimilation, as hafela, head, beside hafola; nafela, navel, beside nafola; gaderian from *adurôjan, to gather; pl. nom. heofenas, gen. heofetm, dat. heofetmm, beside sîng. gen. heofones, dal heofone, nom. heofon, heaven; pl. nom. roderas, gen. rodera, dat. roderttm, beside sing. gen. rodore.s dat. ro¢Iore, nom. rodor, firmament; pi. nom. atapela, gen. stalela, dat. stapeltm, beside sing. gen. ataçole» dal tlole, nom. talol» $illar. The inter- 
Yowels of Unacce#ed Syllables 95 change between e and o in forms like sealfedon (OHG. salbêtun), they anomted, beside sealfode (OHG. salba), he anoitted, is probably due to the saine cause. § .8. In prim. OF-. polysyllabic forms the second medial short vowel disappêared when it stood in an open syllable, but remaîned when it stood in a closed syltable, as acc. sing. masc. 5]erne from *an]eranS(n), other; and similarly gloedne, glad; gSdne, Food; h.Iigne, holy; &c. ; dat. fera. singular 5Nette from *an]erizai; and similarly glœedre, gSclre, h,ligre gen. plural 5]erra, prim. Ger- manie *an]eraizg(n), older .gin; and similarly gSdra, h,ligra. But having a secondary accent in a closed syllable, the vowel regularly remained, as nom. plural . gœedelingas, companfons; dat. singular gaderunge, :o an assembly ; innemesta, im;wst. N OTV..--I. There are many exceptions to the above sound- Iaws, which are due to analogical formations. Thus forms likc masc. and neut. gen. singular micle$, dat. miclum, yfls, yflum, beside yfeles, yfelum, ¢'il; gen. pl. glœedra, glad, were ruade on analogy with forms havîng a long stem-syllable. And forms like gen. singular dêofoles (nom. ¢lêofol, devil), êleles (nom. ê]ç.1, native land), hâliges, ho/y, beside older dêofles, e-les, hgflges, were made on analog3r with forms having a short stem-syllable. . In late OE. syncope offen took place after short stems, and somefimes in elosed syllables, as betra, e#er; cîrce, c/no'ch; foegnian, Io reloice, gadrian, fo galber, beside older beera, cirice, foegenian, gaderian; betst, best; winstre, le./7 (hand), besîde older betesta, winestre. 3. Original medial long vowels which were shortened at an early perîod, were syncopated in trisyllabic forms in OE., but remained when the shortening took place at a later period as dat. singular mSn]e besîde m5nai (Goth. mên]s), but 15codest from *lSktoes, lho# didsî 1oo. 
9 6 Phonology [§   4 CHAPTER VII ABLAUT (VOWEL GRADATION) § «4. By ablaut is meant the gradation of vowels both in stem and suflïx, which was caused by the primitive Indo-Germanîc system of accentuation. Sec § 9. The vowels vary within certain series of related vowels, called ablaut-series. In O E., to which this chapter will be chiefly confined, there are six such series, which appear most clearly in the stem-forms of strong verbs. Four stem-forms are to be dîstinguîshed in an O:E. strong verb which has vowel gradation as the characteristic mark of its different stems :(x) The present stem, to which belong all the forms of the present () the stem of the first or third person sîngular of the preterîte indicative, (3) the stem of the preteite plural, fo which belong the second pers. pret. singular, and the whole of the pret. subjunctive, (4) the stem of the past particîple. By arranging the vowels according to these four stems we arrive at the following system :--- i. ii. iii. iv. I.   i i II. êo êa u o III. i, e a u u, o IV. e ce & o V. e oe  e VI. a   oe (a) NOTE.-- ]:. The six series as givert above represent the simple vowels and diphthongs when uninfluenced by neighbouring sounds. For the changes caused by umlaut and the influence of consonants, sec the phonology, especially §§ 7-52, and the various classes of strong verbs, §§ 490-519. . On the difference in Series III between î and e, see § 41 ; and between u and o, § 48. 
] Mblat (Uowe! Gradation) 97 3. Strong verbs belonging to Serîes II bave le from older  (ç 18) in the second and third pers. singular of the pres. indicatîve; and strong verbs belonging to SeNes III-V th e in the infinitive bave  in the second and third pers. sgular of the pres. indicative ( l).  . But although the series of vowels is seen most elearly in the stem-forms of strong verbs, the learner must hot assume that ablaut oeeurs in strong verbs only. Every syllabIe of every word of whatever part of speeeh eontains some form of ablaut. As for example the sonantal elements in the folloMng stem-syllables stand in ablaut relation to eaeh other : a, fo go, end, sailor" ld, way, course" lda, sailor ; lr, learning" ornung Oeorng), learni; sman, fo cut" snd from *sndi., morse she" sde, incision; wtega, prophet" wR, he knows- wian, fo know, wita, wise man, gewiL intelligeme. bêoflan, to command, order" gebofl, command, precept, bydel from *budfl, messenger ; flêon, to flee" flêam, flight. flyht from *fluhti-, flight; nêotan, go use" genêat, coin. œeanion" notu, use, nt (Germanic stem-form *nutja.), us#d; têon, to draw, lead" têam, proKeny" here-toga, arn leader, generaL bindan, fo btd. bend from *bdî., hand; drincan, to drink" drenc from *dran-, drink" drcen, dnnk; sweltan, to die" swylt from *swti-, death ; weoran from *weran, to become" wd from *wdi.,fate. beran, fo bear" br, bier: ge.byrd îrom *si.bure-, bih, byre from *bu., son; cwel, fo die" cwalu, killing; stelan, fo steal" stu, thoEt" stor, stealtlo,. #efan, lo givG giefa flore *sera, giver, #ff from *sef-, #qce  we" gafol, tribule ; cwe, Io say" cwide, pm. Gemanic *kwefli., speech ; sprecan, to seak" sçroec, speech. calan, fo be coM" c51, cool; far, fo go, trave fierd o.«u. H 
98 Phonology from *fardi., arrny" fSr, fourney, gefêra, prim. Germanic .f5ro, companion ; stede from *stadi, place, st5d, herd of horses. See § 562. Examples of ablaut relation în other than stern-syllables are :-- Goth. nom. pl. ansteî.s, favotrs, gen. sing. ansi.s- ace. pl. ansti.ns ; Goth. nom. pl. sunju.s from an origînal form *, son- gen. sing. sunu.s - aec. pl. sunu.ns; Gr. 4,g0o.W,, we bear" ç[O¢«, ye bear = Goth. baira.m, bairi.]. § 22. In this paragraph will be given the prim. Ger- manic and Gothic equivalents of the above six ablaut- series, wîth one or two illustrations from OE. For further examples see the various classes of strong verbs, §§ «o-nxo. I. Prim. Germ. ï ai î i Gothic ei .i î i O E. bîtan, to Mie bS.t biton biten l@an, fo go 15] lîdon liden No:s.--Cp. the parallel Greek series w«{}o • rro0a" iI. Prim. Gem. eu au u o Gothic iu u u u OE. bêodan, fo offer bêad budon boden cêosan, lo choose cêas curon coren No.--Cp. the parallel Greek series k¢6(0)aoa (fut.)" III. Prîm. Germ. e, i a u Gothic î a u OE. helpan, fo el1 healp hulpon weor]an, fo wear wurdon become bindan, to bind band bundon bunden t, 0 u holpen worden 
§-7] A bla, ut (Vowel Gradation) 99 NoxE.wx. To thîs series belong ail strong verbs having a medial nasal or lîquid + consonante and a few others in whîeh the vowel is followed by two consonants other than a nasal or liquid + consonant. . On the forms hep, wear sec  60, and on weorpan see  s. 3- Cp. the parallel Greck series Bdgo«t- 9«- paxo ;  • Prim. Germ. e a  o Gothie i a ê u OE. beran, o bear boer bron boren stelan, o s&al stoel stolon stolen Nox.x. To this series belong all strong verbs whose stems end in a single liquid or nasal. 2. Cp. the pallel Greek sexes &" " - p" V. Prim. Germ. e a & e Goth]c i a ê OE. metan, o measure moet mton meten cwean, la say cwœe cwoedon cweden Noxs.x. To this class belong all strong verbs whose stems end in a sîngle consonant oeher than a liquid or a nasal. 2. Cp. the parael Greek series xoa - o- -- ; VI. Prim. Germ. a 5 5 a Gothic a 5 5 a OE. faran, fo go f'dr f6ron fœeren, faren § 227. Class V II of strong verbs embracîng the old reduplicated verbs (§§ 511-19) has been omitted from the ablaut-serîes, because the exact relation in which the vowel of the present stands to that of the preterite has hot yet H2 
 oo Phonology [§§ 8_ 9 been satisfactorily explained. The old phases of ablaut have been preserved in the present and preterite of a few Gothic verbs, as lêtan, fo let, lafl6t, laflStum, lêtans; saian, go sow, sasS, sa/.sô.mn, saians. § 2«8. The ablaut-series as given in § 29.6 have for practical reasons been limted to the phases of ablaut as they appear in the various classes of strong verbs. From an Indo-Germanic point of view, the series I-V belong to one and the same series, generally called the e-series, which underwent în primitive Germanic various modifica. tions upon clearly defined lines. What s called the sixth ablaut-series in the Germanc languages s really a mixture of several original series, owing to several Indg. vowel- sounds having fallen together in prim. Germanic ; thus the a, which occurs in the present and past partîciple, corre- sponds to three Indg. vowels, viz. a (§ 17), o (§ sO), and  (§ 22); and the 5 in the preterite corresponds to Indg. . (§ 23), and Indg. 5 (§ 26). For the phases of ablaut which do hot occur in the various parts of strong verbs ; and for traces of ablaut-series other than those given above, the student should consult Brugmann's Kurze vergle/chende Grammatik der indogermanischen Sprachen, pp. 138-5 o. CHAPTER VIII THE FIRST SOUND-SHIFTING, VERNER'S LAW, AND OTHER CONSONANT CHANGES WHICH TOOK PLACE IN THE PRIMITIVE GERMANIC LANGUAGE § ). The first sound-shîfting, popularly called Grimm's Law, refers to the changes which the Indo-Germanic explosives underwent in the period of the Germanic primi- tive community, i. e. before the Germanîc parent language became differentîated into the separate Germanic lan- 
§ ] The First Sound-shifling o guages :--Gothic, O. Norse, O. English, O. Frisian, O. Saxon (-- O. Low German), O. Low Franconian (O. Dutch), and O. High German. The Indo-Girmanic parent language had the following system of consonants :-- LABIAL. DENTAL. PALATAL. VELAR. tenues p t k q mediae b d g tenues aspiratae ph th kh qh mediae aspiratae bh dh gh c3h ./ voiceless s voiced z j Nasals m n fa Liquids 1, r Semivozoels w (u) j oe NorE.--L Explosives are consonants which are formed with compIete closure of the mouth passage, and may be pronouneed with or without volte, i.e. with or vithout the vocal cords being set in action; in the former case they are said to be voiced (e. g. the mediae), and in the latter voiceless (e. g. the tenues). The aspirates are pronounced like the simple tenues and mediae folloved by an h, like the Anglo-Irish pronunciation of t in telI. The palatal explosives are formed by the front or middle or the tongue and the roof of the mouth (hard palate), like g, k (e) in English get, good, kid, cottld; whereas the velars are formed by the foot of the tongue and the soit palate (velum). The latter do hot oecur in English, but are eommon in H ebrew, and are offen heard in the Swiss pronunciation of German. In the parent Indo-Germanic language there were two kinds of velars, viz. pure velars and velars with lip rounding. The pure velars fell together with the Indg. palatals in Germanic , Latin, Grçek, and Keltic, but were kept apart in the Aryan and Balfic-Slavonic lang'uages. The velars with lip rounding appear in the Germanic languages partly with and partly without labialization, sec § 1187. The palatal and velar nasals only 
 o Phonology [§  o occurred before their corresponding explosives, fik, flg; q, r, &c. .. Spirants are eonsonants formed by the rnouth passage being narrowed af one spot in sueh a manner that the outgoîng breath gives fise to a frietional sound af the narrowed part. z only oceurred before voieed explosives, e. g. *xaizdos--Lat. ndus, English xest ; *ozdos = Gr./3,os» Germ. ast, boztgh. j was like the widely spread North German pronuneiation j in ja, hot exaetly like the N' in English yes, whieh îs generally pronouneed without distinct frîetior, j oeeurred very rarely in the prim. Indo-Germanic language. In the Germanic, as in most other Indo-Gerrnanie languages, the frietional element in thîs sound beeame reduced» whieh eaused it to pass into the so-ealled semivowel. 3- The nasals and lîquids had the funetions both of vowels and eonsonants (§ 4- The essential differenee between the so-ealled semivowels and full vowels is that the latter always bear the stress (accent) of the sNllable in whieh they occur, e.g. in English e6w, the first element of the diphthong is a vowel, the second a con- sonant; but in words like Freneh rw (written roi), bjr (written bire), the first element of the diphthong is a con- sonant, the second a vowel. In eonsequence of this twofold funetion» a diphthong may be defined as the eombination of a sonantal with a eonsonantal vowel. And it is ealled a falling or rising diphthong aeeording as the stress is upon the first or second element. In this book the second element of diphthongs is written î, u when the first element is the bearer of the stress, thus i, au, &e., but when the second element has the stress, the first element is written .j, w, thus j, w, &e. 5. In the writing down of prim. Germanie forms the signs 1  (. th in Engl. rhin), & (--th in Engl. then),  (= a bilabial spirant, whîch man be pronounced like the v in Engl. vine),  (=g often heard in German sagen), X (---'- NHG. eh and the eh in Scotch loch). § -aO. In the following tables of the normal equivalents of the Indg. explosives in Latin, Greek, and the Germanic languages» Table I contains the Indg. tenues p, » k, the 
§ ,.o] The First çound-shîfling  03 mediae b, d, g and the pure velars q, o o. Table II contains the Indg. mediae aspiratae and the velars q, c 6 with labialization. The equivalents in the Germanie languages do hot contain the changes caused by Verner's Law, &e. The East Franeonîan dialeet is taken as the normal for OHG. The following points should be noticed :-- (i) The Indg. tenues p, t, k and the mediae b, d, g generally remained unchanged in Latin and Greek. (2) The pure velars (q, c3) fell together with the palatals k, g in Latin and Greek. They beeame X, k in prim. Germanie, and thus fell together with the x, k from Indg. k, g. (3) The pure velar c3h fell together wi:h the original palatal gh in Latin and Greek. (4) The Indg. mediae aspiratae became in prehistoric Latin and Greek tenues aspiratae, and thus fell together with the original tenues aspiratae. (5) The Indg. tenues aspiratae became voiceless spirants in prim. Germanic, and thus fell together with the voiceless spirants from the Indg. tenues. See § (6) in Latin Indg. q with labialization became qtt, rarely ¢. 3 with labialization beeame v (but gaz after and g when the labialized element had been Iost, a gravis = Gr. f«fç, heavy). Indg. ph, bh beeame f initially and b medially. Indg. th, dh became f inifially, b medially belote and ai'ter r, belote 1 and after tt (w), in other cases d. Indg. kh, gh became h înitially belote and medially between vowels; g before and after consonants, and f before u (w). Indg. qh, cdh with labialization became f initially, v medially except that after n it became gu. 7) In Greek Indg. q, c d with labialization became r, 
before non-palatal vowels (except u)and belote consonants (except Indg. j)  "r»  before palatal "cowels i and , y belote and after u. Indg. ph, bh became , th, dh became 0 and kh, gh became x. Indg. qh, c3h with labialization became ç belote non. palatal vowels (except u) and before consonants (except Indg. j) ; 0 bef'ore palatal vowels  and x belote and af'ter u. (8) V¢hen tv¢o consecutive syllables would begi with aspirates, the first waB de.aspirated in prehiætoric rimes in Sanskrit and Greek, as Skr. b.ndhanam, a bind,'ng, Goth. . bodhab, he OE bindan, OHG. bintan, to bind; Skr. ' ' lears, s awake, Gr. r«0«, fie asks, inquirês, Goth. ana. biudan, O E. bêodan, fo bid, O HG. biotan, fo offer, foot bheudh. ; Gr. ,«v0k l, a swêlling, O E. gïmd, OH G. gunt, nzatter, pus; Gr. 0pf(, l, air, gen. "rpxo ; X, I lave, fut. [i«. (9) In OHG. the prim. Germanic explosives p, t became the affricatae 1)ï, tz (generally written zz, z), initially, as also medial]y aiter consonants, and when doublêd. But prim. Germanic p, t, k bêeame the double spirants ff, çz;, hh (also written ch) medially between vowels and finally after vowels. The double spirants were simplified to f, g, h when they became final or came to stand before other consonants, and also generally medially when pre- ceded by a long vowel or diphthong. 
The Frst Sound-shoEt$ng TABLE I. I Indg" t Latinp .... P k, q g,3 Greek i P. Ger- manic Gothic 1 i OHG. çf, ff I z, i k, hh _._ Indg. q bh dh ,, • gh TABLE II. Latin qu, c v, gu, g f,b,d ,, ., h, g, f 'f, v, gU Greek , x ç, , x d, d OE. CW, C b,,(O, d, d d g,  g,  5, w g, , w OHG. (h)w, h qu; k, hh g 
 o PhooZo,y [§    § 281. The Indg. tenues p, t:, k, q became in prim. Ger- manie the voiceless spirants f, ], X, X (Xw). p > f. Lat. pês, Gr. ro, O E. OS. tôt, Goth. fStus, O.Icel. fôtr, 0 HG. fuo,foot; Lat. piscis, O E. fisc, Goth. fisks, O.Icel. fiskr, OS. OH(S. fisk, fis; Gr. floating, szvmmin, Ot. OS. fld, Goth. flSdus, O.Icel. flbS, OHG. fluot, flood, ride ; Lat. pecu, OE. feoh, Goth. faihu, O.Icel. rê, OS. fehu, OHG. fihu, «attle ; Lat. nepos, OE. nefa, O.Icel. nefe, OHG. nefo, t > ]. Lat. tu, Gr: Doric -6, OE. O.Icel. OS. pi, Goth. ]u, OHG. dB, tl, ou; Lat. trê, Gr. Tpî, OE. OS. O.Icel. ]rir, O HG. dri, tree; Lat. tenuis, O E. pynne, O.I cel. ]unnr, O H G. dunni, tl, in ; O.Lat. tongêre, fo know, OE. ]encan, Goth. ]agkjan, OS. ]enkia, O HG. den. chen, fo tl, ink; Lat. fréter, O E. brS]or, Goth. brS]ar, O.Icel. br56er, OS. brSoEar, OHG. bruoder, brottzer; Lat. vertS, I turn, O E. weor]an Goth. wafr]an, O.Icel. vera, OS. weran, O HG. werdan, to become. k > X. Lat. canis, Gr. 6«, OE. OS. hund, Goth. hunds, O.Icel. hundr, OHG. hunt, hound, do, ; Lat. cor (gen. cordîs), Gr. «p, O E. heorte, Goth. hairtS, O.Icel. hjarta, OS. herta, OHG. herza, le¢rrt; Lat. centum, Gr. -,«v, OE. Goth. OS. hund, OHG. hunt, hundred; Lat. pecu, OE. feoh, Goth. fahu, O.Icel. rê, OS. fehu, OHG. fihu, cattl«; Lat. decem, Gr. «, OE. tîen from *:eohuni., older *texuni. (cp. §§ 8'/, 44), Goth. taihun, OS. tehan, OHG. zehan, ten ; Lat. dcS, I Zead, OE. têon f'rom *têohan, older *feu×an (§ 13'/), Goth. tiuhan, OS. tiohan, O H G. ziohan, fo draw, q > x (xw). Lat. capiS, 2 r tae, seie, O E. hebban, Goth. hafjan, O.Icel. hefja, OS. hebbian, OHG. heffen, to 'aise ; Lat. canS, _ sing, O E. hana, hona, Goth. hana, O.Icel. hane, OS. OHG. hano, cock, lit. singer ; Lat. vinc5 (perf. vici), I conçuer, Goth. weihan, OH G. wihan, to Lat. quis, Gr. ç, OE. hwâ, Goth. bras, OS. hwê, OHG. 
§  31. The Fîrsl So»d.shifting  o7 hwer, who ? ; Lat. linquS, Gr. ),«r% ]" leave, O E. lion, lêon from "liohan, older *li×wan (see §§ 127, 246), OS. OHG. liban, lo lenct. NOTE.--I. The Indg. tenues remained unshifted in the com- bination s + tenuis. sp. Lat. spuere, OE. OS. OHG. spiwan, Goth. speiwan, vomir, spit; Lat. con-spiciS, I look al, OI-IG. spehn, to spy. st. Gr. o'rxo, I go, Lat. vestigium, jootstel#, O E. OS. OH G. stîgan, Goth. steigan, O.Icel. stiga, fo ascend; Lat. hostis, siranger, eeny, OE. giest, Goth. gasts, O.Icel. gestr, OS. OHG. gast, g«est. sk. Gr. OE, shadow, OE. OS. OHG. senan, Goth. skeinan, O.Ieel. ska, fo shine ; Lat. piscis, OE. sc, Goth. fisks, O.cel. fis, OS. OHG. fisk, fish. sq. Gr. 0uo.6os, sacrcizg çriest, OE. scêawian, Goth. *skaggwn, OS. scauwn, OHG. scouwn, fo look, vlew. 2. The t also remained unshifted in the Indg. combinations pt, kt, qt. p>ft. Lat. neptis, OE. OHG. nift, niece, grmtddaughter; Lat. captus, a takhtg, seiMng, OE. hoeft, OHG. haf, one sei, ed or taket a captive. kt>Xt. Lat. octS, Gr. 6, O E. eahta, Goth. htAu, OS. OHG. ahto, eight; Gr. 6-p¢6,, stretched out, Lat. rctus, OE. rç Goth. faits, OS. O HG. reht, right, sh'aight. qt>xt. Gen. sing. Lat noctis, Gr. vuT6S, nom. OE. niht, Goth. nahts, OS. OHG. nt, night.  . The Indg. mediae b, d, g, B became e tenues p, t, k, k (kw). b > p. Lithuanian dubùs, O E. dêop, Goth. diups, O. I cel. djfipr, OS. diop, OHG. tiof, d,,,p ; Lithuanian trobk, bouse, OE. orp, OS. thon, OHG. do, village, Goth. ap, fieM ; O. Bulgarian slabû, slack, weak, O E. sloepan, Goth. slêpan, OS. slpan, OHG. an, fo sIeep, orîgin- ally, fo 3e slack, b was a rare sound in the parent Ianage. d > t. Lat. decem, Gr. ,«, O E. tien, Goth. taun, O.Icel. o, OS. tehan, O H G. zehan, tez ; Lat. tiens (gen. dents), OE. t, Goth. ts, OS. nd, OHG. zand, tooth ; 
 08 P/ooZozy [§ Lat. îdée, o ôe«, O. Gotb. OS. ît, O.Ice]. ]t, OHG. -î, io o  Lat. ed, Ce-. OS. etan, Goth. itan, O.Icel. eta, OHG. ean, fo eat; gen. Lat. pedis, Gr. woB6s, nom. O E. OS. fôt, Goth. fStus, O.Icel. fStr, OHG. fuog,foot. g>k. Lat. genu, Gr. ,$,u, O E. cnêo, Goth. kniu, O.Icel. knê, OS. OHG. knîo, knee; Lat. gustS, I faste, Gr. /«6, _T/et taste, O E. cêosan, Goth. kiusan, O.Icel. kjôsa, OS. OHG. kiosan, to test, choose ; Lat. ager, Gr. a,/p6s, O E. oecer, Goth. akrs, O.Icel. akr, fidd, acre; Lat. egô, Gr. ¥6, O E. ic, Goth. O S. ik, O.Icel. ek, O H G. ih, I. ]>k(kw). Lat. gelu, fros, O E. ceald, Goth. kalds, O.Icel. kaldr, OS. kald, OHG. kalt, cold; Lat. augêre, Goth. ukan, O.Icel. auka, OS. ôkian, OHG. ouhhôn, o add, ioewrease, O E. participial adj. êacen, great; Lat. jugum, Gr. I,/6, OE. geoc, Goth. juk, OHG. joh, yoke. Gr. Boeotian /]««, OE. cwene, Goth. qinS, OS. quena, womaz, wife; Gr. lio from *wos, lire, Lat. vivos from *gwiwos, OE. cwicu, Goth. qius, O.Icel. kvikr, OS. quik, OHG. quec, quick, alive ; Lat. veni5 from *gwemj6, I cone, Gr. [«0 from *]«j,0, older *«jo = Indg. *mjS, Igo, OE. OS. cuman, Goth. qiman, O.Icel. koma, OHG. queman, o corne. § 88. The Tndg. tenues aspiratae became voiceless spirants in prim. Germanic, and thus fell together with and underwent all furher changes in common with the voiceless spirants which arose from the Indg. tenues (§ .81), the latter having also passed through the inter- mediate stage of tenues asplratae before they became spirants. The tenues aspiratae were, however, of so rare occurrence in the prim. Indg. language that two or three examples must suffice for the purposes of this book ; for further examples and details, the learner should consult Brugmann's Grundriss der vergleichênden Grammatik der indogermanischen Strachen , vol. I :Skr. root sphal., run 
§§ z34--5 The First Sounct.shiflin, g 9 violenlv aganst, OE. feallan, O.Icel. fa.lla, OS. OHG. fallan, 'o falt; Gr. à-«10«, unhz«rt, O E. see]]mn, Goth. ska]jan, O H G. skaclSn, o hoEure ; Gr. ox£., _,r split, O E. sc.daan, Goth. sk.idan, O H G. sceidan, Gr. çdk,rl, OE. hweel, O.Icel. hval.v, OHG. (h)wal, whale. § 9.lz,. The Indg. mediae aspirataê probably became first of al1 the voiced spirants 9, d:, 5, o(w). These sounds under- went the followîng changes during the prîm. Germanic period :--l, fl initially, and 1, d, 5 medially after their corre- zponding nasals, became the voiced explosives b, d, g, as b. OE. OS. OHG. beran, Goth. baîran, O.Icel. bera, to bear, Skr. bh.rêtmi, Gr. çdp, Lat. retS, I bear ; O t:;. O S. bitan, Goth. beitan, O. I cel. bita, O H G. bigan, fo bite, Skr. bhêdami, Lat. findS, I cleave; O E. brS]or, Goth. brS]ar, O.Icel. brSer, OS. brSctar, OHG. brttoder, Skr. bhrîttar., Lat. fréter, brolher, Gr. çpp, member of a clan. OE. ymbe, OS. OHG. tmbi, Gr. àç, around; OE. camb, eomb, O.Icel. kambr, O HG. kamb, «omb, Skr. jtmbhets, tooth, Gr. 6ços, bolt, nail, prim. form *gombhos. d. OE. dœeg, Goth. dags, O. Icel. dagr, OS. dag, OHG. tag, day, Skr. ni.dgh.s, older *ni.dhghts, hot season, stmmer, Indg. form *dhotlo ; OE. ded, OS. 6ftd, OHG. tt, deed, related to Gr. 0-,, I shall place, Skr. dhîtma, law, dwelling-lblace , root dhê-, 2but, #lace ; 0 E. dohtor, Goth. dafihtar, O S. dohter, O H G. tohter, Gr. OE. duru, OS. duri, OHG. turî, Gr. 0a, door. OE. Goth. OS. bindan, O.Icel. binda, OHG. bintan, o bind, Skr. bîmdhanam, a bindin, cp. Lat. of.fendimentum, chin-cloth, root bhendh-. g. OE. enge, Goth. aggwus, OS. OHG. engi, narmw, cp. Lat. angS, Gr. aAo, I press tight, root afagh-; O E. lang, long, Goth. laggs, O.Icel. langr, OS. OHG. lang, Lat. longus, § 285. t, il, S remaîned in other positions, and their further development belongs to the history of the separate 
 r o Phonology [§ , , Germanie languages. In Goth. b, d (written b, d) re- mained medially after vowels, but became explosives (b, d) after consonants. They became f, ] finally after voweIs and before final .s. $ remained medially between vowels, and medially after vowels before voîced consonants, but became X (written g) finally after vowels and before final-s. It became g initially, and also medially after voiced con- sonants. In O.Ieel. b (written f) remained medially between and finally affer voiced sounds, but became f before voice- less sounds, d: (written ) generally remained medially and finally.  remained medially after vowels and liquids, but became X and then disappeared finally. It became g initially, ri became d in all the West Germanie lan- guages and then d became t in O HG. In OS. b (written , b) generally remained between voiced sounds. It be- came f medially before 1 and ri, and before voiceless consonants, and also finally. $ (written g) remained initially and medially, but became x finally, although it was generally written g. In O HG. b, $ became b, g. On the history of I, , in O E. see §§ 293-4, 313-24. Geminated Bb, riel, , of whatever origîn, became bb, dd, gg in the prehistoric period of all the Germanic lan- guages. Examples are :Goth. *nibl, OS. nebal, OHG. nebul, Lat. nebula, Gr. v,@,)wl, mist, doud, cp. Skr. nAbhas, Gr. vtço, doud; OE. lêof, Goth. liufs, O.Icel. ljoEr, OS. liof, OHG. 1Job, de«r, original form *leubhos, cp. Skr. lbhymi, I feela strong desire, Lat. lubet (liber), itlbleases ; OE. OS. rider, OHG. ûter, Skr. dhar, Gr. o0«, udder; OE. rêad, Goth rfitt]s, O.Icel. raur, OS. rSd, OHG. rSt, prim. form *roudhos, cp. S kr. rudhirfis, Gr. prim. form *rudhros, red; OE. Goth. guma, O.Icel. gume, OS. OHG. gumo, Lat. homS, prîm. stem.form *ghomon-, ma; OE. gSs, O.Icel. g.s, OHG. gans, Gr. ×v, goose; OE. OS. OHG. wegan, Goth. ga.wigan, O.Icel. vega, to more, carry, Lat. vehS, prim. form *weghS, I carr; OE. 
§§ .-7] T]e First qounct.s]zifing    giest, Goth. gasts, O. I cel. gestr, OS. O HG. gast, guest, Lat. hostis, strango; enemy, prim. form *]hostis ; O E. OS. OHG. stigan, Goth. steigan, O.Icel. stiga, o ascenîl, Gr. OEe×0, prim. form *steihô, I go, cp. Lat. vestigîum, footstejk. § 86. Various theories bave been propounded as to the chronological order in which the Indg. tenues, tenues aspiratae, mediae, and mediae aspiratae, were changed by the first sound-shifting in prim. Germanic. But not one of these theories is satisfactory. Only so much is certain that at the rime when the Indg. mediae became tenues, the Indg. tenues must have been on the way to becoming voiceless spirants, otherwise the two sers of sounds would have fallen together. § 8'/. We have already seen (§ 280) that the parent Indg. language contained two series of velars" (z) pure velars which never had labialization. These velars fell together with the palatals in the Germanic, Latin, Greek, and Keltic languages, but were kept apart in the Aryan and Baltic-Slavonic languages. (2) Velars with labializa- tion. These velars appear in the Germanie languages partly with and partly without labialization ; in the latter case they fell together with prim. Germanie X, k, $ which arose from Indg. k, g, gh. The most commonly accepted theory is that the Indg. labialîzed velars q, , Bh regularly became X, .k,  in prim. Germanîc before Indg. ,,  (= Germanic a, § «o), and XW, kw, w belote Indg. g, î, , a, . (= Germanic 5, § gS); and that then the law beeame greCy obscured during the prim. Germani¢ period rough form-transference and levelling out in various directions, as Goth. qam, O HG. quam, prîm. form *oma, I cae, for Goth. O H G. *kam after the analogy of Goth. qima, O HG. quimu, original fore *emS, I corne ; Goth. las, wtw .2, Indg. *qos for *has after the analogy of the gen. ttrîs----- Indg. *qeso, &c. 
   Phonology [§  NoT.--In several words the Indg. velars, when preeeded or followed by a w or another labial in the saine word, appear in the Germanic laages as labials by assimilation. The most important êxamples are :--OE. OS. wf, Goth. wulfs, OHG. wo= Gr. kdo, for *Xdo, pHm. form *wlqos, cp. Skr. vka$, wo; OE. ower (but fyer-fête, four-foote, Goth. fidw6r, OS. OHG. fior, prm. form qetwores, cp. Ltthuaman keti, Lat. quattuor, Gr. roEoE«pç, Skr.  eatvaras, fottr; OE. OS. ff, Goth. fimf, OH G. fimf, finf, prim. lorm *peqe, cp. Skr. pfica, Gr. wgv, Lat. qnque (for *pînque),five; OE. weorpan, Goth. wairpan, O.Icel. verpa, OS. werp, OHG. werfan, to lhrow, cp. O. Bulgarian vrïg, I [hrow; OE. swRpan, OH G. sweifan, fo swi, cp. LioEuani swkstù, ç beçome diz2. V's Lw.  28. After the completion of the first sound-shifting, and whîle the principal accent was hot yet confined to the root-syllable, a uniform interchge took place between the voiceless and voiced spirants, which may be thus stated : The edial or final spirants f, , X, Xw, s regularly became , d, , Sw, z when the voweI next preceding them did not, according to the oginal Indg. system of accentuation, bear the principal accent of the word. The , d, S, w which thus arose from Indg. p, t, k, q undeent in the Germanic lguages all further changes in common with the b, d, g, Sw from Indg. bh, dh, gh, h. Verner's law manifests itself most clearly in the various paoes of strong verbs, where the infinitive, present partî- ciple, present tense, and preterite (properly peffect) singular had the principal accent on the root-syllabl% but the indi- cative pret. plural, the pret. subjunctive (properly optative), and past participle had the principal accent on the ending, as pm. Geanic *wér5 > O E. weore, I become = Skr. v.mi, I turn ; pret. indic. 3- sing. *wri > O E. wear, he became= Skr., bas rned; pret. x. pers. pl. *wurdumî > O E. *rd (rdn is the 3. pers. pl. used for all persons) = Skr. va.vrtim, we bave 
§ ] hrerners Law 3 tumted; past participle *wurdan. > O E. worden = Skr. va.vrtAna- ; OS. birid, OH G. birît = Skr. bhgtrai, he bears ; Goth. 2. sing. indic, passive baIraza = Skr. bh&rasê; Goth. batrand, O HG. berant = S kr. bhrantî, they bear; present participle O E. berende, Goth. baframds, O.Icel. berande, OS. berandi, O HG. beranti, Gr. gen. çloro. Or to take examples from noun-forms, &c., we bave e.g. Skr. pîtgtr-, Gr. r«Tp-= prim. Germanic *fa(tér., O E. foeder, Goth. fadar, O.Icel. laser, OS. fader, O HG. fater, father; Gr. =XoT6«, floaæing, swimming, OE. OS. flSd, Goth. flSdus, O.Icel. fl55, OHG. fluot, flood, ride; Skr. çatm, Gr. -«**, Lat. centum = prim. Germanic *xunc6m, older *xumd6m, O E. Goth. OS. hund, O HG. hunt, hundred; Indg. *swékuros, Goth. swalhra, O H G. swehur, O E. swêor (§ 329), father.i»law, beside Gr. Ot, O E. sweger, O HG. swîgar, mother-in- law ; Gr. B«, Goth. taihtua, OS. tehan, O HG. zehan, ten, beside Gr. B«s, OE. OS..tig, OHG..zug, Goth. pl. tigjus, decade; Skr. saptgt, Gr. trr, OE. seofon, Goth. sîbun, OS. siltm, OHG. sibun, seven ; Gr. vu6s from *«vo«6s, OE. snoru, OHG. snura, daughtcr-in-law ; O HG. haso beside OE. hara, hare .; Goth. &us5 beside OE. êare, car. The combinations sp, st, sk, ss, ff, fs, hs, and ht were "' not subject to this law. BIoTE.The prim. Germanic system of accentuation was like that of Sanskrit, Greek, &c., i. e. the principal accent could irall on any syllable; it was hot until a ]ater period of the prim. Germanic language that the principal accent was confined to the root-syllable. Sec § 9. § 239. From what has been saîd above ît follows that the înterchanging pairs of consonants due to Verner's law were in prim. Germanic : f--J, ]--d, s--z, XS, XW w" They underwent various changes partly in prim. Germanic, partly in West Germanîc, and partly in O ld English. Already in prim. Germanic w became g before u, but OK,GR.  
r  4 .Phonology [§ a9 w irt other cases (§ 9.4.l); and x]g became g. In West Germanic d: became OE (§ 9.53); z became r medially and was dropped finally (§ 9.59.) ; xw became X (§ 9.46). In OE. the two sounds g-- fell together in b (written f) medially, and in î finally» see §§ 9.08-, 9.06 ; x disappeared between vowels (§ 89.9)» when preserved it was written h ; and ], s became voiced between vowels, although the ]9, s were preserved in writing. 530 that for O E. we have the folIowing in.terchanging pairs of consonants :-- p--d s--r h or loss of h (----- prim. Grm. X)--g (§ 320) h or loss of h (-- prim. Germ. ×w)--, w (-- prim. Germ. Sw) h or Ioss of h (-- prim. Germ. rx, § 2¢5)--ng. ])--d. cwe]an, to say» l]an, io go, sn]mn, o cul; pret. sing. cwœe], 1], snR]); pret. pl. cwdon, lidon, snidon; pp. cweflen, liden, sniden ; cwide, saying, proverb ; snide, inczsion ; dêa], death, beside dêad, dead. sr. cêosan, fo choose, drêosan, to lai1, forlêosan, to Iose; pret. sîng. cêas, drêas, forlêas; pret. pl. curon, flruron, forluron ; pp. coren, droren, forloren ; cyre, ¢hoi¢e ; dryre,fall ; lyre, loss. h--g. flêon (O H G. fliohan), fo flee, slêan (Goth. sla. ban), to strike, slay, têon (Goth. tiuhan), o draw, lead ; pret. sing. flêah, têah  preL pl. flugon, slSgon, tugon; pp. flogen, slœegen, togen; slaga, homicide ; slege, sIroke, bIow ; here.oga, leader of an army, duke. h--g, w. sêon (Goth. sailzan), fo see; pret. sing. seah ; pre. pl. WS. sSwon, Anglian sêgon; pp. WS. sewen, Anglian segen; sion, sêon (Goth. *seihzan, O I-IG. sihan), to strain ; pret. sing. s,h; pp. siwen, sigen; horh, dirt, gen. horwes. See Note x below. h--ng, fSn (Goth. tàhan, prim. Germ. *faljxanan» § 245 to sei»e, hSn (Goth. hS, han, prim. Germ. *xarjxanan), 
§ .4o] Other Consonant Changes 115 lo hang ; pret. pl. fêngon, hêngon ; pp fangen, hangen ; feng, grasi , booly ; hangian, lo hang ; ]ion, pêon (Goth. ]eihan, prim. Germ. ]irxanan), lo du-ire ; pret. pl. ]xmgon ; pp. ]ungen; the usual pret. pl. ]igon, pp. ]igen, were new formations, sec § 402. Norx.--i. The results of the operation of Verner's law were often disturbed in OE. through the influence of analog3- and levelling, e.g. the p, s of the present and pret. singular were extended to the pret. plural and pp. in .brêopan, îo fail; mkan, fo avoid; wrx-pan, to PwiM; _san, to arise ; genesan, to recover; lesa.n, fo collect; pret. pl. brttlon, mi]on, wri]on, .rison, genson, lson; pp. .brolen, milen, wri]en, trisen, genesen, lesen. The g of the pret. plural was levelled out into the singular in flSg, he flayed ; hl5g,/e laugled; 1, he blam«d; s15g, he slew; lwSg, he washed, sec § 509. The nd of the pret. plural and pp. was extended to the present and pret. singular in findan, pret. sing. rand. The regaalar forms of this verb would be *fx--pan (= Goth. finpan, OS. fan), to./id; pret. sing. *tô] (sec § 61), pret. pl. fundon, pp. funden. The bATS. pret. pl. s.won, they saw, had its w from the pp. sewen, and conversely the Anglian pp. segen, seen, had its g from the pret. pluraI sgon, sec § o.41. .. Causative verbs had origînaily suffix accentuation, and therefore also exhibit the change of eonsonants given above, as weor]an, to be¢ome" E.wierdan, fo destroy, injure, ep. Skr. v.rtâmi, I turn: vaxtAyNmi, I cause lo turn ; h-an, 'o go" ldan, to lead ; ..ran, to crise" rgerm, lo raise ; genesan, 1o recover" nerian, 1o save. OTHER CONSONANT CHANGES. § «zO. M ost of the sound changes comprised under this paragraph might have been disposed of in the paragraphs dealing with the shifting of the Indg. mediae and mediae aspiratae, but to prevent any possible misundersmnding or confusion, it was thought advîsable to reserve them for a'special paragraph. The Indg. medîae and mediae aspiratae became tenues 
before a period - PAonology suffixal t or  already in [§ 24o the pre-Germanic bt }p t bht bhs ps dt  ds dht j tt dhs  ts gt gs ght } kt }ks ghs t s 3ht} qt 3hs} qs Examples are: Lat. nfiptum, nfipsi, beside nfibere, to marry; Skr. loc. pl. patmî, besîde loc. sing. padi, on foot; Lat. rêxi, rectum, beside regere, to rule; Lat. vêxi, vectum, beside vehere, to carry, root wegh-; Lat. lectus, Gr. k4xos , bed, OE. licgan, Goth. ligan, fo h'e down; Skr. yukt-, Gr. guKr6s, Lat. jfinctus, yoked, root jeuc3., cp. Skr. yugtm, Gr. ,u,/6v, Lat. jugum, O E. geoc, Goth. juk, yoke ; &c. Then pt, kt, qt ; ps, ks, qs were shifted fo ft, xt; fs, xs at the saine time as the original Indg. tenues became voice- less spirants (§ 281). And tt, ts became ss through the intermediate stage of ]gt, ]s respectively, ss then became simplified to s after long syllables and before r, and then between the s and r there was developed a t. This explains the frequent interchange between p, B (b), and f; between k, S (g), and h (i. e. X}; and between t, ], d (d), and ss, s in forms which are etymologically related. p,  (b)--f. O E. scieppan, Goth. skapjan, to create, beside OE. ge-sceaft, OHG. gi.skaft, creature, Goth. ga.skafts, creation ; Goth. giban, O HG. geban, to give, beside Goth., a giving, espousal, O E. O HG. gift, g'ft; OHG. weban, to weave, beside English weft. k,  (g)--b. O E. wyrcan, Goth. watfrkjan, O HG. wurken, fo work, beside pret. and pp. OE. worhte, worht, 
§ 4o] Other Consonat Changes   7 Goth. wafirhta, wafirhts, OHG. worhta, giworht ; OE. ]yncan, Goth. ]ugkjan, O HG. dunken, bes[dc pret. and pp. O E. ]fihte, ]fiht, Goth. ]fihta, *]fihts, OHG. dfihta, gidfiht ; O E. maçon, Goth. *magun, OHG. magun, nay, can, beside pret. OE. meahta, Goth. O HG. mahta, pp. Goth. mahts, cp. also OE. meaht, Goth. mahts, O H G. maht, mîght, power; O E. bycgan, Goth. bugjan, o beside pret. and pp. O E. bohte, boht, Goth. ba£thts ; OE. OH G. bringan, Goth. briggan, fo pret. and pp. O E. brôhte, brSht, O HG. brâhta, gibrht, Goth. brgthta, *brhts. t, ], d (d)ss, s. OE. Goth. OS. witan, O.Icel. rira, beside pret. OE. wisse, Goth. OS. OHG. wtssa, O.Icel. vissa, participial adj. O E. gewiss, O.Icel. viss, OS. O HG. giwis(s), sure, certain; O E. ittan, O.Icel. ¢itja, OS. sittian, to sit, beside OE. O.Icel. OS. sess, seat; OE. cwe]an, Goth. qi]0an, go sa.v, beside Goth. ga-qiss, consent; Goth. ana.bittdan, fo command, beside ana.busns, com- nandmeng, pre-Germanie-*bh[tsrti., root bheudh.. ss became s after long syllables and before r: OE. h.tan, Goth. htan, lo cal[, beside O E. hœes from *haîsi-, command; O E. Goth. OS. witan, to know, beside OE. OS. OHG. wis, wise, Goth. unweis, nknoz.fig; OE. etma, Goth. itan, to eat, beside OE. ries, OHG. as, carafon. OE. fôstor, food, sustenance, cp. O E. fêdan, Goth. f'ôdjan, feed; Goth. gu].bl5streis, worsh'per of God, OH G. bluo. Cter, sacrifice, cp. Goth. blStan, to worship. Instead of ss (s) we often meet with st. In sueh cases the st is due to the analogy of forms where t was quite regular, e.g. regular forms were Goth. last, thou didsg gather, inf. lisan ; Goth. slSht, thou didst strik,; inf. slahan ; 0 E. meaht, 0 H G. maht, thou canst, inf. magan ; then after the anal ogy of such forms were made OE. for *wrts, Goth. wist for *wtis, O HG. wdst for *wete, thou knowest ; OE. mSst for *reAs, :ho art atlowed ; regular 
 r 8 Phonology [§§ 2 41-3 forms were pret. sing. OE. worhte, Goth. wafirhta, OHG. worh:a, beside inf. OE. wyrean, Goth. warkjan, OHG. wttrken, to work; then after the analogy of sueh forms were made OE. wiste beside wisse, OHG. wista beside wissa, I knew ; OE. mste for *mse (= O H G. muoa), I was allowed. For purely practical purposes the above laws may be thus formulated :--every labial + t became ff; every guttural + t became ht; and every dental + t beeame ss, s (st). § 4_l. Prim. Germanic w, whîch arose from Indg. (§ 87)and from Indg. q (§ .88) by Verner's law, became before tt, in other cases it became w, as Goth. magus, boy, beside mawî from *ma(5)wî, girl; pret. pl. Anglian sêgon from *soE(w)tm, they saw, beside pp. sewen from *se()wen6s; OE. sien (sion, sêon, cp. § 138), Goth. sitms, from *se(s)wn/s, a seHng, face; O E. sn.w (with .w from the oblique cases), Goth. sntiws, from *snai()waz, prîm. form *sn6iBhos, snozo; OE. OHG. sniwan for *snigan, formed from the third pers. sîng. O E. sniwe], O HG. sniwit, if snows. See § 239, Note i, § 24:9. § 249.. Assimilation :--.nw. > .nn., as O E. Goth. O HG. rinnan from *rinwan, to run; O E. cînn, Goth. kinnus, O FIG. kinni, from *genw-, Gr. yvu.s, chçn, cheek; Goth. minniza, OS. minnîra, OHG. minnîro, from *mînwizS, less, cp. Lat. mim5, Gr. pvOo, I lessen; O E. ]ynne, O.Icel. ]tmnr, OHG. dunni, rhin, cp. Skr. fera. tanvl, rhin. .md. > -nd-, as OE. Goth. OS. htmd, OHG. hant, prim. form *k_mt6m, hundred; O E. scamian, Goth. skaman, OHG. scamên, to be ashamed, beside OE. scand, Goth. skanda, O HG. scaxtta, shame, disgrace. -In. > .11., as O E. full, Goth. fulls, Lithuanian ptlnas, prim. form *pln6s, fui1; OE. wulle, Goth. wtflla, OHG. wolla, Lithuanian vtlna, woo[. § 48. Prim. Germanic n, tin, Sri qn'- (by Verner's law), and bhn'-, dhn'-, ghn'-, oohn'-, became 
§§-'44-5] O[lzer Cosonan[ Ctza,nges  I9 BI), d:d, gg before the principal accent, then later bb, dd, gg; .: .. and in like manner Indg. bn'-, dn'-, gn'-, dd, gg. And these mediae were shîfted to pp, tf, kk at the saine tîme as the original Indg. mediae became tenues (§ il8g). These geminated consonants were simplified to p, t, k after long syllables. Examples are- O E. hnoepp, OHG. napf, from *xnal)n: or xnabn'-, bas,n, 3ozvl; OE. hoppian, O.Icel. hoppa, MHG. hopfen, from *xon'-, hop; OE. OS. topp, O.Ieel. toppr, from *foin'- or tobn'-, top, smmil; OE. hêap, OS. hSp, OHG. houf, from *XaUtm'-; O E. enotta, from knoctn', beside O HG. chnodo, clmoto, knol; O E. OS. hwit, Goth. Ixreits, from *xwifln'-, a.hile ; OE. bucc, O. Icel. bokkr, OHG. boc gen. bockes), prim. form *bhugn6s, brick; O E. liccian, OS. leccSn, OHG. lecchSn, from *le$n'-, to lick; OE. locc, O.Ieel. lokkr, prim. form "lugn6s, lock; O E. smocc, O.IceI. smokkr, from smogn'-, smock; OE. 15cian, OS. 15kSn, from 15gn'- or 15,n'-, o look. § 2¢oE Indg. z + media became s+ tenuis, as Goth. asts, OHG. ast = Gr. g,o, from "":ozdos, branch, ta,ig; 0 E. OHG. nest, Lat. nidus, from ni-zlos, est, relatêd to foot sed-, si; OE. masc, OHG. masca, mesh, e, cp. Lithuanian mezgh, i tic h knots. Indg.  +media aspirata became z +voîced spirant, as O E. record, Goth. mizflS, pay, reward, cp. O. Bulgarian mizda, G r. «, .oEv; O E. mearg, O HG. marg, O. Bulgarian mozgû, narrow, foot mez¢3h-; O E. bord, Goth. huzd, OHG. hort, hoard, treasre, foot kttzdh-. § 241. Guttural n () disappeared before x, as Goth. OS. OHG. f-'ahan, OE. fSn, from 'farxanan, o sei«e; Goth. OS. OHG. hhan, OE. h5n, from *Xal]xanan, fo Goth. ]eîhan, OS. than, O H G. dïhan, O E. ]ion, ]êon, from *]ixanan, to t]u'i'e; pret. O E. ]Shte, Goth. ]hta, OS. thghta, OHG. dâhta, from *]ar3xtS-, I ttoughl, beside inf. OE. ]encan. See §§ 40-1. 
§§ =o-l. O/ber Consonant Changes of forms which regularly had w, e.g. pret. pl. swummon, swtmgon, swullon, pp. swummen, swungen (bêside regular form stmgen), swollen, beside inf. swimman, to swim, swingan, fo swhtg, swellan, to sa,dl. For Ieve]l[ng out in the opposite direction, cp. OE. OS. OHG. singan, beside Goth. siggwan (r%malar form), 1o sing; O E. sin. can, OS. O HG. sinkan, beside Goth. sigqan, to Cp. § «50. Initial and medial st became str, as O E. stréam, O.Icel. stramr, OS. OHG. strSm, stremtt, cp. Skr. srvati, it flows; pl. O E. êastron, O H G. 5starân, Easte; cp. Skr. usr£, dawn ; O E. sweostor, Goth. swistar, O HG. swester, sistc; with t from the weak stem-form, as in the locative singular Goth. swistr = prim. Germanîc *swesri = Skr. dat. svisrê. § 51. The remaining Indg. consonants suffered no further material changes which need be mentioned here. Summîng up the results of §§ l-tiO, we arrive at the following system of consonants for the close of the prim. Germanic period :--- INTER- PALATAL AND LABIAL. DENTAL. DENTAL. GUTTURAL. Explosives {voiceless p t k voiced b d g Sph'ants Jvoiceless f ] s X (voiced b d z g Nasals m n  L iu ids 1, r Semivowels w To these must be added the aspirate h. j (palatal) 
CHAPTER IX SPECIAL WEST GERMANIC MODIFICATIONS OF THE GENERAL GERMANIC CONSO- NANT-SYSTEM § SaS. Prim. Germanic z, which arose from s (§ SAS), became r medîally, and was dropped final/y, as OE. mra, OHG. mêro = Goth. raiza, greater ; pp. OE. coren, O H G. gikoran, beside inf. O E. cêosan, O H G. kiosan, lo choose ; OE. herian, Goth. hazjan, to »rise ; and simiIarly hîeran, to hear, lœeran, fo teaclz ; leornian from *liznSjan., fo learn; nerîan, to save; O E. bet(e)ra, OS. betera, OHG. beggiro, Goth. batiza, better; OE. OS. bord, OHG. hort, Goth. huzd, hoard, treasztre ; OE. dêor, OS. dior, OHG. tior, Goth. dius (gen. diuzis), prim. Germanic *d:euzan, from an origînal form *dheus6m, deer, wild aninal; OE. dœeg, OS. dag, OHG. tag=Goth, dags, from *da$az, day; OE. giest, OS. OHG. gast= Goth. gasts, from *astiz, gest; OE. O S. OH G. suru = Goth. sunus, from *sunuz, son; pl. O E. giefa, OS. gea, O HG. geb, = Goth. gibSs, from *eSz, gifts ; O E. guman = Goth. gumaus, from *omaniz, cp. Lat. homines, nen ; O E. men(n)= Goth. mans, from *manîz, n2en; adv. O E. OS. ber, O.Icel. betr, from *batiz, bet/.er; O E. OS. leng, O.Icel. lengr, from *lalgiz, longer. The followîng O E. pronouns are developed from original unstressed forms where .s became .z and then disappeared, whereas in OHG. the .z became .r in these words • gê, OS. gÏ, Goth. jts, ye ; hw,, OS. hwê, O HG. hwer, Goth. ttras, who ? ; dat. mê, OS. m, OHG. mit, Goth. mis, ne ; dat. ]ê, OS. tllî,,OHG, dit, Goth. ]us, thee ; wê, OS. wÎ, O HG. wir, Goth. weis, we. It is diftîcult to account for the loss of 
§§ *-4] The Doubling of Consozants the final consonant in the O E. adv. m, Goth., from *Elaiszæ more. § 5. Prim. Germanic d (§§ 84, 238) became d, whîch xvas shifted to t in OHG., as OE. bêodan, OS. biodan, OHG. bîotan, fo offer; OE. foeder, OS. radar, OHG. rater, fater; OE. mSdor, OS. môdar, OHG. muoter, mother ; O E. healdan, OS. haldan, O HG. haltan, fo hoM; pp. OE. worden, OS. wordan, OHG. wortan, beside inf. OE. weor]mn, to become ; OE. OS. goal, O H G. got, God; O E. OS. word, O HG. wort, u, ord. § .54. All single consonants, except r, were doubled after a short voweI before a following j. Thîs j was mostly retained in Old Saxon, but was generally dropped in O E. and OHG. j, d:j, si became bb, dal, gg (generally written cg in OE.). Examples are: O E. hlîelan, OS. *hlahhian, OHG. hlahhen = Goth. hlahjan, fo laugh; OE. lecgan, OS. leggian, OHG. leggen = Goth. lagjan, fo lay; OE. settmu, OS. ettian, OHG. setzen = Goth. satjan, o set; OE. scîeppan, OS. skeppian, OHG. skephe = Goth. skapjan, to crcate; and sîmilarly O E. bîddan, o pray; fremman, fo perform ; licgan, fo lie down ; sce]]an, fo Dffure ; ellan, fo sell, give ; sittan, to sit ; swebban, to lui! o slec ; ]ennan, to stretch ; ]rîdda (Goth. ]ridja), third ; heI1 (Goth. halja), heIl; sibb (Goth. sibja), relationsfiilh ; gen. cynnes (Goth. kunjis), of a race, gemration; and similarly brycg, bridge ; cribb, cri3, stall; crycc, crutch; henn, hen. But OE. OS. nerian, OHG. nerien = Goth. nasjan, fo saz,e; O E. herian = Goth. hazjan, fo ihraçse. For examples of West Germanic ww from w], sec § oo. NOTE.--z. The j in the combination ji had disappeared before the West Germanic doubl]ng of consonants took place, e. g. in the . and 3-pers. sing. of the pres. indicative, as OE. legest, lege], OS. legis, legid, OHG. legis, legit= Goth. lagjîs, lagji], beside in£ OE. lecgan, OS. leggian, OHG. leggen, Goth. lagjan, to la.),. 
  Phonolog [§§ .-6 2. The sing. nom. and act. of neuter nouns like bedd (Goth. nom. bad, gen. badjis), bed, cynn (Goth. knnî), race, 'eneration ; nett (Goth. mati), net, had their double consonants from the inflected forms, sec § .74. § .55. p, t, k, and h (= X) were also doubled in West German[c before a followîng r or 1. The doubling regu- larly took place in the inflected forms (as gen. O E. OS. OHG. bittres, OE. oepples, OS. apples, OHG. aphles), and was then generally transferred to the uninflected forms by levelling, as OE. bitter (biter), 0 S. OH G. bittar, cp. Goth. bitrs, biler; O E. hlttor (hlfitor), OS. hluttar, O HG. hlfittar, cp. Goth. hlfirs, clear» pure; O HG. kupfar, beside O E. copor, Lat. cuprttrn, COlper ; OE. snottor (snotor), OS. 0 HG. snottar, cp. Goth. snutrs, wise; O E. wœeccer (woecer, wacor), O HG. wackar, watc]#d; OS. akkar, 0 HG. ackar, beside OE. oecer, cp. Goth. akrs, fieId; 0 E. oeppel (oepl), OS. appul, 0 HG. aphul, op. O.Icel. epli, allMe ; OS. luttil, 0 H G. lutzil, besîde O E. 1.rtel, little. In some words double forms arose through levelling out in differem directions; thus regular forms were nom. sing. têar (-- OHG. zahar) from "teahur, older *taxur, œear, gen. *teahhres (Nth. toehhres), nom. pl. *teahhras (Nth. toehhras). From tœehhres, toehhras, &c., was formed a new nom. sing. toehher in Nth., whereas the other dîalîcts generalized têar, whence gen. sîng. têares, nom. pl. têaras. In like mmaner arose êar beside Nth. œehher, car of corn ; gêol beside geohhol, Yule, C[2risimas. Sec §§ 219, 260. . 250. Doubling of consonants also regularly took place belote a following n in the weak declension of nouns, as "sing. nom. *knotS, knot, acc. *knotan(un), beside pl. gen. *knotnS(n) > *knottS(n), dat. *knotnum. > *knottum-. This interchange between the sîngle and double consonants gave fise to levelling in a twofold direction, so that one or other of the forms was transferred to all cases ; thus in OE. 
§§ 26 -'. Semîvowels add«r, beside older œetgœedte}re, bledre, oedre, gegad(e). rode, noedre ; comparative betra, b«lle5 deopçr, deeer, geliccra, more likc, hwîttra, whiter, riccra, more yttra, outc G beside older bet(e)ra, dêopra, geHcra, hwitra, Ncra, ra. Gen. miccles beside older cles, nom. micel, gmt. In words like attor, poison, foddor, moddor, mother, tuddor, roge0 beside older tor, fdor, mgdor, dor, the doubling of the consonant went out from the inflected fos, as gen. Ares, nom. pl. mdru, which regularly became atres, moddru and from which a new nom. attor, moddor was foed. On a similar doubling of consonants in West Germanic, sec  .  01. The Germanic voiceless spirants, f, , s became the voiced spirants , a, z mediMly between voiced sounds, although the f, , s were retained in writing, as ofen, oz.en ; wulfa$, ,olves  296 ; as, oaths ; brSor, brolher ; eore, ea-th,  302 ; bSsm, bosom ; nosu, uose ; 5sle, ousd,  307. NorE.--This voicing of f, , s only took place in simple words, but hot in compounds, sueh as pwêan, to s]; gefeoht, baale ; gesendan, o send ; wsm, #leasat.  262. The Germanic voiced spîrants , g became the voiceless spirants f ( 294), x( 320, Note, 82g) before voice- less sounds and finaIly, as geoE, 0 H G. b, he gave; healf, OHG. halb, hall; , OHG. wib, won, w ; burh, city, sorh, sorrow, dâh, dough, bê, ring, bracekl, beside gen. bge, sorge, dAges, bêages ; sghst beside older sgest, thou ascendcsl. THE S EMIVO,VELS. W § .61t. Germanic w = the w in NE. wet (generally written uu, u, > in O E. manuscripts) remained initially before vowels, and generally also initially before and al'ter 
 8 Phonology [§ 64 consonants, as woes, Goth. OS. O HG. was, was; O E. OS. Goth. witan, OHG. wiggan, fo know ; and similarly wadan, fo go, wade ; wascan, fo wash ; wpen, weapon ; woeron, were ; woeter, water ; wearm, warm ; weder, weather ; wefari, to weave ; weor]an, fo become ; wd, wt'de; wilde, wtM; windan, fo wind; wînter, winter; wolcen, cloud ; wundor, wonder ; wyrean, to work. wlanc, proud; wlite, OS. wli:i, form, 3eagly, Goth.;s, face cotgte2a¢ce ; wlitig, beauliful; wracu, Goth. wraka, revenge, persecuttbn; wrg], angry; writan, go write. cwên, Goth. qêns, queen, wife ; cwe]mn, Goth. qi]an, go say ; hwà, Goth. bras, who ?; hwte, Goth. hrgtiteis, wheat; dwellan, 0 HG. twellen, to tarry ; dweorg, O H G. :werg, dwaf; ]wêan, Goth. ]wah«n, fo wash ; ]weorh, Goth. ]wafrhs, angry, perverse ; sweltan, Goth. swil:an, to die ; sweostor, Goth. swistar, sister; tw, Goth. tw.i, lwo ; :welf, Goth. twalif, twelve. § 9.étzt. Medîal w generally remained before vowels, as O E. OS. OH G. spiwan, Goth. speiwan, fo rotait, spit; and similarly awel, awl; gesewen, seen; lg.werce, lark ; s.wol, Goth. s.iwala, soul; sniwan, fo show ; ]awian from wjan, go thaw, see § .. In verbs like bl_wan, O HG. blâan beside bl.ian,/o blow; blwan, OHG. bluoan beside bluoian, bluowen, lo bloom  s.wan, Goth. saian, OHG. beside sian, s.wen, go sow; w.wan, Goth. waian, O HG. w.en besîde wâ.ian, fo blow (of Æhe wind), it is diffî- cuit to determine how far the w was etymological and how far it was originally merely a consonantal glide developed between the long and the short vowel ; and similarly in cnwan, fo know ; crtwan, go crow ; flSwaxt, to flow ; grwan, to grow ; hlwan, o low ; mAwan, to mozv ; rwan, 1o row ; ]r.wn, fo twist. eowe, ewe ; eowestre, Goth. awistr, sheepfoM; hweo. wol, zvheel; meowle, Goth. mawil6, maiden ; streowede, 
§ .! Semivozvels 129 Goth. strawida, I strewed ; ]eowian, to serve. See §§ 77, 89. Gen. sing. bearwes, bealwes, cneowes, gearwes, snwes, strawes, treowes, ]eowes, beside nom. bearu, grove, bealu, evil, calamily, cnêo, knee, gearu, ready, anA, snou; strêa, straw, trêo, tree, ]êo, serinant; gen. dat. sing. lgeswe, mgdwe, sceadwe, beside nom. loes, pasture, mged, meadow, sceadu, shade, shadow. See §§ 215, 9.66. froetwan, lo adorn ; gearwe, compIeleIy ; gearwîan, to 2breare; nearwe, naî'rozeIy; nierwan, fo narrow ; sier. wan, fo devise; smierwan, fo anohtt, smear ; spearwa, Goth. sparwa, stbarrow ; wealwîan, fo watlow ; wielwan, lo roll. brêowan, o brew, cp. O.Icel. pp. bruggenn, brewed; cêowan, 0 H G. kiuwan, fo chew; getriewe, truc, faithful getrîewan, o lrus!; hêawan, Goth. *haggwan, o hew niewe, niwe, new ; scêawian, Goth. *stmggwSn, fo exam) G view. See §§ 76, 90, 135. § 2{$5. When w came to stand at the end of a word or sylIable, it became vocalized to u (later o). The u then combined wîth a preceding short vowel to form a long diphthong, but disappeared after long stems, long vov«els, and diphthongs, as nom. bealu (later bealo), oe, il, calamity, bearu, grove, gearu, read); mearu, tender, nearu, narrow, searu, armour, beside gen. bealwes, bearwes, gearwes, mearwes, nearwes, ¢earwes ; masc. acc. sing. gearone from *gearwne, read.v. Nom. cnêo, kee, strêa, slraw, trêo, lree, ]êo, servant, beside gen. cneowes, streawes, treowes, ]eowes. g.d, Goth. gidw, want, iack, , ô, Goth. &iw, ever; hr., Goth. hrfiîw, corpse ; hrêa, raw sn., Goth. sniws, SHOW. But the w was mostly reintroduced into the nom. sîng. from the inflected forrns, especially after long vowels and long diphthongs. Regular forms were" nom. cnêo, strêa, gen. cneowes, sntwes, streawes, from the latter o.«. K 
 3o Phonology [§ of whieh vas formed a new nom. cnow, snS.w, strêaw; and similarly hrw, cotise ; hrêaw, raw ; trêow, tree; ]êow, servant; lw, lazy ; stw, place ; bêow, barley ; dêaw, déw ; glêaw, wise ; hiew, lw, shape, colour; hnêaw, stingy; hrêow, re2bengance ; trêow, faith. And eonversely from the new nom. was sometimes formed a new.-gen.» as cnêow, rêowes, beside older cneowes, treowes. § 266. w disappeared before u, and e (--older i), as nom. clêa from *cla(w)u, claw ; ls from *ls(w)u, «ture ; moed from *moEd(w)u, meadow; sceadu from *scad(w)u, shade, Mmdow; ]rêa from *]ra(w)u, threat» besidi gen. loeswe, mdwe, sceadwe ; nom. aec. heUr. fêa from *fa(w)u, f ew ; dat. fêam from *fa(w)um, see § 14o ; dat. pl. cnêom from *cne(w)um, beside nom. sing. cnêo, knee. And similarly at a later period" betuh, betmeen, cucu, qu(ck, al(ve, cudu, c«t, uton, let us beside older betwuh, cwucu, cwudu» wuton. cû from *k(w)Q, older *kwS, cow; h from *h(w)5, older *hwS, how; neut. ri from *t(w)5, older *twS, lwo. See § 180.  from *.(w)i., older *aiwi. (Goth. .iws), law; hrœe from *tlr.(w)i., older *hraîwi., cor#se ; s f'rom *s.(w)i., older *saiwt. (Goth. s.iws), sea ; giere], prim. Germanic *$arwi], he #re.pares ; pret. gierede, prim. Germanic *$arwitoe., he »repared, beside inf. gierwan; and simi- larly pret. nierede, sierede, smierede, wielede, beside înf. nierwan, to narrozo ; sierwan, to devise ; smierwan, to anoîn ; wielwan, fo roll. The w was often reintroduced after the analogy of forms where w was regular, as nom. clawu, ]rawu (beside the regùlar nom. clêa, ]rêa), new formations from the gen. and dat. clawe, ]rawe; dat. pl. sœewum beside sm, with w from the gen. pl. swa, ofseas ; pret. pl. rêowun bëside rêon, with w from rSwan, to row ; and similarly o 
§§ 267-9! Semiz,owels  3  grêowun, .on, dwy grew; sêowun, they sozeed ;. &c. On forms lîke pret. pl. swulton, lhe died; swummon, they swam, sec  Z49. erwe, he prepares, pret. eede, beside the regular foas ere, erede, with w from erwan; cnw for *cn from *cna(w)i, he with w from the inf. cnwan.  207. w often disappeared in the second element of eompounds ealneg, -ig, for ene weg, al'ays; fuht from *f wuht, baplism; aford from *âf weard, lord; h. Çç9 *h W wende, lransiory; nRuht beside older nA-wt, naught. And in certaîn verbal forms with the negative prefix, as nœes = ne woes, was hot; nœeron = ne woeron, were hot; nAt = ne nolde = ne wolde, wouM nol nysse = ne wîzse, he kne hot; ncn = ne witcn, they knoa, hot. § 268. Germmfic j (= consonantal i) generally remained initially in Gothic, OS. and OHG., but disappeared in O.Icel. In O E. it had become a palatal spirant like the y in NE. yet, yon already in the oldest period of the lan- guage. I t was usually written g, ge (also i, gi before a following u). Examples are" gêax, Goth..iêr, OS. O HG. ju', O.Icel. af, year; geoc, iuc, Goth. juk, OHG. joch, O.Icel. ok, yohe; geong, giong, gitmg, îtmg, Goth. juggs, OS. OHG. jung, O.IceI. ungr, ).oung; and simi- larly gê, gie, ye ; gêo, gîo, ifi, formerl.)' of old; geogo], giogo], iugo]), youth; geSmor, sad, mournful; geond, through, beyond; #est, yeast; gingra, younger. See § 51. § s{lt}. Germartic medial .ij. bec.ame -î- which combined with a following guttural vowel to form a diphthong, as bio, bêo, Germanic stem-form *bijSn-, bee; fêond, Goth. tî]ands, enemy; fréo from frija-, free; frêond, 
 .3 2 Ph, onology [§§ Goth. frij5nds, friend; nom. act. neut. ]wio, ]rêo, from *priju = Goth. ]rija, three, see § 104. § «,/0. If is generally assumed that Germanic j remained in O E. between vowels when the first element was a long vowel or diphthong, but it is, however, more probable that j regularly disappeared in this position and that at a later period a consonantal glide (written g, ge)was developed between the vowels, as was sometimes the case in OS. and OHG., as cîegan from *kaujan, fo call; frigea older friegea = Goth. fr.uja, lord, toaster; dat. hiege, Anglian hêge = Goth. hfi.uja, îege= Goth. *.ujfi.i, beside nom. hieg, hay, ieg, island; prêagean from *]rauSjan, to threaten; and similarly fêog(e)an, fo hale; frêog(e)an, to love. Cp. § 275. Noxs.--Forms liki nom. hîig, Goth. hawi, hay; ieg, îg, Goth. *awi, gen. *AujSs, had the final g from the inflected forms, as gen. tffeges, dat. hiege, gen. and dat. ieg¢. § 271. Germanic medial j (written i, g; ig, eg, also ige before a) remained after r in the combinationshort vowel + r, as herîan, hergan, herigan, heregan, herigean, Goth. hazjan, to praise; and similarly nerian, Goth. nasjan, o save ; werian, Goth. wasjan, lo clothe, wear ; gen. sing. heries, herges, heriges, Goth. harjis, nom. ph hergas, herigas, herigeas, Goth. harjSs, armies. The i, e in ig, eg represent a vocalic glide which wæs developed between the r and the j. And the e in ige merely indicates the palatal nature of the preceding g. §.272. Germanic medial j disappeared after original long closed syllables or syllables which became long the West Germanic gemination of consonants (§ 254), as doelan, Goth. dîljan, to divide ; dêman, Goth. dSmjan, fo judge; fyllan, Goth. fulljan, to fill; geliefan, Goth. gal.ubjan, fo bdi«ve ; hieran Goth. h,usjan, to hear; êcan, Goth. t, ôkjan, to seek. gierd from *eardju = Goth. 
§§   -4] Semivowels  3 3 "gardja, rod, lwig; hild from hildju = Goth. hildja, war; gen. rces from *rikjes, Goth. reikjis, of a leingdom. biddan, Goth. bidjan, to pray; hebban, Goth. hafjan, fo raise ; hliehhan, Goth. hlahjan, fo lattgh ; lecgan, Goth. lagjan, lo lay; scieppan, Goth. skapjan, to creac ; settan, Goth. satjan, go set. Gen. sing. eddes, Goth. badjis, of a bed; cynnes, Goth. kunjis, of a race, generation ; willa, Goth. wîlja, zcqlI; henri from *hennju, oldet *×annj --- Goth. *hanja, hen ; and similarly crycc, Goth. *krukja, cr«lch ; bel1, Goth. halja, hell" sibb, Goth. sibja, rclaloshit ; gen. helle, sibbe -- Goth. haljs, sibjs. No'r.--j disappeared medially before i already in \Ves Germanic; henee x'erbs, which have double consonants in the înf. by the ,Vest Germanic gemination of eonsonants, hax'e only a single consonant in the second and third pers. sing. of the present indicative, as legest, lege] ----- Goth. lagjis, lagji], beside inf. leegan = Goth. lagjan, to § 9.78. Germanic final .jan became .Jan through the intermediate stages .êjan, ejan, .ijan, .ian, as lcian from *lkjan, to looh ; macian from *makjan, o #zahe. The g in forms like lcig(e)an, macig(e)an is merely a conso- nantal glide vhich was developed between the i and the a. The Germanic ending-ij(i) from Indg..eje became -i during the prim. Germanic period, then .i became shortened .i (§ 9.14). This .i regularly disappeared in pre- historie O E. ai'ter original long stems, but remained .i • (later e) after original short stems, as hîer, Goth. hausei, from *xattzi, hear thou; sêc, Goth. sSkei, seek thou; but nere, Goth. nasei, save thon ; and similarly bide, pray thou ; freine, perform thot ; lege, lay t]tott ; sete, set lhott. § 9.7. \¥hen j came to stand finally after the Ioss of the case endings .az, .an (= Indg.-os, .oto), it became vocal- ized to .i which became .e af a later period, as hierde, OS. hirdi, OHG. hirti, Goth. (acc.) ha[rdi, shcpherd; and similarly encle, end; here, afin_v; loece, ph.t'sician ; riee, 
 4 Phono/o,y [§§ 7- OS. riki, OH G. rihhi, Goth. reiki, kingdom',wite, OS. witi, punishment. The regularly developed forms ofhrycg, back, secg, man., bedd, bed, cynn, race, generation, nerf, neg, and of similar masculine and neuter nouns with double consonants in the nom. and acc. singular, would be *hryge, Goth. (acc.) *hrugi; *sege, Goth. (acc.) *sagi; *bede, Goth. badi ; *cyne, Goth. kuni; *nete, Goth. nati. The nom. and acc. sing. are new formations with double con- sonants from the inflected stem-forms. § .75. Germanîc jj became ddj in Goth. and gg(j) in O.Icel. In OE.-ijj- became -i. through the intermediate stage .ij.; and -ajj- became-- through the intermediate stages .aîj., .âj-. And then between the .i., .œe. and a following vowel a consonantal glide (written g) was de- veloped (cp. § «'/0), whîch was often levelled out into the uninflected forms, as frigedœeg, îri:loeg, Friday, beside frêo from *frio, older *frij, OS. fri, oman; êode from *iode, older *, Goth. iddja, he went; gen. oege, coege, wœege, beside nom. oeg (0. Icel. egg, O S. OH G. ei)i eig. coeg, key, woeg (Goth. waddju, O.Icel. veggr), wall; cloeg, Goth. (fera.) *kla.ddja, OS. klei, clay. § 71. Germanic 1 generally remained in O E. both initiaIly, medially, and finally, as lecgatt, Goth. lagjan, O.Icel. leggja, 053. leggian, O HG. leggen, fo la3,; lgepan, Goth. slêpan, OS. slâpaxa, O HG. slAfan, fo sleep; OE. OS. OHG. telan, Goth. stilan, O.Icel. tela, fo steaI; OE..OS. helpart, Goth. hilpan, O.Icel. hjalpa, .OHG. helfan, fo hdp ; ellan, Goth. saljan, O.Icel. elja, OS. ellian, OHG. ellen, fo give, sell; feallan, O.Icel. falla, OS. OFIG. fallan, fo fall; sceal, Goth. O.Icel. OS. 
§§ -] Liquids  3 5 O H G. skal, shall ; and similarly lamb, lamb ; land, [and; lang, long; laedan, go lead ; lêof, dear ; leornian, fo learn ; lif, l; lufu, love; lrtel, h'/tle, ealu, a/e; meolu, meal" miolue, mitk ; talu, numbo; laie. bl5d, blood; clgene, c[ean ; ffCh, lo flce ; glœed, glad ; hlgtford, lord; wlonc, proud, feld,.fieM; foie, folk ; folgîan, tofollow; gold,goM; helm, hehnel ; meltan, to mdt ; wealdan, to widd, gov.ern. ztille, sttTl, silent ; tellan, to tdl ; veilla, wilL fyllan, to 3q[t gealla, ga//; weallan,/o bot't; wulle, wooL col, coal; cool; fûl, foul" fttgol, fowl, bt)'d ; zmoel, sletMcr ; sadol, saddle ; stoeI, he stolc, hyll, bill eall, all; full, full. On vocalic 1 as in oepl, apple ; ndl, ncedlc ; nœegl, hall; segl, sail; sel;l, seat, see§ § 277. sl undenvent metathesis in unstressed syllables, as byrgels, OS. burgislî, [omb; roEdels, OS. r.dîslo: 3,IH G. rœetsel, riddle .; and similarly bridels, bridl«; fœetels, tt«b, ¢,essel; gyrdels older gyrdisl, gh'dle ; rîe¢els, Dtcense. M etathesis of 1 rarely look place in stem-s3"llables , as Anglian bold, da,elling, seld, seal, sp.ld, sah'z,a, beslde botl, setl, spgttl. § 278. Germanîc r generally remained in O E. both initially, medially, and finally, as rêad, Goth. O.Icel. raut5r, OS. rd, OHG. rot, red; OE. OS. OHG. bringan, Goth. briggaxa, fo brng; laere, Goth. harjis, OS. 0 H G. heri, army ; OE. O $. word, Goth. waîwd, O H G. wor, word; feorran, from afar, Goth. fMrra, far off; foeder, Goth. OS. radar, O. Icel. fagîr, OHG. rater, fatho'; and similarly roedan, o a&,ise ; râp, tope; regn, tain ; rîce, hhtgdom ; rîdan, to ride; rîm, numb«r ; rodor, sky ; rûm, room. erêopan, lo creep ; drêam, mirth ; frêo, jî-ee ; grêne, green ; hrôf, roof; strêam, strcam ; trêo, tree ; writan, o rx,rite, beran, to bear; cearu, care, sorrov« duru, door; faran, lo go, lral,d, bierce, bh'ch ; burg, cil.v; 
 3 6 Phonology [§§ etrm, arm ; eor]e, earh ; feorh, life; heard, hard; seearp, sharp ; spearwa, sparrow ; steorfan, fo die ; ]orn, thorn ; ]mrh, tl¢rough ; weore, work. .fierran, to remove ; steorra, star. frr, tire; hamor, hammer; mdor, mother; têar, tear ; wer, nan. Nox.--r disappeared in late OE. in speean, to speak, spoee, "speech, beside older spreean, sproee. § 7. West Germanic medial r from older z (§ .fi2) remained in O E., as betra, Goth. baiza, better; herian, Goth. hazjan, fo praise ; hord, Goth. huzd, treasure ; and smilarly coren, chosen; dêor (Goth. dius, gen. diuzis), deer» wild animal; ê.re, ear; hîerau, fo hear; ieldra, êlder ; lœeran, go teach ; lornian, fo learn; mra, larger ; nerian, go save; woeron, they zoere. îerre, Goth. airzeis, OS. OHG. îrri, angry; and similarly *durran, to dare; mîerran, go hinder, mar ; ]yrre, dry, wighered. § Ils0. Antevoealie r often became postvocalie by meta- thesis when a.short vowel was followed by n, tan, +consonant, as oern, Goth. razn, O.Icel. rann, bouse; forse, O.Ieel. froskr, OHG. frosk, frog; forst, O.Icel. OS. OHG. frost, frost ; hors, O.IceI. OS. hross, OHG. ro (gen. rose), horse; iernan, Goth. OS. 0 HG. rinnan, O.Icel. rinna, go run ; and similarly bœernan (wv.), biernan (sv.), fo burn ; bmr, perch (a fish); berstan, 'o burs't; cœere, cress; fersc, fresh ; fierst, sace of rime; goers, grass; hœern, ave ; ]erean, fo thresh (corn); wœerna beside wroetma, wren. § «81,  or 1 + r became ss, 11 by assimilation, as from *loes(i)ra, smallêr; rem. gen. dat. sing. ]isse (OHG. desera, desero), from *]àsre, ofthis; gen. pl. ]àssa (O.HG. desero), from *]isra; gen. sing. 5sses from * 5sres, our; dat. fissure from *srum. sêlla beside sélra, beller. 
§§ 82- Vasals  3 7 THE  m § 28. Germanic m gcnerally remained in O E. both initially, medially, and finally, as mna, Goth. mêna, O.Icel. mne, OS. OHG. mno, moon ; OE. Goth. gma, O.Icel. gume, OS. mo, OHG. gomo, man ; OE. OS. dumb, Goth. dumbs, O.Icel. dumbr, OHG. tumb, dumb; OE. O.Icel. OS. OHG. r, om ; and similarlymacian, to make ; mann, man ; mwan, fo mo ; meltan, fo mdt ; rein, my; mSdor, mother ; m, mOZ«l]t, can, fo conte; nama, tamc ; niman, to take ; m, tfmc ; fima, tht«mb. besma, besoin; climban, fo climb ; gelimpan, fo happen ; lamb, lamb. fremman from *framjan, topcform ; swim- man, to swhn. bêam, [rte ; brSm, broom ; hm, home; helm, hehnet ; wyrm, snabe, swamm, he swam. On vocalic m as in oe>m, breath; bSsm, bosom; botm, bottom ; mAm, treamre, see  219.  2S3. m disappeared in prehistoric O E. boefore f, s with lenThening of the preceding vowel, as , Goth. OHG. , ve; ôsle, OHG. amsala, ousd; Sfte, OHG. samfto, soft  sêfte, sofL But m remained when if came to stand belote s ai a later per]od, as gmsian from *misîan = OHG. grimmizô, o rae ; s beside older trimes, tmesse (OHG. dmissa), a coçn.  zoE Final -m, when an element of inflexion, bame .n in late OE., as dat. pl. dagon, eîo, son beside older da, eî, sum; dat. sing. and pl. gon beide older gàum, good. § 285. Germanic 11 generally remained in OE. both initially, medially, and finally, as nama, Goth. 11am5, OS. OHG. 11amo, naine; OE. OS. OHG. stmu, Goth. stmus, O.Icel. sullr, sot,; OE. Goth. OHG. spinnan, O.Icel. spinna, to spin;pennan, OS. thennian, OItG. dennen, 
- 38 Phonology [§§ 86-8 Goth. ]anjan, O.Icel. ]enja, lo stretch; and similarly nacod, naked; nffedl, needIe ; nefa, nephew ; nett, net. clffene, clean ; grêne, een ; mna, moon ; muc, monk ; wênan, [o expêct, bindan, fo bind; blind, bli; cnêo, knee ; frêond, 'iend; hand, hand; hnutu, mol ; sendan, go send ; windan, to wind. spannan, lo clasp ; sunne, sun ; ynn(e), thin. ban, bone ; ewên, queen ; heofon, heaven ; mylen, mi/l; stn, slone, cinn, chin; henn, hen; mann, man ; synn, sin. On vocalic n as in hrœefn, raven; regn, rah2; tacn, token, see   88. n disappeared in prehistoric OE. before , s with lengthening of the preceding vowel, as cfip, Goth. kuns, OHG. kund, known ; êst, Goth. ansts, OHG. anst, stem- form ansti., favour; ôer, Goth. anar, OHG. andar, other; ris, Goth. O HG. uns, us; and similarly can, o make known ; dfist, dust ; fris, ready ; gesi, companion ; g5s, goose ; h5s (0 H G. hansa), hand, escort; mfi, mouth ; , journey ; t5, toogh ; wpscan, lo w2sh ; st, storm. The long vowel became shortened in unstressed syllables, as fracaS,-o, Goth. frs, deMised ; and similarly du}, slrenh, valour; geogu, youth ; nima from *nimB, older *nemon., they take, see  18. But n re- mained when it came to stand before s at a later period,  eloenian from *elnisîan, older *klais5jan, lo cleanse; nian from *minnisian, to dimhdsh; wînster older winester (OHG. wister), hft, I hand ; also in the Latin loanword 9insian (Lat. pensgre), to consideç  87. n sometimes disappeared between consonants, as elbo beside elnboga, elbow; pret. nemde from *nemnde, he named ; oeter6œeg beside sœeterndœeg, Saturday.  88. FinM -n generally disappeared in verbal forms before the pronouns wê, wît ; gê, git, as bînde wê, let us bind; b6e gê, Nd ye! ; bande wê?, did we bind?. See  . 
§ 9. " VasaIs Final .n disappeared in Nth. in words of more than onc $yllable. This law was fairly well preserved in the infini- tire, the pres. and pret. pl. subjunctive, the weak declension of nouns and adjectives, numerals, and adverbs, but in strong nouns and adjectives including the pp. of strong verbs, the final .n was generally reintroduced into the nom. singular from the înflected forms. It was also mostly reintroduced into the indic, pret. plural through the in- fluence of the (?)past participle which itself was a new formation. Examples are" bera, fo beau; gehêra, fo hea; lœera, fo teach, senda, to send= WS. beran, gehieran, tœeran, sendan; gihêre, they may beau; sprece, they moEv sfleak = WS. gehieren, sprecen; bite, lhey might bile = \VS. bîten; gen. dat. acc. sing. fola, foal, heorta, heart = WS. folan, heortan ; nom. acc. pl. galga = WS. gealgan, gallows; seofo beside nflected form seofona, seven ; bêfora, belote, bînna, wilhh,, fearra, ri'oto afar, rtor]a, jî-om the north, westa,fi-om the a,esl = \VS. beforan, binnan, feorran, nor]:an, westan; but dryhten, lord, heofon, heaven, hê]ven, healhen, .risen, arisen, genumen, taken, with .n from the inflected forms ; bêrtm, lhey bore, cwmun, they came, lœeddun, they led. § SO. The Germanic guttural nasal x] (written g in Gothic, and n in the other Germanic languages) only occurred medially before g and k (written c in O E.). It disappeared in the combination lX already in prim. Ger- manie (§ 4.5). In O E. it remained mattural or became palatal according as the following g, c remained guttural or became palatal, op. § 809. Examples are: OE. OHG. bringan, Goth. briggan, to brhtg; drineaxa, Goth. drigkan, OS;. drinkan, OHG. trinkan, fo drinb ; geong, Goth. juggs, O.Icel. ungr, OS. OHG. jung, young ; and similarly linger, finger ; gangan, 1o go ; hangian, to hang; hungor, 
 40 Phonoloy §§ hunger ; lang, long ; tunge, gongue ; sincan, fo sink ; singan, fo sing ; swincan, fo labour; tungol, star, con. sdlation. bnc from *barjkiz, bench ; lengra, OS. lengira, 0 HG. lengiro, longer; ]encan, Goth. ]mgkjan, OS. thenkian, OHG. denken, to think ; and similarly drencan, o Kive o drink ; enge, narrow ; engel, anKel; englisc, English ; finch; mngn, fo mix; engari, 'o sinKe ; treng], prim. Germanic tra$i]ô, slrenKth ; ]yn¢ar, go seem. § .OO. The guttural xj disappeared in an unstressed syllable when preceded by n in a stressed syllable in the course of the O E. period» as cyrtig, kinK, penig, lhenny, beside older cyrdng, pening; htmig, O.Icel. hunang, OHG. hona.rig beside honag', honey. THE LABIAL$. § 91. Germanic p from indg. b (§ «82)was of rare occurrence, especially initially. Most of the words begin- nîng with p in O E. are Latin or Greek loanwords. remained in O E. both initially, medially, and finally, as pâl (Goth. pida), cloak ; pening, O. I cel. petmingr, O HG. pfetming, penny ; open, O.I cel. operm, OS. opan, O HG. offan, ope ; sloepan, Goth. slêpan, OS. sl.pan, OHG. slfan, o sleep; ¢lêop, Goth. diups, O.Icel. djfipr, OS. diop, O HG. tioî, deep; and similarly poe], path; port, pot; plegari, o Iay ; pliht, danger, pIight ; plg, plough ; prût, proud ; spere, spear ; sprecan, 'o speak, clyppan, to embrace ; grpîau, to grope ; stoeppan, fo sgel ; sfipan, 'o drînk; sw.pan, o sweep ; wœepert, weapon ; wêpan, to weep. hearpe, harp ; helpan, go help ; weorpan, go throw, c.ast, lxêsp, lroop, heap ; râp, rope ; scêap, sheep ; scearp, sharp ; scîp, ship ; fip, Examples of Lat. loanwords are" cuppe (late Lat. cuppa), 
-9-'-3] Labials 4  ; p.wa, pêa (Lat. p.vo), peacock; peru (Lat. pirum,t, 'af; 9ic (Lat. act. picem), pilch; pixasian (Lat. pens.reL weigh, consider; liSe fLat. pisum), pea; pund (Lat. ndo), pottnd; Iyle (Lat. acc. pttlvixmm), pilloo; pytt .at. act. pttteum), pit. b § . We bave already seen that prim. Germanîc  from adg. bla became b initially, and also medially after m uring the prim. Germanic period (§ 9.8); that prim. ermanic N became bb in West Germanic i'§ 254) ; and that le further development of prim. Germanic/ belonged to ae history of the separate Germanic languages (§ ermanic b, and West Germanic bb from lj (§ 2i) and ri in the weak declension of nouns (§ 56), remained in )E., as OE. OS. O HG. beran, Goth. bafran, O.Icel. .era, to bear; OE. OS. blind, Goth. blinds, O.Icel. .linflr, OHG. blint, blind; brecan, Goth. brikan, OHG. ,relahan, to break; and similarly boec, back; boe], bath; ta, bone; bêam, tree; bêodan, fo command; bindata, o nd; bitan, to brie; blme, black; bl,wan, to blow; bl5d, .lood; bSe, book; bodig, body; brtd, broad; bringata, fo ,ring ; brycg, bridge. dumb, Goth. flttmbs, O.Icel. dttmbr, OHG. tumb, tumb ; and similarly camb, comb ; elimban, Io climb ; amb, lamb ; ymb(e), about, around ; wamb, stomach. bedd (Goth. gen. badjis), bed; sibb, Goth. ibja, OS. dbbia, O HG. sibba, rdationship, peace ; and similarly :ribb, crib ; habb.n, to have ; libban, to lire; nebb, beak ; dbb, rib ; webb, web. ebba (§ 2îi6), ebb. § 08. Germanic medial  remained in O E. between roiced sounds. In the oldest perîod of the language it vas mostly written b, as giabata, to give; libr, &,er; ober, over. But owîng to the tact that Germanic f became b medially between voiced sounds, although the f was 
142 Phonology [§§ retained in writing (§ .o). thê f also came to be used regularlyto represent Germanic t in OE. On the normal development of 1 in the other Germanie languages, see § .80. Examples are: giefan, Goth. giban, O.Icel. gefa, OS. getan, 0 HG. geban, fo give ; hoefde, Goth. hab.ida, 0 S. barda, habda, 0 H G. habêta, he had; sealfian, Goth. OHG. salbn, OS. slon, to anoing ; seofon, Goth. OHG. ilmn, OS. sitmn, seven; and-similarly œefen, evening; beofor, be«ver ; cnafa, boy ; deIfan, o dfg ; flrifan, 1o drfve ; haîs, thou hasg hafa], he bas; heafoe, hawk ; hêafod, hêad ; hefig, heavy ; heofon, heaven ;, lord, malter; hroefrt, raven; lœefan, o leave ; lifde, he h'ved; lifer, liver; lofian, fo lraise ; lufian, fo love; ofer, over; scfifan, o #ush; siolufr, seolfor, sillet; stefn, voice', steorfan, fo die; wefan, to weave ; yfel, erg; gen. wifes, 0 H G. wibes, dat. wife, OHG. wîbe, beside nom. wif, 0 HG. wib, woman. Also in Lat. loanwords with b = late Lat. v, as dêofol (Lat. diabolus), devil; fêfor (Lat. fbris), lever ; tœefl (Lat. tbula), chess.board, die; trifot (Lat. tributum), Noz..---fn, fro became mn, mm in late OE., as emn (Goth. îbns), even; stemn (Goth. stibn), voîce, beside older ef(e)n, stof(e)n ; îmman (pl. wïmmen) beside older wfman, zooman. § g&. Final  became the voiceless spirant f in O E. Goth. and OS. and thus fell together with Germanic final f (§ 9), as geaf, Goth. OS. gai', OHG. gab, he gave ; healf, OS. hall, O HG. halb, hall; blé.f, Goth. acc. hlfiAf, O HG. hleib, loaf, bread; and similarly cealf, calf; dêaf, deaf ; dealf, he dug ; lêaf, leaf ; lêof, dear ; lif, lire; lof, #raise ; scêaf, he #ushed ; wif, wif e, woman. f § . Germanic f remained initially, medially before voiceless consonants, and finally» as foeder, Goth. faflar, O.Iceh fr, OS. faflar, OHG. rater, father; OE. OS. tîf, Goth,'. OHG. final rive; OE. OS. f6t, Goth. f6tus, 
O.Icel. f6tr, OHG. fuog, foot; 8;esceaft, Goth. gaskafts, crealion, OS. giskaft, desiny, OHG. gicaft, creal«re ; OE. O.Icel. OS. OHG. hot', court, dîvelh'nK; OE. OS. wulf, Goth. acc. wulf, O HG. wolf, wo//'; and similarly fœeger, fair, beat«tifd; foest, firm; foet, ¢,essel va; /ëw ; feallan, ofall; feld, field; feohtan, 'o fih; fêower, four; fe]er, feaawr; findan, o find', flsc, flesh; fleax, flax', flêogan, 1o fly; f6da, food; folc, folk ; folgîs.n, to follow ; fram, from ; frêo, free ; frêond, frçend ; frêosan, o free, e ; fugol, bird; full, futl ; frr, tire. oefter, after; croefl:, skill; girl-, marriage g[ft; offriaxa, 'o offer; pyffan, o lUff ; roefsan, refsan, lo relhrove ; sceaft, shaft, pole. ceaf, daff ; hBî, he raised ; hrf, roof. § .0. Germanic medial f became B (= the v in NE. var) between voiced sounds and thus £ell together wîth îermaniî  in this position (§ flOB). In the oldest perîod of the language the two Germanic sounds were mostly kept apart, the former being xvritten f, and the latter b. Examples are" cêafl, OS. k.fl, op. M HG. kivel, ja,v; ofen, O.Icel. ofn, OHG. ofsm, oven ; ceafor, OHG. kefar, cockchafe"; sceofl, Goth. *skufla, cp. O HG. scfifala, shoE, el; sing. gen. wulfes, O H G. wolfes, dat. wulfe, O H G. wolfe, beside nom. wulf, OHG. wolf, wo/f; and similarly in the înflected forms of words like ceaf, chaff; hrBf, roof. § 07. F2 became bb through the intermediate stage j, as hebbart, Goth. hafjan, o mise. THE DENTALS. § «98. Germanic t remained in O E. both initially, medially, and finally, as tôle, Goth. tun]ms, OS. rand, OHG. zan(d), tooth; tunge, Goth. tuggô, O.Icel. OS. tunga, O H G. zunga, tongue; tw., Goth. twi, two ; O E. OS. etan, Goth. itan, O. Icel. eta, OHG. e2,gan, 'o ea ; 
44 Pho«ology § 299 OE. Goth. O9. vaitan, O.Icel. rira, OHG. wian, to know; settan, Goth. satjan, O.Icel. setja, OS. settian, HG. setzen, go set; snottor, Goth. snutrs, O.Icel. snotr, OS. O HG. snottar, wise; sceatt, Goth. skatts, O.Icel. skattr, money, lribute; neaht, Goth. taahts, OS. H G. naht, nigM ; and sîmilarly tâcn, token ; tare, rame; têar, teur; tellata, fo tell, count tid, tima, rime; tituber, tituber; tl, tool; tredan, fo tread; trêo, tree ; trog, trough ; turf, tur.[ ; twelf, twelve ; twig, twig. bitan, to bite ; botm, bottom ; feohtan, to fight ; hatian, to hate; hwoete, wheat ; meltan, fo melt; mêtan, tofind, meet; restan, to test; setl, seat ; swête, sweêt ; woeter, water, cnotta, knot ; hwettan, fo whet, incite; mattoe, mattock ; sittan, to sit. ft, foo ; gst, spirit ; gylt, guilt; hwoet, what; htt, hot; hwit, white ; pytt, pif ; stroet, street. Norx.--x. Medial and final st was sometimes written ] in early WS., as flûsp, dust, îœesp, fast, giefesp, thon givest, wœespm, growth, wRs, thon knowest, for ¢liist, îoest, giefest, wœestm, . Latin medial t became fl in Low Latin, so that words borrowed at an early period have t, but those borrowed at a luter perîod bave d, as bête (Lat. bêta), beetroot; stroet (Lat. strîta), street, road; but abbofl (Lat. act. abbatem), abbo; lœetlert (Lat. act. latimtm), Lah'n (language) ; side (Lat. sêta), silk. 3. t often disappeared between consonants, as foesniata, fo rasten, ritxliea, jus@, ]risnes, boldness, beside fmsttfiau, rihtlice, itnes. § 09. Germanic I became d initially, and also medially after rt during the prim. Germanic perîod (§ 84). And I irt other positions became d in West Germanic (§ 9.8). On the normal development of Germanic d in Goth. and O,leel,see § 0. d generally remained in O E. both imitialiy, medially, and finally, as dœeg, Goth. dags, O.Icel. lagr, OS. da,. OHG. tag, day ; dohtor, Goth. dahtar, O.-IeeL tl5tter, OS. dohtar, OHG. tohter, daughter; 
§ oo] Detals 45 fœeder, Goth. radar, O.Icel. la,Sir, OS. radar, O HG. rater, falher ; OE. Goth. OS. bdan, O. Icel.bda, OHG. bintan, to bDd; biddan, Goth. bidjan, O.Icel. bija, OS. biddian, OHG. bitten, to fl-aj, ON. OS. blSd, Goth. blô, O.Icel. blS, OHG. bluot, blood; ceald, Goth. kalds, O.Icel. kaldr, OS. kald, O HG. kalt, coM; and similarly dg, dough ; dêad, dead; dêaf, d«af; dêa, de, atlz ; dêman, o fidge; dêofol, devl ; dêop, deefl ; deorc, dark ; dSn, fo do ; dragan, o drag ; dfan, fo drive ; dHncan, fo drink ; dfifan, to dire ; dmb, &m ; duru, door; dwean, o asray, bodig, body ; cwdon, t]ey said ; fSdor, foddeç food; healdan, to ,oM; Merde, he heard; Mder, hither ; ldan, [o lead; ldde, he led; mSdor, nother ; ne, adder; sadol, saddIe ; sendan, to oend; sHdan, o slide; çHdda, thh-d; weder, weather; pp. worden, e«ome ; du, wood. brd, brMe ; dœed, deed; frêond, friend; pp. gemacod, ruade; god, God; gSd, good; hand, ]rond; hêafod, head; heard, hard ; ûd, &ud; midd, middte ; nacod, naked ; rêad, red ; word, word. Nor.--d disappeared between consonants» as pret. gyrde from *gdde beside in£ gdaa, to gird ; sende from *sendd« (= Goth. sdida), beside infi sendan, o seud; se¢ beside seldlic, strange, wonder#«L  00. d became t before d after voiceless consonts. When two dentals thus came together, OEey became tt which was simplified to t finMIy and after consonant. d interconsonantal t generMly sappeared ore . Examples e- blêian, older bloEdsian from *blSsSj, fo bless ; bitst beside bidest, tho #rayest; bt from *bind, older bde, ]w 5inds; bit, bi from *bide, old¢r bidep, he #rays ; cyste from *cyse, tw kisoed; gynto from *gesundiu, healh; êtte from *grêtde (= Gotb. *5da), he gre«ted ; iecte, Goth. *ukida, he Dwreas«d; lt beside ldest, hou &adesL bin(t)st, older bdest, O,. 
 46 Phonology [§§ thou bindest', and similarly fitt(t)t, thou findest; giel(t)st, thou yMdest ; sten(t)st, thou standest ; mils, mercy, mil. sian, fo pt?y, beside milts, ltsian. The d was often restored from forms where it was regular, as flst: flan; milds, milflsian : milde, mercuL  301. Germanic  generally remained in O E. initially, medially when doubled, and finally, as encan, Goth. an, OS. thenkian, OHG. denken, to thfnk; send, Goth. 5zdi, OHG. dûs=t, thousand; seean, Goth. skajan, go hure; oe, ea, Goth. apau, OS. edo, odo, O HG. eddo, or; , Goth. acc. i, OS. êd, O HG. eid, oath; pret. wear, Goth. watt, OS. ward, O HG. ward, he became ; and sîmilarly ancian, go thank ; eccan, go cover; êof, rhin; ing, thing; o, thorn; rœed, thread ; ng, go press ; ûma, thumb ; unor, thun&r ; wang, thong; yncan, go seem. moe, mogh ; sian, since afleards ; mie, smithy, bœe, bath ; bera, the 2 bear ; bireç, he bears ; bro, 3roth ; clA, doth ; cul, knn ; cwœe, he said ; dêa, death ; hoele, hero, man; hœep, heath ; mSna, month ; mfi, mouth ; nord, north ; tS, tooth. Nox.--In late Nth. final -ç appears as -s in the per»onal endings of verbs, as bindos, he binds, bindas, hey bhtd, besidc  808. Germanic medial  became d between voiced sounds in O E., although the  was retaîned in writing. In the oldest period of the lguage it was often written d. Exples e- baan, to b.athe ; brSor, brother ; byren, .r&n; eore, earth ; fœem, embrace, fathom ; feer, featr; hœeen, heathen ; moror, murder ; 5er, other ; .we0r to become. Gen. çes, boees, beside nom. Ap, ,oath, boe, ba; inf. ewea to say, besîde pret. sing. 
§§ so-6] The Sibilanl s 47 § 808. Germanic medial 1] became lfl in O E. The Id then became extended to the final position by levelling. Examples are: fealdan, Goth. fal]an, to fold; wilde, Goth. wîl]eis, wild; wu.ldor, Goth. wul]ms, glor.y. Gen. goldes (= Goth. *gttl]is), dat. golde (---Goth. gttl]m), from whîch a new nom. golŒE for *gol] (= Goth. gul]) was formed ; and similarly beald, boM; eald, oM; feld, field; hold, gracious; wealfl, foresl. But the 1], which arose from vowel syncope, remained, as sffel], OHG. s.lifla, hal#ess ; fiel] from oIder *fielae], he fal/s. § 804. Germanie ]1 generally remained in Anglian, but became dl after long vowels in \¥S., as .dl (Anglîan .dl, .lŒE), disease; ndl (Anglian nê]l, Goth. nê]la), needle; wgedl (Anglian wê]l), lbové'v; wœedla, paulber; wid.lian, to defile. § 80. ] underwent assimilation with another dental or , and then tf was simplified to t finally and ai'ter con- sonants, as bit(t) from *bid], and bit], older bîde], he awgits, bîte], he bites ; bit(t) from bidep, heprays ; if(t) from îte], he eats; geyrtto from *gemmdî]m, health ; 15.ttow from *lAd ]êow, leader; mittr from miel p, when, while ; ofermêtto from *ofermSdî]u, lride ; ]œette from poet ]e, that which ; crdde beside crpde, he ruade known ; but cwi beside cwi]e], he says. ciest from cies], older ciese], he chooses; cwist, older cwi]est, lhou sayesl ; forliest, older forliese], he loses ; wiext, older wîexe], it grows ; hRfastu ---- haras + ], hast lo. bliss, bliss, blissian, fo rejoice, liss, favour, beside bli]s, bh-sian, lî]s. THE SIBILANT § 306. Germanic s remained in O E. initially, medially in combinatîon with voiceless consonants, and finally, as sœe, Goth. siws, OS. OHG. sêo, sca; alœepan, Goth. lêpan, OS. lpan» OHG. slfan, o Meei; OE. OS. L 
t 48 Phonology (§§ OHG. sunu, Goth. suret», O.Icel. surir, so; gst, gêst, OHG. geis, siril; OE. Goth. O.Icel. OS. OHG. bris, house ; and similarly sadol, saddle ; soed, seed; sealt, sait; sécan, to seek ; sêon, to see ; sittan, to sit; sdan, fo sIide ; smoel, small, slender ; snaca, shake; sna, soon ; soot ; spearwa, sarrow ; sprecan, fo speak ; stflan, fo stand ; strêam, stream ; s, south ; sweostor, sister. assa, ass, donkey; cyssan, go Mss; restan, yrstan, fo tht'st; cêas, he chose ; gœers, grass ; gôs, goose ; heals, rock ; hors, horse; is, ice ; mfis, mouse ; WœeS S. For the Germanic combînations sk and hs, see Now.--s sometimes underwent metathesis with p, especially "in late OE. ; as oeps, e, cops,fglter bond, wlips, listing, w, beside oesp, cosp, wlisp, woeps (woefs).  80. Germanic s became z between voiced sounds in O E., but the s was retained in writing,  bsm, bosom; cêosan to doose ; asian, fo grae ; hœesl, hazel shrub ; lesan, to collea ; nosu, nose; 5sle, ousel; wesole, wesle, weasel ; wesan, lo be, beside wœes, was ; gen. brises, dat. brise, beside nom. bris, house. ] 08. We have already seen that prlm. Germanic z from Indg. s became r medially and was dropped finally in West Germanic ( ). Examples of medial r have been given in ] 70 ; and of the loss of final .z in  . THE UTTURALS. .k  Oa., Ge.rmanic k, generally written c in 0 E., remaîned a_ gai ..ttm-al ini.tially before consonants and before the guttural • .vowela tt, , o, , u, , and their umlauts te (e), oe, e, ê r, , but beeame a palatal belote the palatal vowels oe, 
§ ao'. Gut/ttra[s 49 ge (ê) m Germanic , e (= Germanic e), ê (= Germanie ê) ; ea, eo, io from Germanic a, e, i by breaking (§ 49), êa, êo, îo, i, i, and theîr umlauts e, ie (= i-umlaut of ea, io), ie (= i.umlaut of êa, îo), see § Germanic medial k and kk remained guttural when originally followed by a guttural vowel, as bucca, he-goat; macian from *makSjan, to nake ; sacu, st4fe ; geoc, prim. Germanie *jukan, yoke ; but became palatal when originally followed by an i or j, as bryce from 'brukiz, breach ; sê¢an -- Goth. sSkjan, to seek; ]eccan from :]akjan, to cover. The guttural and palatal c often existed side by side in different forms of the same word, as pret. pl. curon, pp. coren, beside inf. cêosan, fo choose; brecan, to break, beside bric] from *briki], he breaks. Some scholars assume that palatal c and nc became. tJ' (= ch in NE. chin), nt]" in Mercian, WS. and Ken. in the earliest period of the language, but this îs an assump- tion which cannot be proved. Ail that we know for certain is that OE. had a guttural and a palatal k, that the former was sometimes written k and the latter alwa)'s c, and that the two k-sounds had separate characters in the O E. runie alphabet. Both the guttural and the palatal k were generally written c in O E. \¥hen c was palatal it was often written ce, ci medially before a following guttural vowel, with e, i to indieate the palatal nature of the c, as sêcean, fo seek ; eccean, fo cover; ]encean, fo think, cp. § 819, Note. § 810. x. Guttural c. cêlan from *kljan, to cool; cemlan from *kambja.u, to comb; corn, Goth. kafix'n, corn; cilié, Goth. kun], bown; cynn, Goth. kuni, race, generafion ; cnêo, Goth. kniu, knee ; and similarly camb, comb, comb ; cêne, ke«n, boM; cennan, fo g(ve birth ; cêpan, 'o keep ; c1, cool; coss, kiss ; cri, cow ; cuman, to conte; cyning, kig; cyssan, o kiss ; c]mn, to make known, ci&ne, clean ; climtzan, 'o 
 50 Phonology [§    clirnb ; cnot;a, knot ; croeft, skill; cwên, queen. Also in Lat. loanwords, as eanoEel (Lat. candêla), candle; eopor (Lat. cuprum), copper; cyeene (late Lat. eoquina, eueina), kitchen ; and similarly camp, fight, battle ; cempa, warrior; eôe, cook ; euppe, cup. oecer, Goth. akrs, prim. Germanic *akraz, fieM; nacod, Goth. naqa]s, O HG. riako:, naked; wracu, Goth. vraka, persecution; and similarIy bacan, to bake; bucca, he-goat. draca, dragon ; ficol, cunm'ng ; hnecca, neck ; sprecan, o speak ; sticca, sick, macian from *mak5jan, îo make ; and sîmilarly liccian, o lick ; lBcia.n, fo look; prician, fo prick, drincan, go drink ; ]ancian, to thank. bucc, O.Icel. bokkr, Indg. *bhugn6s, buck ; blœec, pHm. Germanic *blaka.z, black; geoc, Goth. juk, prim. Ger- manic *jukan, yoke ; and similarly âc, oak ; boec, back ; c, book ; brocc, badger', flocc, flock ; folc, folk ; mioluc, milk ; sêoc, sick ; weorc, work ; ]anc, lhought. § 811. .. Palatal c. cêapian, Goth. kupSn, lo grade, trafj¢; cêosan, Goth. kiusan, o choose; cinn, chin, Goth. kinnus, ¢heek; and similarly ceaf, chaff; ceafor, cockchafer ; cealc, chalk ; ceald, coM; cealf, cal.f; ceorfan, o car've, cul; ceorl, churl, nan ; cêowan, to chew ; cidan, lo chide ; cîese, cheese ; cierran, fo turn ; cild, child ; cirîce, church. bêc ri-oto *bSkiz, books ; loece, Goth. lêkeis, lbhysician ; smiec from *smaukiz, smoke; weccan, Goth. us.wakjan, to arouse ; benc from *bax]kiz, bench; ]enc(e)an, Goth. ]agkjan, go think ; and similarly birce, birch; crycc, cn«tch ; flicce, flitch ; mêce, sword ; mycel, g'eat ; sêc(e)an, fo seek ; trecc(e)an, lo stret¢h ; tycce, lbie¢e ; tœec(e)an, to teach ; wicce, wîtch ; drenc(e)an, fo submêrge ; ]ync(e)an, to seem ; stenc, smell, odour. No.--x. e was generally written x in OE., as œex beside older oeces, axe; riau beside rîcsian from *m-'kisSn, lo fuie. . OE. final  beeame palatal when preeeded by i or , as ic, 
I; hwelc from *hws.-lik, ,oicl; l$c, bod.y; pic, îitch; swelc from *swa-h-'k, such. :. In nglîan final c beeame X (wrîtten h) în unstressed words, as ah beside Iate XV. ac, b«tt; gowih (w), us, beside WS. êcwÎc, sic ; , I, meh, e, peh, thee, besîde the œtressed forms ic, mec,  81g. In the oldest period of the language sc, like c ( Og), was guttural or palatal, but some tîme during the O E. period the guttural sc became pMatal, except in loan- words. It was often written ce, cci belote a following guttural vowel with e, i to indîcate the palatal nature or the c. There is no definite proof that sc became f (= the sh in NE. ship, shape) in early O E. as is assumed by some scholars. Examples are- sc(e)ac, fo shake; scanfl, disgracc ; sc(e)adu, s]mdow ; scet, shaft ; ceal, shall ; scêap, sheep ; sceau, shm ; sc(e)o, s]wq; scêotan, fo shoot ; cield, shieM ; ecieppan, fo create cilling,. shilh)2g; cip, s[p; ch, shoe; crfifl, dress, garmet ;  cdor, shotdder ;  cfir, shower; eylg, gdlO'. blyscan, fo bh«sh ; çerscan, go thresh ; wac, to a,ash ; wscan, to zo,h, englisc, Enghl ; fisc, fisl, ; flsc, flcsl. But sc8l (Lat. schola), school; sci (O.Icel. sMnn), skh,. NoE.--Medial se often underwent metathesis to ¢ (written x), especialIy in late WS., as «, ases fis/es, waxan, fo ,t, beside sce, scian (OHG. eiskn), fiscas, wsc. g  lB. Germanic $ became g after  during the prm. Germanîc peçiod ( 284). j ( 5) and n ( 25) ecame gE in est Germanic. eanic all oher positions în the o]des per oç OE. On the normal development o[ ermanc  in the other Germanc languages, see  eanic initial and media1 5 became differentiaed prehistoric O E. into a guttural and a palatal voced 
 5 "- under the same conditions as those by which Germanîe became differentiated into a guttural and a palatal explo. sive (§ 809). § 814. Initial guttural  remained in the oldest period of the language, but had become the voiced explosive g before the end of the O E. period. Initial paIatal S (wrîtten g) remained a spirant ('= the y in NE. ye:, yon) and fell together wîth Germanic initial j (§ 9.88). This explains why Germanic initial j was written g in OE. § 81. x. Guttural gast, OS. gêst, OHG. geist, sph-it ; OE. OS. gSd, Goth. g5]s, O. Ieel. gr, OHG. guot:, good ; 0 E. OS. 0 HG. gold, Goth. gaxl], goM; OE. Goth. guma, O.Ice/. gume, OS. gumo, OHG. gomo, man; graes, Goth. OS. OHG. gras, grass ; and similarly g.d, goad; gaderian, to gather; galan, /o shg; gamen, gante, ctmsemen ; g.r, sibear ' javelh ; gîtt, goat ; pl. gatu, ça/es ; gês, geese ; god, God ; gôs, goose; pret. pl. guton, d2ev po2«red out; pp. gotên, poured o1; gû]9, war ; gylden, golden, gloed, glad ; gl5f, glove ; gtaœett, gnal ; grêne, green ; grund, gromtd. § 8l(I. .. Palatal . geaf, Goth. O.Ieel. OS. gaf, O HG. gab, he gave; gealga, OS;. OHG. galgo, gallo,os, Goth. galga, cross ; gêotan, Goth. giutan, OS. giotan, OHG. gîoz;an, giêfan, Goth. giban, O.Icel. gefa, OS. gelan, OHG. geban, to givë ; and similarly gêafon, they gave ; geard, courtyard; gearn, yarn; geat (NE. dial. ye:), gale; geolu, yellow; gewiss, certain; giefu, g.; gieldan, fo repay, yield ; giellan, to yell ; gielpan, 1o boast ; gieman, 1o take notice of; giernan, îo yeam for ; giest, gttest ; gierwan, fo #repare ; gift, marriage gift. No.--The guttural and palatal  often existed side by side in different form of the saine word, as pl. gatu beside sing. Keat; preL pl. uton, pp. goten, beside inf. gêotan, pret. sîng. 
§ SlY. The g in the combination x]g remained guttural or became palatal according as it was originally followed by a guttural or a palatal vowel or j. It also remained guttural before consonants. r. Guttural rjg: 0 E. OS. 0 H G. bringan, Goth. briggan, fo brig; cyng from *kunirjgaz, [z'g; lang from *lax3gaz, long; tunge, Goth. tuggS, OS. tunga, 0 H G. ztmga, tong««e and similarly englisc,Ezglish; finger (Goth. figgrs), fizger; hrîng, ring; hungor, hunger; singan,/o s/ng; springan, to /eai ; stingan, fo slig ; ]ing, th[ng. 2. Palatal r.lg, often written ge medially before guttural vowels with e to denote the palatal nature of the g: seng(e)an from *salgjan, fo sige; streng from *strm 3. giz, slrig ; and similarly feng, grastO; gemeng(e)an, i.."; lengra (0 H G. lengîro), longer; steng, pole. § 818. rjg became x]c bêfore voiceless consonants, but the g xvas generaIly restored through assocîation with forms where g was regular, as brincst, /hot« br[nKest , brinc], he bri»gs, beside bringst, bring], with g restored from the other forms of the verb ; strenc] from *strangî]u, besîde streng], streTzgth, with g restored from, and similarly ancsum, arrow, lencten, sirhg, sprinc], ]te ]eats , beside angsum, lengten, spring]. § 810. West Germanic gg from prim. Germanic remaîned guttural in OE. and was generally written gg, as dogga, dog; êarwicga, eaT'wig ; frogga, jg-og; stagga, stag ; sugga, water wagail. West Germanic gg from prim. Germanic j (§ 254) beeame palatal gg in OE. and was generally written cg, also cge, cgî, before a medial guttural vowel, as brycg, Goth. *brug. ja, bridge; bycg(e)an, Goth. bugjan, fo bt#.v; secg, Goth. *sagjis, #nat ; lecg(e',an, Goth. lagjan, fo lay ; and simî- larly eycgel, daq; hrycg, back, ridge; licg-(e)axa, fo lie down ; mycg, nidge ; secgan, fo saj, ; wecg, wedge. No'r-.--Some scholars assume that palatal t]g and gg became 
r 54 Phonology [§§ 3_o- ndj, d. (--the g in NE. gem) in Mercian, WS. and Ken. in early OE., but there is no definite proof that this sound-change took place in OE., ep. § 809. § 89.0. M edial  remained a guttural spirant before original guttural vowels, but became a palatal spirant when originally followed by a palatal vowel or j. I t a]so became palatal between OE. palatal vowels. r. Guttural . OE. Goth. OS. dragan, O.Icel. draga, OHG. traan, to draw; êage, Goth. .ugS, O.Icel. auga, OS. 5ça, OHG. ouga, eye ; OE. OS. OHG. stigan, Goth. steigan, O.Icel. stiga, to ascend; and similarly .gan, lo possess; dagian from *da$ôjan, o dawn ; dugu], slrengîh, ¢rtue ; belgan, fo become angry ; beorgan, Vo protec, shelter; boga, bow ; bfigan, fo bow down ; flêogan, tofly ; flêge, fly ; folgian, o fol/ow ; fugol, 3{rd» fowl ; lagu, /aw ; lêogan, fo lfe ; maga, stonach ; slSgon, they slew ; sugu, sow ; swelgan, to su,al[ow ; pl. àagas, days ; wegas, ways. 2. Palatal 3, often written ge belote a following guttural vowel. biegan from *baujan, to bend; ege, Goth. agis,fear; sige, Goth. sigis, victory; woeg from *wiz, wave; and similarly byge, traffic ; eglan, to molest; hyge, mind; lyge, falsehood ; myrg(i)], mirth, fœegexa, glad ; fœeger, fait; mœegen, slrenglh ; nœegel, nail; sloegen, slain ; tœeg(e)l, rail; gen. sing. doeges, weges.. No'.-- beeame h (---- x) before voiceless consonants, but the  was often restored from forms where  was regular, as sti'hst, thou ascendest, stîh], he ascends, beside older stîgest, stge]; and simàlarly fliehst, fleh], beside inf. flêogtm, fo flA'. § 821.  often disappeared after palatal vowels belote a following dental or consonantal n with lengthening of the preeeding vowel as brêdan, to'brandish, bridels, bridle, fritmu, to ask, lêde, he laid» moeden, maiden, ongêan 
(ongén), against, rinan, to rah,, soede, he said, strêdan, fo sh-gw, tiian, fo grant, çênian, fo sem,e, beside bregdan, bgdels, frian, legde, moegden, ¢ngea, rian, sœegde, stregdan, gian, ean. Gen. rênes beside rees, from whieh a new nom. rên beside re, tain, was formed ; and sîmilarly ên, sem,ant, wœen, a,agon, besîde e, wœe.  8SS. M edial .igi.,-ige. were contracted to .. as in M HG., as genre beside geligere, fornicalion; beside igil, hedgehog; se from *sie, sçqhe  le besde tigele, îge;  {MHG. t) besde ge (MHG. liget), he lies; st besîde gest, lhou liest.  2. When Geanîc  came to stand finally în O E., if is probable that it became a voîceless spirant (x)just as in Goth. OS., and preistoric O.Icel., but that the g ( ) was mostly restored again owîng fo the influence of the înflected fos. ARer liquids and guttural vowels the restoratîon of the g was merely ohographîcal, but the further histo of thc sound in O E. shows that aRer palatal vowcls it was mostly rcstorcd in pronunciafion as well, because -h rarcly occurs aRcr palatal vowcls, as in sextih bcsidc stig, si.x».; weh besidc weg, wcigh aou. Thc h ( X) seldom occurs in carly O E., but is common in latc OE. cspccially after liquids and long vowcl as mearh, marrow, blh, he became an) beside mearg, bealg; and similafly beorh, bill; burh, d ; sorh, soœe ; swealh, he swallowed, dh, doug, plôh, plougl,, sh, lw ascended, beside dg, p15g, stg; and simîlarly bêah, ring, bracelet; bSh, bough ; flêah, he flew ; genSh, enough ; stih, #aih ; troh besîde trog, trough.  8S4. Final  became paIatal affer palatal vowels,  doeg, day ; mœeg, may; weg, wçv ; oenig, any; bodig, by ; dysig, foolish; hg, h@ ; hefig, heazy; mag, Then at a Iater period (earliest in K en.) g became i con- sonant which combined with a preceding oe, e to fore a 
 5 6 Phonology [§§ a,s-6 diphthong, as dœei (Ken. dei), moei, wei, late WS. also dœeîg, moeig, weig. And .ig became-i through the inter. mediate stage .i, as oeni, dysi, hefi, &c. h § 32. Initial X had become an aspirate belote vowels already in prim. Germanic (§ 9.4¢t). In O E. ît also became an aspirate initially before consonants except in the com- bination XW. The spirant remained in the combination XW and has been preserved in many Scotch dîalects down to the present day. Examples are : OE. Goth. O.Icel. OS. OHG. hs, hotse ; habban, Goth. haban, O.Icel. hafa, OHG. habên, lo hae; and similarly hamor, hammer; hand, /rond ; hœelan, t.o hem; hêafod, head; heard, hard; hem te, ]teaq ; hieran, to hear ; hold, gracious ; hungor, hmger. b_l.f, Goth. blé.ifs, OI-IG. hleib, loaf, bread; OE. OS. OHG. hnigan, fo bend down ; OE. O53. OHG. hring, O.Icel. hringr, ring ; and similarly hladan, to load; hlêa- pari, to leap ; htid, lid; lxlot, ol ; hnutu, nul; hrmfn, raven ; hrêod, reed; hrimig, rhny. hw., Goth. lazas, OS. hwê, OHG. hwer, who; hwl-1, Goth. eila, O.Icel. hvîl, OS. OHG. hwila, space oftime; and similarly hwœel, wale; hw:e, wheat; hwoe]er, wMch of tevo ; hwelp, whell ; hwit, white. NoTr-.--h often disappeared with ne and habban, as nabban, 6 o ave; noebbe, I hae hot; nœefde, Z ]ad hot. It also diappeared în the second element of cornpounds which were no .longer felt as such in OE., as bêot from *bi.hN, boasl; frêols from *fri.hals, freedom; eofot from *, debl; licuma besiàe older Hc-hama, body; 5nettan from *on.h,tjan, fo ]ms/en; Bref (OHG. urhetg) from *or-ht, battle; woelrêow bes5de older woel-hreow, fieme, çruel. § 828. Medial x remained in O E. before voiceless con- • onanta, and when doubled. It was guttural or palatal ac- eording: a ît wa originally followed by a guttural or palatal vowel or ], a brhte , Goth. OS. OHG. br.hta, he broughl; 
§§ -9! Gtlurals Æ 5 7 dohtor, Goth. cla6htar, OS. dohtar, O HG. oer, daug/zlo-; eahta, Goth. ahu, OS. OHG. ahto eighl and similarly bohte, lte botgght cni¢ht, cnîht, bo; f¢oh. n, o figl ; eahtor, lgugler; lêoht, a /fglzt; pret. mahte, tre mIzt; reoht, rieh, ryht, rigM; sShte, souglzt; Shte, /te t/zouglzt; , dawn. crohha, OEock, pot; geneahhe, mciently ; pohha, poçket; tioan, fo ttink, co nsen Dat. eher from *oht, beside nom. ohtor, daughler; flyht from *fluxt, fligltt; ehsta from *xauxist-, hhest; ehhan, Goth. hlahjan, o laugl; liehtan, Goth. t- jan, o give ligfi; siehst, O HG. siMs, tho seesl; sieh, O HG. siMt, lte sees ; and similarly f6hst, tlzou sef, est; h, lin sefzes ; ehs, nearesl ; tyh, traz>zfng, tzabil.  327. xs became ks (written x) in OE., as oxa, Goth. a6hsa, OS. O HG. ohso, ox; siex, Goth. safhs, OS. O HG. sehs, six; weaxan, O S. OH G. wahsan, îo grow ; and similarly feax, lmir; fleax, flax; fox, fox; fyxen, vf.n; miox, dung; wlan, to e'c]ange.  328. Final X remained,  hêah, OS. OHG. hôh, lt/g]z ; nêah, OS. OHG. nâh, near ; seah, OS. O HG. sah, saw; sealh, O HG. salaha, wfllow; urh, Goth. airh, OS. thurh, O HG. duruh, durh, hrougl; and similly feoh, catt. #roey ; h, rough ; scôh, slme ; tSh, touglt ; w5h, #erverse, bad; seoh, see t/tou ; sleah, slgy /hou ; têoh, pull ttou, eo, elk ; holh, lzollow ; seolh, segl; sulh, louglz ; we, foreigr, feorh, le ; furh, fiwrow ; mearh, lmrse. Norz.--Such forms as 1are WS. blêoh, colour, êoh, y» froeh, [me, beside blêo, êo, êo, owe their final h to the analo of words like feoh, gen. fs.  829, Media1 X disappekred' '. Belote s + consonant as fst. from *fdxstiz, fist ; N th. se(t)sta, sfxtl, beside WS. sîexta, syxta which w a new 
 58 Poology I§ 9 formation from the cardinal; eter (Lat. extrius), vessel, pilcler, jgr; ]sI beside older xl (OHG. wago»ole; wœema, wœestm, growlh, beside weaxan (OHG. wahsan), fo grow. But the X remained in xs when it ose from vowel syncope,  siehst, thou seest; Mehsta from *xauxist-, Mghest. 2. Beeen a vowel and a following liquid or nasal,  betwêonan, betwêonm, beween, cp. Goth. tweihni, g.wo eaç] ; êorod from *eohrâd, troo; fiol, fêol (O H G. hala), e; hêla from *hSa, heel; lœene (OS. lê), lransitory ; lêoma, ray  Iight, cp. Goth. lia, light; sele from .*staxlja -, sWel; pwêal (Goth. wahl), washing, bath ; mase. ace. sing. wSne beside nom. wSh, pemerse, bad; mest (Goth. uists), highest; and similarly in compounds,  hêaHc, 1, hêanes, leht, beside hêah, high; nêalœecan, to draw ig], nêalic, zear» nêawest, earness, beside nêah, war. 3- Between a liquid and a following vowel, as olan (Goth. han), o ¢erale, kide; rel from *urxil, ing, aert«re; sing. gen. êoles, ares, fêores, h51es, mêares, sêoles, wêales, beside nom. eolh, el, fearh, 2ig, feorh, 1oEe, holh, hole mearh» horse, seolh, sea weh, 4. Between vowels, as êa (O H G. aha), water, river; êam (OHG. 5he), uucle; êar (N. œehher, OHG. ahir), ear OE «or ; flêan from *fleahan, older *flahan, tofla2 ; and simflarly lêan, o blairée; slêan (Goth. slahan), lo sla2; wêan (Goth. wahan), fo wtz; flêon (OHG. ohan), fl«e ; n (Goth. n), o sdze; hSn (Goth. hhan), to ha; Hon, lêon (OHG. ), go lend; nêar from ê, ear; sêon from *seohan, older *sehan (OHG. }, to e; on, sêon (OHG. han), fo strai ; slâ ide older shoe (OHG. slêha), sloe ; .swêor. (OHG. weh), ;  besde older thœe (O H G. zêha), 
(Goth. leihan), o thrivc; sïng. gen. fêos, plêos, besidc nom. feoh, catïle, proper@, pleoh, dagêr ; pl. nom. hêa from *hêahe, beside sing. hêah, high. In Anglian loss of h and contraction took place earlîer than the syncope of i(e), as flî] from *flihi], he flees, foe, he sdzes, sïs(t) from *sihis, t]o«t seest, sî] from *sihi], he secs, hêsta from *hêhista, l@hest, nêsta from *nêhista, warest, beside WS. tïiehl, fêh], siehst, siehœe, h[ehsta, niehsta. 
ACCIDENCE CHAPTER XI NOUNS § 880. Is OE. as in the oldest periods of the other Germanic languages, nouns are divided into two great classes, according as the stem originally ended in a vowel or a consonant, cp. the similar division of nouns in Sanskrit, Latin and Greek. N ouns whose stems originally endêd in a vowel belong to the vocalic or so-called strong declension. Those whose stems originally ended in .n belong to the weak declensioa. All other consonantal stems will be put together undêr the general heading, ' Minor Declênsions.' § 881. Owing to the loss of final short vowels, and con- sonants, in prehistoric OE. (§§ 11-1), several different kinds of stems regularly fell together in the nom. and acc. sîngular, so that, from the point of view of O E., the nom. and acc. singular end in consonants, and we are only able to classify such stems either by starting ot from prim. Germanic, or from the plural, or from a comparison with the other old Germanic languages; thus the OE. nom. and act. singular of dmg, day; word, word; dæl, part; hand, hand; lamb, lam3, correspond to prim. Germanic *daaz, *taan, older .os, -oto; *wurflan, older .oto; *flailiz, *oEailin, older .is, .ira ; *xand:uz (Goth. handus), *xandun (Goth. hanflu), older .us, .um; *lambaz, older -os (cp. Lat. u, gen. generis). The original distinction between the nom, and act. singular of masculine and feminine nouns had dpeared in the oldest period of the English lan. 
§ a.'-] Nottts  6  guage except in the 5- and the n-stems. And the original distinction between the nom. and acc. plural of masculine and feminine nouns had also disappeared, as nom. acc. dagas, days, êste, favours, stma, sons, but Goth. nom. dag5s, ansteis, sunjus ; acc. dagans, anstins, sununs ; guman, men, prîm. Germanic nom. *$umaniz, acc. *suma. nunz ; fêt, feet, prim. Germanic nom. *fStiz, acc. Gotb. fotuns. In like manner the orîginal case endîngs of the n.stems, with the exception of the nom. singular and the gen. and dat. plural, had also disappeared in the oldest English, so that the element which originally formed part of the stem came tobe regarded as a case ending (§§ «11-15), cp. the simi. lar process in the plural of the neuter .os.stems (§§ 41a-2o). Before attemptîng the O E. declensions from a philologîcal point of view, the student should master the chapter on the vowels of unaccented syllables, because it is impossible to restate in this chapter ail the detaîls dealt with there. § 882. O E. nouns have two numbers: sîngular and plural; three genders- masculine, feminîne, and neuter, as in the other old Germanic languages from which the gender of nouns in O E. does not materîally differ ; rive cases: Nominative, Accusative, Genitive, Dative, and In- strumental. The dat. is generally used for the instr, in OE., so that this case is omitted in the paradigms, sec § Note. The vocative is like the nominative. The nom. and acc. plural are always alike; in those declensions which would regularly bave different forms for the nom. and acc., the act. disappeared and he nom. was used in its stead. -Traces of an old locative occur in what is called the uninflected dat. singular of h,m, home. In North- umbrian both the declension and gender of nouns fluctuated considerably as compared with the other O E. dialects. 
 6  M ccidence [§§ 333--4 A. THE VOCALIC OR STRONG ])ECLEN$1ON. I. THE -DECLEN$1ON. § SB. The a.declension comprises .,as.culine and .n.e.u.ter nouns only, and corresponds to the Latin and Greek o. declension (Lat. masc. -us,, Gr.-os, -or), for whieh reason it is sometimes ealled the o.declension. The a.deelension is divîded into Fure a.stems, ja-stems, and wa.stems. § No. Ac¢. Gn. PLUR. Nom. Acc. Gen. Dat. PURE a-STEMS. Masculine. stn, stone dœeg, day mearh, horse stnes doeges mêares soEne dœege mêare st.nas dagas mêaras daga mêara ste.hum dagum mêarum NoT-.--The gen. sing. ended in -œes in the oldest period of the language, and in late OE. occasionally in -as, .ys. The oldest endîng of thc dat. sing. îs .œe. The dat. sing. is generally useà for the instrumental, so that this case is omitted in the paradigms. In the oldest period of the language the instru- mental (originally a locative) endid in -i, later -y, and corre- sponded to the Gr. loc. ending olx-« at home» not to olx-o which would bave become -e în OE. as în the dat. (§ 217). In late OE. the dat. pl. ended in .un, .on,-an (§ 284). The prim. Germanîc t'oms of dœeg were- Sing. nom. *daaz, acc. *daan, gen. *daesa or *daasa (with pro- nominal ending, § 405), dat. *dasai, instr. *d;ai; Plural nom. *daSz (cp. Goth. dagSs), acc. *daanz (cp. Goth. dagans), gen. */taôn (cp. Gr. eô, ofgods), dat. *dagomiz. 
§ 335] Arouns t 6, From what has been said in chapter VI on the vowels c unaccented syllables it will be seen that all the form of the singular and plural, except the nom. acc. pl., ar regularly developed from the corresponding prim. Ge manie forms. The pl. ending -as, OS.-os, .a.s, besid O HG.-a, has never been satisfactorily explained. Th most probable explanatîon is that ît represents the endint of nouns which originally had the accent on the ending tik, Skr. gharm.s, heat = Gr. 0Epd, hot, and that this endin then came tobe used also for nouns which originally ha« the accent on the stem. That some nouns had the accen on the ending in prim. Germanic is proved by such word: as O E. cêosan, fo choose, beside cyre from *kuzis (§ choice, which at a later period shifted the accent and droppe( the final .s (? .z) ai'ter the analogy of nouns whiih originall 2 had the accent on the stêm. Upon this supposition th ending-as would regularly correspond to prim. Germanî pl. nom. -os or acc. -fins. In like manner is to b( explainêd the retention of the final-s in the seconc pers. sing. of the' present tense of strong verbs in th¢ West Germanic languages, cp. OE. nimes(t), OS. OHG taimis, beside Goth. nîmis, t/fou tahest (§ 476). The usua explanation that -as corresponds to an early Aryan doubl¢ plural from older-5ses with-es from th consonant stems, îs not in accordance with our presenl knowledge of the history of short vowels in final syllable., in the oldest period of the various Germanic languages. An original ending-Oses would have become .or in O E. § 885. Like st,tt aïi:e declîned by far the greater majorit) of monosyllabic a-stems, as 1, eel; ad, funeral 2bile ; oath ; boest, basl ; bar, boat; bat, boat; bêag, ring, bracelet ; bêam, tree ; beard, beard; bearm, bosom ; bêod, table; beorg, bill; beorn, warrior ; bSg, bouh ; bolt, bolt ; borg, plede ; br, odour; brand,firebrand; brSm, broom (the plant) ; bue, stomach ; camb, comb ; cêae, j'ug" ; cêap, 
 64 A cddence price; cêol, shi; ceorl, churl; clm (NE. dial. cloam), mtd; elA], doth; elfit, patch; cht, boy; crœeft, skill, strengt] ; cwea, death ; dm, doom ; drêam, joy, relry; dw¢org, dwa; earm, arm ; fisc, fish; flêam, flight ; forse, frog ; forst, frost; fox, fox ; gang,, going ; gt, sçirit ; gêae, cuckoo ; geard, yard; ¢lp, boasling ; hœef, caplbe ; haro, home ; h¢alm, haulm ; heals, neck ; helm, helmet ; loaf ; hL hoof ; hrêam, cry, sho2tt» uroar ; hm, hg, ring'; hd, dog ; hwelp, whelp moest, toast; m5r, moor ; mfi, motth ; rRp, tope; rfim, ,om ; sceft, shaft; sêam, seam ; st5l, stool; storm, ston ; sêam, stream ; torn, thioE; o, }top, #rnt, village ; weg, way ; wer, man wu, See  fi0 on nouns whose stems ended in double eon- sonants- baee, buck ; coco, cock ; eodd, cod, husk ; eoss, Mss; cno, knoll ; cropç, sprout ; oepp, cu# ; hwamm, corner; çott, çot ; seeaoe, #roperty, money ; smoee, smock ; swm, funs ; wea, wall.  8. Like dœeg are deelined çœe, #ath; stœef, staff; hwœel, whale, see  , 7. mœe, ktsman, pl. ( 10) beside moes with oe from the sinlar.  887. Like mearh are deelined eaU, temple; eo, elk; fearh, #ig, boat; he, corner; ealh, willow ; seolh, seal (animal); wealh,foreigner, see dat. c, pl. e, see  X8o ; and similarly slh (also rem. and heur.), slotgh, mire; eoh (also heur.), horse, gen. dat. o. horh (also heur.), di, gen. horwes, dat. horwe, de hres, hre; pi. horw (heur.) beside hras, see  o. om. Aee. eg, kmg engel, angel heofon, hea¢,en n. cg engles heofones Dat. ¢nge engle heofone 
§§  9- ] Nouns PLUR. Nom. Act. eyningas englas heofenas Gen. cyninga engla heofena Dat. cyrdngum englum heofenum The vowel in the medial syllable generally disppeared in the infleeted forms of dissyllabic words when tne first syllable was long and the second short. It also generally dîsappeared when the first syllabIe was short and the second syllable ended in voealic 1, m, n in West Germanic (§ 9.0). On the retention or the loss of the medial vowel in the infleeted forms of dissyllabic words, see § § 88. Like eyrfing are deelined oeeer, field; eoeer, quiver ; hœerfest, atttmn foetels, vessel, tub ; for other examples of nouns ending in .els, sec § 58. œe]mling, prince ; enœepling, .yottt]t ; goede- ling, companion; lrtling, child; for other examples of nouns ending in .ling, ee § 07. § 840. Like engel are declined led, tire ; angel, jïsh- hook ; t]um, ; bealdor, prince bletm, blossom bosom ; brême!, bramble ; dêofol, devil ; dryhten, lord; ealdor, prince; finger,jïnger treasure ; morgen, morning ; 5fer, shore ; ]-mel, thhbl G l]mmbsta[1; woestm, growth. botm, bottom ; ellen (also heur.), zectl, kottrage, strength ; foe]m, embrace ; fugol, bird, fowl; hoeg(e)l, hagol, bail; ofen, oven ; noegl, hall; reg(e)n, tain ; ]eg(e)n, thane. But nouns like bullue, bttllock ; cassue, sedge ; lango], longing (for other examples of nouns endîng in .o],,-a], see § 5t95); mattuc, matlock; pearroc, park, generally retain the medial vowel. § 34L Like heofon are declined bydel, beadle ; eradol, cradle ; daro], dart, spear ; eodor, endosurê ; eofor, boat; hafoc, heafoc, hawk; hamor, hammer 
 66 el ccidence [§§ metod, Crea¢or ; rodor, sy ; sadol, saddle ; staçol, pdlar ; tmor, hunder. On the variation of the vowel in the medial syllable» see§ Nom. Acc. CI1 o DaL Neuter. word, word hof, dwelling fœet, vessel wordes hofes fœetes worfle hofe foete PLUR. Nom. Acc. word hofu fatu Gen. worda hofa rata Dat. wordum hofum rature The neuter a-stems had the saine endings as the mascu- line exeept in the nom. and act. plural. The prîm. Ger. manie ending of the nom. ace. plural was-5 which became • U and then regularly dîsappeared after long stem-syllables (§ 15). In late OE. the long stems often had -u in the plural after the analogy of the short stems. § I148. Like word are declined a large number of mono- syllables wîth long stem, as .r, brass ; bgel, funeral pile ; bn, bone; bea.rn, child; bêor, beer; blSd, blood; bold, dwetling ; bord, board ; brêost, breasl ; corn, corn ; dêor, zeild animal; dûst, dusl; fAm, foa2 ; fearn, fern ; feax, hair ; fleax, flex ; fo1¢, folk ; gêar, year ; gearn, yarn ; gield, paymenl; gold, goM ; bord (also toast.), lreasure, hoard; horn, horn ; hors, horse ; hrêod, reed ; bris, lz, ig; hûs, bouse; îs, ice ; lAm, day ; land, land ; lêaf, leaf ; lêam, remard ; lêo], song, #oem ; 1i¢, body ; lin, flax, linen ; m.n, crime ; mSfl, mind, courage ; mor, murder ; nêat, ox ; n.t, nes ; tfi, enmity ; r, #gin; scêap, sheeï ; ex, knife ; avord, sword ; tl, tool ; ]ring, lhing ; 
§§ 344--7] • Nouns  6 7 weorc, work; weor], worlh, price ; wf, woman. And smilarly words with a prefix, as behA:, lhromise ; gebeorc, barking. Sec § .9 on nouns whose stems ended in double consonants : le11, skin ; lu11, cup ; to11, fax, tolL § 8. Like hof are declined broc, affliction; brop, broth ; ceaf, chaff; col, coal; dor, door ; geoc, yoke ; god, god (heathen) ; ho1, ]ole ; loc, lock; lo, deceit ; ol, n¢ud ; spor, track. And similarly words with a prefix, as bebod, gebod, command, geai (§ 7), gaie, pl. gatu beside gœea:u with ca from the singular. Nouns which have e, i in the stem originally had u-, o/a-umlaut in the plural, as gebeodu, pra.vers, gen. gebeoda, dat. gebeodum; and similarly gese, seat dweI1- ing; gesprec, speaking, see § z8. cliofu, cliffs, gen. cliofa, dat. clîofum ; and similarly brim, sea ; hlid, h'd; lira, limb ; scip, shi1 ; wig, twig ; gefli:, strife ; gewri, writing, le#er, fri] (OHG. fridu), peace, and li] (Goth. li]us), limb, were origînally masc. u-stems. Sec §§ 101-. § 84. Like foet are declined boec, back ; boe], bath; blœec, ink ; bloed, leaf; broes, brass ; croet, cart ; doel, dal« ; fœec, periocl of time, space ; foer,journe.y ; fnoed, fnoes, fr#ge ; goers from older :::groes, grass; gloes, glass ; groef, grave, cave ; hoef, sea ; soep, sap ; scroef, cave  swoe], track ; troef, tezt; ]œec, thatch, roof; woed, water, sea; woe., slaughter. Sec §§ , 7. § . ttgh, fratd, gen. fl.s, dat. fl.; ]êoh, thigh, gen. ]êos, dat. ]êo, pl. ]êo, gen. ]êo, dat. ]êom ; pleoh, danger, gen. plêos, dat. plêo, pl. plêo ; holh, kolloev, hole, gen. billes, dat. hle, pl. holh, sec § îz9. feoh, caille, origînally belonged to the u-declensîon (§ 9). § 347. Nom. Act. tungol, star wœeter, water Gen. tungles wœeteres Dat. tungle woetere hêafod, head hêafdes hêafde 
 68 M ccidence [§§ a48-o PLUR. Nom. Acc. tungol woeter hêafodu Gen. tungla woetera hêafda Dat. tunglum wœeterum hêafdum Dissyllabic words which in West Germanic ended in vocalic 1, n, r (§ 219) syncopated the medial vowel in the gen. and dat. sing. and plural and lost the final -u in the nom. and acc. plural when the stem-syllable was long. So that the nom. acc. sing. and plural became alike just as in the monosyllabic long stems. Original trisyllabic words (§ 223), and also dissyllabîc words which in West Germanic ended in vocalic n, r, retained the medial vowel in the gen. and dat. sing. and plural, but lost the final .u in the nom. and acc. plural when the stem-syllable was short. Original trîsyllabic words syncopated the medial vowel in the gen. and dat. sing. and plural, but retained the medial vowel and the final .u in the nom. and acc. plural when the stem- syllable was long. See §§ 216, 223. NoE.--In the later period of the language there was great fluctuation in the formation of the plural and in the loss or retentîon of the medial vowêl, as nom. acc. plural tunglu, woet(e)ru, hêafdu bside older tungol, woeter, hafodu; gen. sîng. woetres beside older woeteres. § 848. Like tungol are declined .tor, poison ; bêacen, beacon ; cnSsl, race, flrogêny ; fcen, deceit ; fSdor, fodder ; sptl, saliva; tcen, toke ; woepen, weaon; wolcen, cloud ; wuldor, glory ; wundor, wonder. § 39. Like wœeter are declined broegen, brain ; gamen, gaine, sport; leger, couch ; mœegen, strength ; ofet, frttit ; reeed, bouse, hall; weder, weaawr; weorod, werod, troogb, pl. wereàu (§ 222) besîde werod, setl, seat, pl. setlu § 150. Like hêfod are declined cliewen, cliwen, ball of thread, clew ; moe6en, moegden, maiden ; nieten, anhnaL 
§§ 3-) Nouns 169 . ja.STEMS. § 851. 21rasculine. SXG. Nom. Acc. secg, man emde, cttd Gen. secges endes Dat. secge de Pu. Nom. Act. seeg(e)as endos Gen. seeg(e)a enda Dat. seeg(i) end It is necessary fo distinguish beveen those stems which were originally long" and those which became long by the West Germanic doubling of consonants (§ 9.54). The j caused umlaut of the stem-vowel and then dîsappeared in the inflected forms except after r (§§ 9.71-2). XVhen the j came to stand finally after the loss of prim. Gerrnanic -az, • an it became vocalized fo i which remaîned in the oldest perîod of the language, and then later became e (§§ 2115, Note, ,74), cp. here, arm3; ende, cnd, beside Goth. acc. hari, andi. The OE. forms with double consonants in the nom. and accusative singular are ali new formations from the inflected forms. The regular forms would be *sege, man; *dyne, noise = Goth. acc. *sagi, *duni. § 352. Like secg are declined bridd, yo«tff bird; enyll, knell; dyn(n), noise; hlyn(n), loud sound ; hrycg, back, ridge; hyll, bill; mœecg (§ i15, bi ote 3), natt ; myeg, midge; wecg, wedge. See § 9.15s. § 3t53. The j (written i, g, ig ; also îge belote a guttural vowel, § t8) remaJned medîally after r preceded by a short vowel, as nom. act. here, army ; gen. heries, berger, heriges ; dat. herîe, herge, herige; pl. nom. acc. herias, hergas, herîgas, herigeas ; gen. heria, heriga, herîgea; dat. herium, herigum. Forms without j also occur occasionally as gen. heres, dat. here, pl. heraz. 
 70 I ccdence [§§ § 54. Like ende are decIined esne, servanî; Merde, shepherd ; hwoete, wleat ; loece, hysician ; mêce, sword ; and the nomina agentis, as bœecere, baker; biddere, #etilioner; bôcere, scribe; soedere, sower ; for further examples see§ 809.. Nom. Acc. cyn(n) witu wêstennu Gon. cynna wita wêstenna Dat. cynnum wZtum wêstennum As in the masc. ja-stems if is necessary to distinguish between those stems which were originally long and those which became long by the West Germanic doubling of consonants (§ 254). The neuter ja-stems had the same endings as the masculine except in the nom. acc. plural. The nom. acc. plural ended in prim. Germanic in -jô which became -ju in prim. O E. The j regularly disappeared after causing umlaut of the preceding vowel. And then the -u being preceded by a long syllable also disappeared 21). The nom. acc. pl. of the originally short stems is developed from the prim. Germanic form, as cy'n(n) from *kunjS. But the-u in the originally long stems and in words containing a suffix is hot the preserva- tion of the prim. O E. -u. Such nouns owe their final -u to the analogy of the nom. acc. pl. of short a-stems (§ 842). That forms like wîtu, wêstennu are new forma- fions îs proved by the simple fact that from a Germanîc , point of view these nouns ought to bave the same ending in OE. as the nom. acc. singular of the jS-stems (§ 374). 
§§ 6-] Nouns  7 The O E. forms with double consonants in the nom. acc. singular are all new formations from the inflected forms, as cyn(n), bedd, nett for *cyne, *bede, *nete = Goth. kuni, badi, nati, see § 24. On the final double consonants in the nom. acc. sîngular, see § .. In late OE. the double consonants in words containing a suflïx were generally simplified in the inflected forms, and the medial vowel was also occasionally syncopated, as gen. wêstenes, pl. wéstenu, beside wêstnu. § at6. Like cyn(n) are declined be4d, b«d; bill, sword; detm, den; flett, floor; giedd, song; nebb, beak; nerf, net; ribb, rt'b ; webb, îoeb ; wedd, pledge; wîcg, home; witt, ,mderslanding. § 8/7. Like wite are declined œeretacle, errand; fêlée, walking, power of motion ; ierfe, inheritance ; ierre, anger ; rice, kingdom ; rne, mystery; stiele, steel; woege, cul; nouns with the prefix ge-, as gefilde, plain ; gefylce, troolh; getieme, yoke (of oxen), team ; getîmbre, building ; ge. mierce, boundary; gewoede, dress» cloîhing; ge]iode, ge]êode, language, flicce, prim. Germanic *flîkkja., ff#ch; stycce, prim. Germanic *stukkja-, piece. See § 9.70, Note, on nouns like hieg (Goth. hawi), hay, hiew, hiw (Goth. hiwi), shape, appearancc, giig, gliw [Goth. *glîwi), glee, gen. hieges, hiewes (hiowes), glige, gliwes. § 8i8. Like wêsten are declined fœesten(n),forlress, op. § 300 ; bœernet(t), arson; nierwet(t),narrowness; soewet(t), sowing; ]êowe(t), slavery; for further examples, see § t0. To this class probably also belong the diminutives in .incel, which generally syncopate the e in the inflected forms, as cofincel, little chamber, gen. cofixaclesl and similarly hœeftîncel, slave ; hfisincel, little bouse; scipincel, liglle shii ; sfflincel, small furrow ; for further examples, see § 60t. fi]ere, wing. 
M ccîdence [§§ 39-6o Co Wt, oSTEMS, § 8. Masculine. Sc.. Nom. Acc. bearu, .o, grove ]êo, servant Gen. bearwes ]eowes Dat. bearwe ]eowe PLUR. Nom. Acc. bearwas ]eowas Gen. bearwa ]eowa Dat. bearwum ]eowmn In the inflected forms the masc. wa-stems have the saine endings as the pure a-stems. After the loss of prîm. Germanic .az, .an in the nom. and acc. singular» the w being final became vocalized to -u which remained after short vowels followed by a consonant, but with a precedîng short vowel it combined to form a diphthong (§§ 264-5); thus prîm. Germanic *arwaz, .an, *pewaz, .an regularly became bearu (later bearo), ]êo. After a long vowel the • U regularly disappeared, as in sn., suow, from *snaiwaz, • an. At a later period the w in the infleeted forms was levelled out into the nom. aee. singular, whenee ]êow, sn.w beside older ]êo, sn.. And then from )êow there was often formed a new gen. ]êowes beside the regalar form ]eowes (§ 265). On forms like gen. bearuwes bes[de bearwes, see § ..0. § Se0. Like ]êo, ]êow are deelined béaw, gadfly; dêaw (also heur.), dew ; lrê0w from laà + ]êow, teacher; l.ttêow from lgtd + ]êow, leader ; êaw, custom ; briw (Goth. *breiws), po#age, porridge; giw, gêow, grtffin, vulture ; îw, iow, êow, yew; stiw (Goth. *sleiws), tench (a fisO. 
361. Nettlêr. Nom. Ace. bealu, .o, evil Gen. bealwes Dat. bealwe cnêo, knee cneowe PLUR. Nom. Acc. bealu, .o cnêo Gen. bealwa cneowa Dat. bealwum cneowum • The neuter wa-stems have the saine endings as the masculine except in the nom. acc. plural. What has been saîd in § 359 about the history of the w also applies to the neuters. If should be noted that the nom. acc. plural bealu, cnêo are from older *beal(w)u, *kne(w)u (§ 268), whereas the nom. acc. sing. bealu, cnêo, are from older *beaIw., *knew. (§ 26tq. On the svarabhakti vowel in the inflected forms like gen. bealuwes beside bealwes, see § 220. Besides the regular nom. acc. pl. cnêo, there also occurs cnêow with w from the inflected forms ; and also cnowu with .u from forms like bealu. In late OE. the pl. also ended in .wa. § 869.. Like bealu are declined c(w)udu, cttd; teoru, ter; meolu, melu, mea/, flonr ; searu, device ; smeoru,/aL § 888. Like cnêo, cnêow are also declined anelêow (orig. masc.), ankle ; bêow, barley ; gehlw, towhg, bellow. inK; gehrêow, lamentation; hlêo(w), #rolecltbn covering ; sêaw (also masc.),jttice; strêa(w), straw; trêo(w), tree. 2. THE 5-DECLENSION. § 864. The 5-declension contaîns f.eminine nouns only, and corresponds to the Latin and Greek .-declensîon, for which reason it is sometimes called the .-declension. The 5.declensîon is divided into pure 5-stems, jS-stems, and wS-stems. 
 74 . ccidence [§ 35 PURE 5-STEMS. § 365. SIG. Nom. giefu, .o, goEt àr, honour Aee. gîefe Are Gen. giefe Are Dat. giefe re PLUR. Nom. Acc. gicle, -a re, .a Gen. giefa, (.ena) ra, (.ha,-ena) Dat. giefum Rrum The prim. Germanic forms were" Sing. nom. *e5, acc. *$e]Sn (cp. Gr. X,p«v), gen. *sez (Goth. gibSs), dat. *$eai ; Plur. nom. acc. *5ez (Goth. gibSs}, gen. *$eSn (Goth. gibS), dal:. *$eSmtz (Goth. gîbôm). The acc. gen. and dat. sing. and the nom. acc. pl. regularly fell together în -ee in prehistoric O E. (§ 217). The-oe remaîned in the oldest period of the language and then later regularly became .e. In the nom. sing. the-5 became -u and then regularly disappeared after long stem-syllables (§ 215). In latc O E. the gen. sing. often ended in -es after the analogy of the masc. a-stems ; and sometimes the nom. of the short stores was used for all cases of the slngular. The regular ending of the gon. pl. is .a, but in late OE. the gen. pl. often ended in .(e)na after the analogy of the n-stems 1§ 408). On the ending -um of the dat. plural, sec § 218, 5. I t is diflïcult to aeeount for the -a in the nom. aee. pl. in W$. and Ken., and for the -a in the oblique cases of the f«m. nouns ending in .ung in these dialects. Seeing that the gen. sing. and nom. pl. origînally had the saine ending .z and that both cases ended in -œe in the oldest O E., the -a in the nom. pl. cannot be a regular development from older-oe. It is sometimes assumed that-a is the regular 
development of prim. Germanic -Bz in OE., and that what îs called the gen. sîng. is morphologically the dat., but against this assumption ît should be pointed out that in the oldest period of the language the gen. and dat. sing. and nom. plural had all the same ending. Short stems with a often bave oe beoeide a in the act. gên. and dat. sing. and nom. act. pl., as lœe]e, roeee, besîde la]e, race. § 366. Like giefu are declîned caru, tare ; co]u, dise«se cwalu, violent death ; daru, inury ; denu, valtey ; faru, journey; hogtt, soliciîude ; la]m, çnvitalion ; lufu (also weak), love; nafu, nave (of wheel) ; notu, use; racu, accourir, nar- rative ; rudu, redness; sacu, strife ; sagu, saw ; sc(e)amu, shame ; scinu, shin ; scolu, troop ; snoru, daughter-in-law stalu, theft; swa]u, track ; talu, tale, number; ]racu, violence, combat; waru, people ; wracu, revenKe ; &c. § 367. Lîke Af are declined a large number of nouns, as œesp, aspen-tree; bâd, pIedge ; br, hier; beorc, birch-tree bSt, advantage ; brSd, brood ; eax, axis ; eaxl, shoulder fêol, file; gd, goad ; glSf, Klove ; heall, hall; heord, herd, flock ; hwil, siba¢e of lime ; 1Ad, way, journey ; lAf, remnant 1Af, learning; lêod, nation ; lînd, linden, shieM; mearc, boundary', mêd, meord, reward ; round, hand; rd, r{de, ridin K ; reord, volte, languaKe ; rSd, cross; rSn, secret scand, disgrace; scofl, shovel; seatf, ointment; sorg, sorrow ; stund, period of time, hour ; tang, tongs ; ]earf.. need ; ]êod, nation; ]râg, rime, period ; wamb, stomach weard, protection ; wund, wound ; &c. brrr, êyebrow, ha., nom. acc. pl. bra beside brwa, gen. brna, dat. brfiurt beside brtwum. § 868. SIXG. Nom. firen, crime sRwol, soul ce. firene sRwle Gen. firene sâwle Dat. firene sAwle 
A ccîdence [§§ a9-7 a PLUR. Nom. Ace. firene, .a sîwle, .a Gen. firêna s.wla Dat. firentma s.wlttm In originally trisyllabic words the final -u regularly dis- app,,arëd in thc nom. sing. when the stem and the medial syllabl, wcre short, but remained when the stem-syllable was long and the media1 syllable short (§ 21). Then after tl«., analogy of words like firen, the final -u was also dr«qped in words like sâwol. The medial vowel regularly tisappearcd în the infleeted forms after long s.tems, but n,mained after short (§ 221). The nouns of this class do n»t tavc thc êndîng .(e)na in the gen. plural. . 300. l.ikc firen are declined bisen, bisn, example; byden, tmshd; ciefes, concubine ; feter, fetter; fe]er, .fi.athcr ; netel, uett]e ; spinel, spindle ; stefn, voice ; but egenu, chaff. § 370. I.ike s.wol are dêclined dl, disease; eastr, 'itv, fir#','ss ; frSfor (also masc.), consolation ; noedl, needle; wScor, increa8«', u8ttry. § 371. Nom. streng]u, .o, strength A«c. (;,,n. [)af. streng']e leornung, learning leornunge, .a "I'h,: fl.u, abstract nouns ending in prim. Germanic .i]5 «.,,,,larty syncopatcd thc medial î ( 221) and in the oldest t«:t.i«»l ¢,f thc language retaîned the final -u in the nom. ïO). "I'lcn at a Iater perîod the- (.o)was often dropped afi,r tht. analgy of words like r ( 37). At a stîll later p,rol th« nm. with and without the final .o came to be 'd fir alI eams. The abstract nouns in-g regularly yn«opated the tinal -u in the nom. ( 216). 372. Lîke strengu, -o, streng are declined cu, c'L native counOy ; fh(u),feud ; gesœel(u), prosperity ; 
§§ 7 -] Nouns  7 7 hlîew}(u), shelter ; mg](u), family, khdred ; }ief (u), theft wrge]](u), anger, wrath ; for furthër examples, see § 613. § 373. Like leornung are declîned oefnung, evening; oering, dawn ; ge]mfung, consenl ; lêasung, falsehood rîhtung, direction ; swinsung, melo@; wênung, ho/G pectation; for further examples, see § 615. b. jô-SEs. § 7. Stuc. Nom. hen(n), hen gierd, rod Acc. henne gierde Gen. benne gierde Dat. benne gierde Pnu. Nom. Acc. henne,.a gierde, .a Gen. henna gierda Dat. hennum gierdum It is necessary to distinguish between those stems which were orig[nally long and those which became long by the West Germanic doubling of consonants (§ 54). The j regularly disappeared after causing umlaut of the preceding vowel, and then the .u in the nom. sing. being preceded by a long stem also disappeared (§ 1), so chat the endings of the j-stems are the same as the long 8-stems except that the gen. pl. never has the ending .(e)na (§ 65). On the final double consonants în the nom. sîngular, see § 9. § 3"/. Like hen(n) are declined henri, ound; brycg, bridge ; bytt, flagon ; cribb, crib; crycc, crutch; ecg, edge; hell, hell ; nytt, use, profit ; sciell, shell ; secg, sword ; ibb, relalionshç# ; slecg, sIedge.hammer ; synn, sin ; syll, sill, lhreshoM ; wynn, jby. On hoecc, gat G hatch ; sœeec, slrife, see § 5, Note 3- ' § 370. Like gierd are deelined œex, axe ; bend (also mase. and heur.), hand; bh-]s, blis, bliss ; hild, eear ballle ; hind, doe ; li]m, liss, favoz-, kindness ; milts, mercy, kind- 
 78 M ccidence [§§ a77- mss; nfft, ut'ece; rest, test; sproEc, sleech , language ; wroEc, vengeance; wylf, she.wolf ; r], wave. On the g in coeg, key; ieg, tsland, see §§ 270, 272. § 877. SING. PLUR. Nom. byr]mn(n), burden byr]enne, .a Acc. byree byrenne, -a Gen. byrenne byrea Dat. byrenne byrennm In originally trisyllabic words the final .u in the nom. singular also regularly disappeared ai'ter the medial syllable whieh became long by the West Germanîc doubling of consonants (§§ «1, .4). The nouns ending in .en(n) sometîmes took .u again in the nom. sing. after the analogy of the short -stems. In late OE. the double consonants were often simplified in the inflected forms. § 878. Like byr]mn(n) are dec!ined candel (Lat. can. dêla), cadle ; cnêoris(s), ieneration ; hoegtes(s), witch ; biren, she-bear ; fyxen, shefox ; gyden, goddcss ; ]yften, female sewant ; wiergen, she-wo; byrgen, tomb ; for further examples, see § 0. clnes(s), coolness; swîft. nes(s), swiflness; ]rines(s), trini ; for further examples, see § eO9. roeden(n), arrangement, rule; hfisrden(n), househoM; for further examples, sec § 010. Nowz.--A few words simplified the double consonants at an carly period and then added -u in thc nom. singular after thc analogj of the short ô-stems, as hyraetu bcsidc hyrnet hormt; ielfet swa.n. . WO-STEMS. § 37{}. SING. Nom. beadu, .o, battle moed, meadow Aee. Gen. Dat. bedwe moedw Pewg. Nom. Acc. beadwe,.a moedwe, -a Gen. beadwa mwa Dat. bdwm moedwum 
§§ ]So-] Noues  79 In the nom. singular the prim. Germanie ending regularly beeame .wu (§ 1), then the w disappeed before the .u ( a). The-u remained after eonsonts preeeded by an origin short vowel, but disappeared after eonsonants preeeded by a long vowel ( 1). When the .u was preeeded by a it combined with it to form a diphthong, as clêa from *cla(w)u, claw, rêa from *ra(w)u, t/îreat ( 75), pl. nom. acc. cléa, dat. clêam from *cla(w)um; beside the regular nom. sing. forms clêa, rêa new nomînatîves clawu, rawu were made from the stem- fo of the oblique cases. The final-u also relarly disappeared after long vowels and diphthongs ( 1), but vas restored again from the inflected fores already in the oldest period of the Ianguage, as êow, reçentance ; stSw, place; tréow ( O0),faith, truth. In the inflected fos the wS.stems had the saine end. ings as the -stems except that they never had the ending -(e)na in the gen. plural. On the svarabhakti vowel in fos like gen. beadwe beside beadwe, see  0.  B80. Like bead are declined sînu, ionu, sceadu, shadow; and the plurals froetwe, ornamen; geatwe, armaments, artottr.  381. Like m6 are declined blSd(ez)lz, blood-&tting', b&eding ; ls, pasture. i 3" FEtlNINE ABSTRACT N OUNS IN -i.  88. This declension comprises the fera. tract nouns formed from adjecves. The st6' =ïily ende in n, and the nom. in .i, op. Goth. miei, grea¢oe, diù9eî, depth, formed from miks, great, uçs, dee, gen. es, diupeins (weak declension). The-,  were shortened to-, .î in prehistoric O E. ( , 1), d then the i caused umlaut of the stem-vowel. But already in the oldest peMod of the language this class of nouns w rcmodelled on analo with the .@0r 5.stems ( 8) so 
180 .dl ccidence [§§ ss - that the nom. came to end in .u, later-o, and the oblique cases of the sîngular in .e. At a later period the new nominative came to be used for ail forms of the sîngular and for the nom. acc. plural. this class have a plural. Nom. strengu, .o, strength Acc. strenge .u, .o Gen. ,, Dat. ,, Few nouns belongîng fo PLUR. strenge, .a ; .u, -o strenga strengum §388. Like strengu are declined bieldu, boldness; bierhtu, brghtness ; engu, narrowness ; fyllu, fulIness ; hœelu, health ; hœetu, eat ; hyldu, f avour ;  menigu, mengu, multitude; oferfierru, great distance; snytru, vaisdom; iestru, darness ; wlencu, wlenc(e)o, pride. See §§ ,503, 014. 4. THE î-DECLENSION. § 384. The i-declension comprises mas._c..ul!ne , femî..nine and neuter nouns, an corresponds to the Lat. and Gr. i.declension (nom. mase. and fera. Lat.-îs, Gr.-Ls, acc. -ira, .tf; neut. nom. acc. -e, a. Masculine. § 8S. SINe. Nom. Acc. wîne, friend glest, guest Gen. wines giestes Dat. wine gieste PLUR. Nom. Acc. wine, -as giestas Gon. wini(ge)a, wina giesta Dat. winum giestum The prim. Germanic forms were : Sing. nom. *gastiz, acc. *astin, gen. *$astaiz (cp. Goth. anstis), dat. *astai (cp. 
§ 38] Nouns  8  Goth. anst/i), loc. *sasti from Indg. *hostêi ; Plur. nom. *astiz older .ijîz (Goth. gasteis), acc. *astixtz (Goth. gastitxs), gen. *asti(jn, dat. *astimiz (Goth. gastim}. The endings .iz,-in of the nom. acc. sing. regularly became -î in prehistorîc O E. The-i caused umlaut of the stem-vowel and then dîsappeared after long stems ( 15), but remained after short stems and later became -e (§ Note). The regular ending of the gen. sing. would be .e (§ .17), the .es is from the a-stems. The dat. sing. ended in -i (later .e) in the oldest O E. and corresponded to the locative ending .i (§ 884, Note). The prim. Germanic nom. pl. eading -iz regularly became .i, later .e, which remained in the oldest period of the language. But already at an early period the nom. pl. was re-formed after the anatogy of the masc. a-stems and then later the old ending -e was only preserved in a ew plurals, especialîy ia names of peoples, as Dene, Danes; Engle, tte Englsh ; Mierce (gen. Miercna), Mercians ; Nor]hymbre, tVorthumrians; Seaxe (gen. Seaxna), Saavns; ielde, men ; îelfe, elves lîode, lêode, lheople. The ending .i(j}ôn regularly became .i(j)a which has only been preserved in a few words with short stems, as Denî(ge)a, wini(ge)a. The endîng -a is from the gen. pl. of the a-and consonantal stems. The dat. pl. would regularly bave ended in -ira, but it had from the other classes of nouns. Apart from the few words mentioned above, the long i-stems have the saine endîngs as the masc. a-stems and are only distinguishable from them by the presence or absence of umlaut. § 386. Like wine are declined a large number of nouns, as brie, beak ; bite, bie ; bryce, brea¢k ; bryne, burnig; byge, çurve ; byre, son ; ciele coId; cyme, advent ; cyre, choiçe ; cwide, saying, sleedz ; dene, rafle2 ; drepe, stroke, blow ; dryre, fall ; dyne, din ; flyge, flight ; gripe, aslb gryre, terror; gyte, poun'ng forth ; hmle (orig. a cons. stem, see § 414), man, kero ; hefe, wei,ht; hege, hedKe 
r q _ A ccidence [§ .-8 o hrine, logch ; hryre, fall; hyge, mbd; hype, hfi ; hyse pl. hy(s)as), youlh, son; ile (pl. il(1)as), sok  l]w foo1; lyge, jalsehood ; lyre, loss ; mre (or/g. net.), lae, çool mee (pl. meas),food; myne, nemory; ryge, ye; ryne, course ; scie, shove ; scie, shooting; sele, hgg ice, sigh ; slege, sroke, blow; sde, sh; slie, sh?; sde, ino?b ; stoepe, step ; stede, place ; stîce, stlc ; stige, ascenl ; stride, slride ; swyle, swelling ; yle, omtor wlite, brigMmss, beagty, bêorscipe, feasl; for firther examples, see  11. bere (Goth. *baNs), barley; ege (Goth. aOs),fegr; hete (Goth. hatis), hale ; tuerie, e¢lace sîge (Goth. sis), viclory, originally belonged to the neuter • OS, .es.deelension ( 9). ele (Lat. oleum), oi was a]ao orîginally neuter.  887. Like Oest are declined a large number of nouns, as st (also fera.), rgsgrmclo; oec, ash-lree ; bld, blast, breath ; blœest, blgsl; bgd, brandzhing; byht, beM ; byrst, loss ; cierm, clamons'; cierr, t¢r, chage dœel, paq; drenc, drhk ; dyn, dt; ent, gial ; feng, grgsp ; fief, feU; fierst, period t)m; flyht,fl/t; fyrs, «me; glœem, gleam ; 1t, ggill; ep, &ap ; hlyst (also fera.), sexe  lwgri, g ; hrf, tgrnbzg, cBweg ; hyht, hope ; lst, track ; lêc, kighl, looi al; Heg,ame ; list, skill, tnning; lut (also fera.), air ; moew, seageg pliht, danger, peril ; sœel (Mso rem.), lime ; scenc, , dragght eht, ilaugMer; smiec, smoke; stenc, odogr; .steng, pole sg, k«p ; streng, stng ; swêg, soi¢nd, noisg; swylt, deatl ; tyht, training, instruction ; yrs, giant ; wg, wave wi, sng; elm, boiling ; wrene, lck, slmlagem  888. œe, pfim. Germanî6 *saiwiz, sea, gen. oes, dat. , pi i nom. aee. soes, gen. *sœewa, dat. sœem beside swum (a new f6ation) ; so fera. gen. dat.  beside we; d, man, gen. OEru, dat. drU, pl. nom. ace. dras, dat. m. O the eontmoEed fos, see  18, 
b. 2v«mhthw. § 389. SING. PLrdR. Nom. Act. cwên, queen cwêne Gen. cwêne créna Dat. cwêne cvênum The masc. and fera. i-stems were originally declined alike in the sing. and plural. The nom. pl. and the whole f the sing. are regularly developed from the eorrespond- îng prim. Germanie forms, as sîng. *kwœeniz, *ïrwoenin, *kwœenaiz, *kwoenai, nom. pl. *kwoeniz. The gen. and dat. pl. were new formations as in the mase. i-stems. In early Nth. and then later also in WS. and Ken. the ace. sing. often had .e after the analog3, of the -stems ; and in like manner the nom. aee. pl. often had .a already in early 0 E. § 890. Like cwên are deelined oeht, properîy; ansîen, face ; bên, prayer ; benc, bench ; brrd, bride; ef, tt«b ; eyst, choice ; dœed, deed ; dryht, troop ; êst, fagonr ; fierd, army ; î.st,, .fist ; glêd, lire coaI ; hs, command ; h.d, hide skh ; hf, hive ; hymt, ornameng ; meah mçght, power; ed, need ; scyld, guilt ; spêd, st«ccess ; sl, pillar ; d, lime ; r, strength ; wœed, gannent ; wên, hope, e«pectation ; wist, stenance, food; wd,#te ; wy, ,egetable, herb; st, sIorm, du, strength, geo, yottth, ifles, a,oman, whieh originally belonged to this declension, went over into the .deelension. NowE.--, pm. Germanîc *aî, divine law, generally remains uninfleeted in the sing. and in the nom. aee. plural, but beside the gen. dat. sing.  there also exists w¢ from whieh a new nom. oew was formed.  91. A ceain number of nouns, whieh orînally belonged to the fera. i.deelension, paly or entirely beeame neuter and were then deelined like en ( 8) or hof ( 8) in the sinlar, d like hof in the plural. Sueh nouns are" fulht, fulluht, ba#tisnt ; gn, snar G noese; 
 84 M ccidence I§§ 9- oferhygd, prt'de ; wiht, wuht, lhing, crealure ; nouns with the prefix ge., as gebyrd, birlh ; gecynd, nature, kind; gehygd, mbd; gemynd, memory ; gesceaft, creation ; ge. ]eaht, thought ; ge]yld, patience ; gewyrht, merit, desert ; pi. gedryhtu, elements ; giftu, gifts. In late O E. other fera. i-stems also sometimes took the neut. plural ending .u (.o). c. Nez#ter. SZNG. PLUR. Nom. Acc. spere, spear speru, .o Gen. speres, spera Dat. spere sperum The neuter i.stems had origînally the same endings as the masculine except in the nom. ace. sing. and plural. The nom. acc. sing. ended in -i whîch regu]arly disappeared after long stems, but remaîned after short stems, and then later beeame .e (§ 21, Note). The nom. acc. pl. ended in - which would regularly have beeome .i (§ 214), later-e, after short stems, and disappeared after long stems. The nom. ace. pl. ending-u (-o) was due to the influence of the short neuter a.stems. The endings of the other cases are of the saine origîn as those of the mase. short i-stems. The regular form of the nom. aee. singular would be *slire (§ 41) if spere orlgina]ly beIonged to the neuter i-declension. . § a98. Lîke spere are declined ofdoele, dowward sloie , d«sceng ; oferslege, litel ; orlege, rage; sire, sieve. All these nouns probably belonged originally to the-os.,-es- deelension (§ 4_lt). A certain number of neuter nouns which origînally belonged parti3, to the neut. ja-stems, and partly to the .os., .e»-stems are declined ]ike spere, except that the stem-syllable beng long the final .e disappeared in the nom. ace. singular. Such nouns are- flsc, flesh ; fiies, fleece ; hœet, health ; hilt (also mtsc.), bill; ln, loan ; sweng, blow. 
§§ 394--5] NOt,S gfg, joining, oint  ggrynd, plot  gî'ound ; watchin, protection ; ged, noise ; gehnœest,-st, col. /ision ; genyht, sucien¢y; geresp, b/ame; gewêd, madness ; geswin¢, labour, ai¢tion. 5" THE -DE£LENSION.  394. The u-declensîon comprises masculine, femînine and neuter nouns, and corresponds to the Lat. and Gr. u.declension (nom. masc. and fera., Gr. -uç, acc. .um,.-ov ; heur. nom. acc. -» -). «. Maslie.  395. SING. Nom. Acc. sunu, .o, son fd, eld Gen. suna felda Dat. sa felda Pnu. Nom. Acc. suna felda Gen. suna felda Dat. sunm feldm The pHm. Geanic fores were: Sing. nom. *s (Goth. sus), acc. *s (Goth. sunu), gen. *suna (Goth. sunAus), dat. *swai (*sunwai), loc. *sau (Goth. sunu); Plur. nom. *swiz (Go. sjus), ace. *s (Goth. ss), gen. *swn (*swn), dat. *sm. The endîngs -, - relarly bece .u in prehistoHc OE.» and then disappeared affer long stems ( 211, 215), but remMned affer sho stems and later became-o. .a relarly becme-a ( 7). The OE. dat. sîng. is originally the locative. It îs dicult to accot for the ending .a of the nom. plural, whîch cnot be a noal development oç prim. Germanic-iw = Indg. .ewes. The gen. pl. ending -a is from e a-d the consonantal stems. The dat. pl. ending -m is çrom older .miz. At a later pefiod the .u (.o) of the nom. acc. sing. 
186 l ccîdênce [§§ 96- was often extended to the dat. sing. and nom. act. pl. in the short stems; and likewîse the .a of the gen. and dat. sing. to the nom. ace. In late OE. the short stems also often formed their gen. sing. and nom. acc. pl. after the analogy of the mase. a-stems. Already at an early period the long sterns were often declined entirely like the a.stems. Many nouns wh[ch originally belonged to this class went over into the a-declension in prehistorie O E. without leaving any trace of the t-declensîon, as ,r (Goth. drus), messenger; dêa]9 (Goth.. dAuœeus), dea/h ; feorh (also neut.), lire; flSd,flood ; grund, ground ; lust, pleasure, desire ; scield, shie[d ; ]orn, lhorn ; beofor, beaz,er ; esol, ass ; hungor, hzter for further examples, see § § 89a. Like sunu are declîned bregu, prince, ru/er; heoru, sword; lagu, sea, flood ; magu, son, man ; medu, meodu, mead (gen. meda besîde medwes); idu, custom ; spiu, spft ; wudu, zoood. § 397. Like feld are declined eard, native country ; lord, tbrd; g.r (mostly in eompounds), spear; h.d, tank, con. dition (for eompounds in -hîd, see § 605) sêa], pit, spring ; weald, foresl', sumor, snmmer; œeppel (gen. œep(p)les, pl. ap(p)la beside oep(p)las, and neut. ap(p)lu), «pple ; winter (pl. neut. wintru beside winter), winter. - b. Feminine. Nom. Act. duru, .o, door hand, hand , Gen. dura handa Dat. dura handa PLUR. lqom. Aee. dura handa Gen. dura handa Dat. flttrum handum 
§§ ,99-4oo 1Vo§ris  ,q 7 The masculine and feminine u-stems were orînally declined alike. In the short stems the nom. acc. sing. was also sometimes used for the dat. sing. and nom. acc. plural ; and the gen. and dat. sing. often had .e after the analogy of the short 5.stems. Beside the regular gen. and dat sing. dura, there also occurs dyre, dyru with i-umlaut after the analogy of the i-dêclension. In the "long stems the nom. acc. sing. was sometîmes used for the gen. and datîve. To the short stems also belongs nosu, nose ; and to the long stems : cweorn (also 5-declension), Goth..qarnus, hand. nill; flot (also masc.), floor; and originally also cîn(n) (Goth. kirmus, Gr. ¥s), c/tin. c. Neulcr. § 899. The neuter t-stems had originally the same endings as the masculine except in the nom. acc. sing. and plural, the former of wh[ch ended p ..u and the latter în, ,..ri. Nth. feolu, .o, and the WS. isolated înflected fore fela, feola, nuch, nauy, are the only remnants of this declen- sion in O E. feoh (Goth. faihu), cattle, went over înto the a-declension in prehistorîc O E. B. THE WEAK DECLENSlON (N-STESI$). a. Masculine. § 4oo. Sm.-" " Nom. guma, mat frêa, lord Acc. guman frêan Gen. guman frêan Dat. guman frêan PLUR. Nom. Acc. guman frêan Gen. gumena frêana Dat. gumum frêa(um 
 88 M ccidence [§ 40  The prim. Germanic forms were: Sing. nom. sumo, acc. *sttmanun, gen. *$umenaz (Goth. gumins), dat., properly locative, *sumini (Goth. gumin); Plur. nom. *umaniz (Goth. gumans), acc. *umanunz, gen. *gumnn (cp. Goth. adhs-nê, O E. ox.nît, of oxen) bcsîdc West Ger- manic *$umSn)n (OHG. gomSno, OS. gtmono) with .Snn from the rem. nouns, dat. *umunmiz besîde West Germanic *gumS(n)miz (OHG. gomSm) with -5. from the genîtive. In O E. the nom. and acc. sing. and the nom. pl. were regularly developed from the correspond- îng prim. Germanic forms. The regular form of the gen. and dat. sing. would be *gumen, *gymen, but OE. had Ievelled out the .an of the acc. sîng. before the period of î.umlaut. The gen. pl. can be either from *umanSn wîth a from the sîng. and the nom. plural, or from West Germanic *umSnn (§§ 217, 222). The dat. pl. was formed direct from Sure, the ending of the a-stems and the other consonantal stems, or else it is from West Germanic *5umS(n)miz. Bcside the regular gen. pl. ending -ena, the forms .ana, -ona sometîmes occur. The e in .ent was generally syncopated after long stems in poetry and in the names of peoples. On the loss of final -n in Nth., see § 288. From a morphological point of view the n-stems should be divided into .an, .jan, and .wan stems, but in O E. as in the other Germanic languages all three classes were declined alike. The -jan stems have i-umlaut in thc stem- syllable and also gemination of consonants when the stem was originally short, as dêma, ]udge, crta, hie, becca, lbichaxe, brytta, dçstribulo; 2brime, from prim. Germanic * - "= lakjo, *Srutjo. Iomo, kfitj, * "= § 401. Lîke guma are declined a large number of nouns, as cttmba, oakum ; era, str[gil; rendra, messenger; Rgîoeca, monster; anda, envy ; andsaca, adversary ; anga, goad; apa, a#e ; asaa, ass; bana, slayer; bêna, suppliant; l, -2 ..... 
§ 4o] tVouns z89 beorma, b«rln, yesl ; bera, b¢ar ; bes(e)ma, besoin; bita, big, morse/; blan¢a, horse ; blSstma, b/ossom ; boda, mes- senger; boga, bozv ; bolla, bowl; brbga, terror ; bucca, he-goat ; bylda, builder ; byrga, surely ; cleofa, cte.)q, cave ; cnapa, boy; cnotta, knot ; cola, chamber ; crablm, crab ; cruma, crumb ; euma, guest, stmnger ; ¢togga, dog; dora, bumble.3ee ; dropa, droi ; clwolma, chaos; eafora, son; fane., banner ; fê]a, hand of infanry; fliema, fugitive ; flots, sailor; fola, foal; freca, eoarrior; frogga, frog; ftaxma, beginning; gra, corner; gelg, gallows; gealla, gall ; gefêra, com1anion ; gehola#rolector; gerêfa, reeve; gerfftla, councillor; gesaca, adversary; ge]ofa, coin. #anion; gewama, cuslom; haca, hook; hfela, hectd; hana, cock ; hara, hare ; htmta, h,mter ; inca, grud=,«e ; lêoma, ray of ligM ; lida, sailor ; loca, endosure ; maga, slomach;mna, moon; naoe, boat; nama, naine; nefa, nelheva ; ga, terror; bret£a, warrior; oxa (pl. oexen exen, beside oxaxt, § 107), ox; plega, iblay; pohha, ibouch, 3ag; priea,#n'ck, #oint; rîma, n'm; ry]pa, masliff; cord, snare; =scanca, shank ; sca]m,#e, enemy ; scrêawa, shrew-mouse; s¢tte¢a, demon; sctt(w)a, stadow ; sefa, mind, heart; slaga, slayer; snaca, shake; sopa, sup ;, s#oke of a wheêl ; spearwa, sarrow ; staea, sake ; stela, stalk ; steorra, star; swêora, neck ; swica, deceiver ; swima, giddiness ; telga, branch ; trega, grief, aiction ; ]marfa, #auier; ], Sumb; wela, irosperity; wita, sage, wise nan ; wîtega, lro#het; wroecc(e) {§ , Note exile; wyrhta; a, orker; and the pl. hiwatt (gen. hina beside hiwna), members of a hogsetzold. § o9. Like frêa are declined flêa, flea; gefA, foe; (ge)fêa, foy ; léo, lion; fA, roe ; twêo, doubt ; wêa, woe; and the plural Swêoza, Swedes. See § 19. 
z9 o Mccîdence [§§ 4o-4 b. 'eminim. § 408. SINGo Nom. tunge, longue bêo, bec Acc. tungan bêon Gen. tungan bêon Dat. tungan bêon PLUR. Nom. Acc. tttnan bêon Gen. tungena bêona Dat. tungum bêom The femînine n-stems were originally declined like the masculine, as in Latin, Greek and Sanskrit, but already in the prehistoric period of the Germanic languages, they became differentiated in some of the cases by partly generalizîng one or other of the formsj thus the nom. sing. originally ended in-ô or .Sri in both genders, the West Germanic languages restricted - to the masculine and to the feminine, but in Gothic the reverse took place. In the fera. Goth. O.Icel. OS. and OHG. levelled out the long vowei of the nom. into the oblique cases, whereas OE. had the saine forms as the masculine except in the nom. sing.-e from prim. Germanic .Sri (§ 9.17). The general remarks made in § ,ioo concerning the masculine n-stems also apply to the feminine. The fera. nouns with short stems began to form their nom. sing. after the analogy of the short -stems (§ 8tt5) already in early O E., as cinu, chink, spadu, spade, besîde clne, spade. §404. Like tunge are declined oedre, arlery, rein; oelmesse, alma ; oesce, inquiry ; ampre, sorrel ; ar(e)we, rrow; asse, she.ass ; asce, ash, cinders ; gqexe, lizard ; boecestre (also, baker (for other examples con- taining the suffm .estre, see § tt08) ; bête, beed-Iree ; belle, 
§§ 4o5-6] ]Ol(l'lS 19 I bell; berige, berry ; beme, lru»lhet; bicce, bitcl ; binfle, head-band ; bloeflre, blgdder ; blœese, blase, fir¢ra, lorch ; burne, slgm, bwok ; be, corstel; cae, tan, cul; cêace, cheek, jw ; ceole, throgg ; cice, cgrch ; clugge, beg; crwe, crow; cuppe, cu ; cfislpe, .sloppe, cowsli ; cwene, wongl; docte, dock lgn); dûce, d«ck; eor, eah ; foecele, torch ; lape, ee, cream ; folfle, earth ; hacele, dogk ; heae, ha ; heofone, heaven; heoe (orig. neut.), h«g; oEfdige, lad ; hse, earth ; loppe, flea ; mœege, mge, khzswoman meowle, naden ; ere, nare ; mSdge, ngterngt aunt; molde, earth ; more, parsnip sle, ottsel; panne, pan; çere, pear; pe, pipe; piège, peatree ; pie, pea ; raeente, chain ; seohhe, si,e ; de, side; slpe, paste ; se, smitl ; zne, stn ; swealwe, swallow ; wipe, scourge ; rote, throat ; yrne, thornbh ; file, owl; wœeece ( n, Note 3), vigil; wse, nud; wieee, witctz; se, way, »tanner; ce, wnce, week; wle, wool ; wuàuwe, widow ;  aon. Like bêo are declined eêo, jackdaw, chough ; arrow ; sêo, pupil  the eye clay. See  c. Neuter.  06. S. Pu. Nom. Acc. êage, eye êag Gen. êagan êagena Dat. êagan êa The fleurer n.stems hsd orinly e mme endings the masculine and feminine except in the act. sing. d the nom. act. plural. The nom. act. sing. had .5n which regularly became .e in O E. ( 17). The nom. acc. pl. had .n in the Indg. pent lgue. Th was changed in prim. Germanic into .5n5 th .5 from the neuter s-stems. .n regularly became .na in Goth.,  ug, eye» nom. 
 9 .,4 ccictence [§§ 4o7- o act. pl. ugna. The O E. ending .an was due to the analogy of the masc. and rem. n.stems. § 407. Like êage are only declined êare, ear; wange (also wih strong forms), «heek. C. in, oR DECLENSIONS. I. MONOSYLLABIC CONSONANT STEMS. a. Masculine. § 4=08. SING. PLUR. Nom. Acc. fôt, fool fêt Gen. tôtes fSta Dat. fêt fôtum The prim. Germanic forms were" Sing. nom. fSt for older *iôs(s) (Gn Dor. =dç) with t from the inflected forms (§ .40), and similarly tS] for older *tôs(s), acc. *fStun (Goth. fStu), gen. *fStaz, dat., properly loc., *fSti ; Plut. nom. *fôtiz, acc. *fStunz (Goth. fStuns), gen. *fStSn, dat. *fStumiz. The OE. correspond to the prim. Germanic forms except in the gen. sing. which fs a new formation after the analogy of the a.stems. The regular form would be *fSt. § 409. Like iôt are declined tS], tooth; man(n)(beside manna, acc. mannan, n-declension), nan ; and wifman, b..Feminine. § 0. SmG. Nom. Acc. bSc, book Gen. bêc; bSce DaL bêc Pg. Nom. Acc. bêc Gen. "bSca Dat. bScum _ hnutu, uut hnute hnyte hnyte huuta hnutum 
The O E. forms of bc are regularly developed from prim. Germanic" Sing. nom. *ks, act. *kun, gen. *kaz, dat. *5ki; Plut. nom. *kîz, acc. *tkunz, gen. *5kBn, dat. *kumiz. The gen. sing. bôce was a new formation after the analogy of the -stems, and bêc is the dat. used for the gen. The regular nom. sing. of hnutu would be *hnuss (§ 40), hnutu (prim. Germ. *xnutun) is the act. used for the nominative. The gen. sing. was formeét af'ter the analogy of the -stems ; the dat. sing. and nom. pl. correspond to prim. Germanie *Xnut.i, *xnutiz, the final-i (later .e)being retained after a short stem (§ 1). In nouns belonging to this class the stem-vowels â, , u, fi were regularly umlauted fo ge, ê (Nth. cê), y, r in the dat. sing. and nom. acc. plural. In nearly all the nouns belongîng to this elass, beside the gen. sing. with umlaut there exists a form endîng in .e without umlaut which was ruade after the analogy of the ô-stems. in late O E. the dat. sing. was often like the nominative. § 48.1. Like bc are declined .c, oak broc, trousers; burg, city (gen. dat. sing. and nom. acc. pl. byrig beside byrg, § 0 ; also declined like cwên (§ 38), but without i.umlaut); cri, cow (also gen. sing. crie, cris; nom. a¢¢. pl. ¢r, c-e, gen. cfia, cfina, cna); dtmg, prison; g, goat; gs, goose ; grftt, coarse neal, groats ; Ifm, Iouse ; meol(u)c, milk; ms, mouse; neaht, niht, igll (also gen. dat. sing. nîhte; adv. gen. nihtes, nes nihtes, af nigM, by m'ght, formed after the analogy of doegs); ittrf, turf; luth, furrow (gen. sing. frire beside fyrh, pl. gen. frira, dat. friture, § 115); ulh, lough (gen. sing. sfilis on analogy with the a-stems, pl. gen. sfila, dat. sûlum) ; lrrîh, trough (dat. pi. ]rm, § 8); wlh, fringe. § ilS. Like hnutu are declined hnitu, nil ; studu, stu]m, 
r 94 t ccidence [§§ c. Neuter. § 418. The only remnant of this elass is serfid, garment, dat. serd; gen. ede and late O E. dat. ede were foed after the analogy of the neuter a-stems, d the nom. aee. pl. sed; gen. pl. crfida, dat. edm. . Szs -p.  . Of the nouns which originally belonged to this deelension only four have been preserved" mase. hoele (OHG. hlid), hœele, hero, man, month ; fera. moeg(e) (Goth. magas), maen ; neut. al, ale. hœel, hœele, mna, and moeg(e) originally had the saine endings as the prim. Germanic forms of and be ( o). The p was reintrodueed into the nom. sing. from the inflected forms. The old nom. acc. sing. bas been preserved in al. The gen. and dat. sing. of hoel« and mna were formed on alo with the a.deelension ; and beside the nom. aec. pl. hoele, mna, 'ërë also exist hœeleas, mSn(e)as. Those forms which did hot originally have umlaut were generalized in OE. They e declined as follows :-- .'SG. Nom. Acc. hœelehœele5na , moeg(e) êalu '. Gen. œelees) Cmôn(e)es) moeg(e) ealo Dat. œelee ,mSn(e)e) mœeg(e) eo PLUR. Nom. Acc. hoele> mSn moe(e) Da. hœeïe>m môn(e)>m moeg(e) ealea 3" STEMS IN .r, § 415. To this class belong the nouns of" relationship : Isoler, fat/wr; brô]or, brother; môdor, .mother ; dohtor, daughter; sweostor, sister; and the collective plurals, 
§ 4 ] JVoz«ns i95 gebr5]or, gebrS]ru, breEtren ; gesweostor, .tru, .tra, sisters. SING. Nom. Acc. feeder Gen. foeder,-eres Dat. fœeder PLUR. Nom. Acc. fœederas Gen. foedera Dat. foederum SING. Nom. Acc. Gen. Dat. PuR. Nom. Acc. Gen. Dat. brS]or mSdor brS])or mSdor brê]er mêder brS]or, .]ru mSdor, -dru, .rira brS]ra mSdra brS]rum mSdrum dohtor swestor dohtor sweostor dehter sweostor dohtor, .tru, -tra sweostor dohtra sweostra dohtrum sweostrum The prim. Germanic forms of foeder were: Sing. nom. *fadêr (Gr. r«p), act. *faderun (Gr. -«-ro«), gen. *fadras (Gr. =«'rpÇs, Lat. partis), dat. *fadri (Gr. rm-p¢) ; Plut. nom. "faderiz (Gr. «T4p«), acc. *fad:runz (cp. Goth. brS])runs), gen. *fadrn (Gr. r«vpv), dat. *fadrumiz (cp. Goth. brS]rum). The O E. nom. acc. and gen. sîng. fœeder is normally developed from the ::orresponding prîm. Ger- manie forms. On the gen. foeder from *faflras, see § 219 ; fœederes was formed on analogy with the a.stems. The prim. Germanîc pl. forms (except the acc.) regularly became *foeder, foedra, foedrum, the last two of which were common in the oldèst period of the language ; then later .er was levelled out into the gen. and dat., and the nom. pl. *fœeder became foed(e)ras on analogy with the a-stems. The prim. Germanic case endings of brS]or, mSdor, dohtor, and sweostor were the saine as those of îoeder 02 
r 96 A cciÆence [§ 4  6 except that br5]or and sweostor having originally the chief aicent on the stem had .raz in the gen. singular. The dat. forms *BrS]ri, *mSdri, *doxtri (older *d:uxtri ) with o £rom the nom. acc. and gen., *swestri (older *swistri) wîth e from the nom. ace. and gen., regularly became brê]er, mêder, dehter, sweostor (cp. § 219). In late O E. the dat. mêder, dehter were often used for the gen. and vice versa. The gen. sing. *Brô]raz, *m5dras, *doxtras, *swestraz, regularly became brS]or, mSdor, dohtor, sweostor (§ 219). The gen. and dat. pl. were regularly developed from the corresponding prim. Germanic forms. The nom. sing. and pl. were in prim. O E. *brS]er, *mSder, *doxter, *swestor, then .er became .or (older .ur) through the influence of the guttural vowel in the stem (ep. § 222), but the ending-er (rarely .ar) often occurs both in early and late O E. sweostor had .or in prim. Germanie, as nom. sing. *swesor, Indg. *swesSr, pl. *swesoriz, Indg. *swesores; the t was developed between the s and r in the gen. sing. *swesraz, pl. *swestrn, and then became generalized (§ 240). gebrS]or and gesweostor were originally neuter collec- tive nouns and were deelined like wRe (§ 355) whence the plural endings gebrS]ru, gesweostru, .tra, which were afterwards extended to the plural of mSdor and dohtor. § 416. Nom. Acc. frêond, Gen. frêondes Dat. îrîend, îrêonde PEUR. Nom. A¢c. îriend, frêond, .as Gen. frêonda Dat. frêondum wgend, warrior wgendes wgende gend» oe, rgendra wgendum 
§§ 4 x 7- ] Nouns  9 7 The nouns of this declension are old present partîciples, lîke Lat. ferêns, bearin,, gen. retentis, and oHginally had the saine case endings as the other consonantal stems. But in O E. as in the other Germanic languages they underwent vartous new formations. The O E. present participles had passed over into the ja-declension of ad- jectives (§§ 4aa-4.) in the oldest period of the language. The nom. sing. was a new formation with d from the in- flected forms, cp. Lat. ferêns from *ferenss older *ferents (§ 240). The gen. sing. frêondes, wigenoEes, dat. frêonde, wigende, nom. acc. pl. frêondas, vigenclas were formed after the analogy ofthe masc. a-stems. The dat. friend with umlaut is from *friondi older *frijSndi ; and the nom. pl. friend is also from *friordî older*frijSndiz (Goth.frijSnds). The nom. and gen. pl. endings .e, .fa are adjecfival (§ 4). § 417. Like frêond are declined tèond, enem.y; têond, acuser; the compound noun gSddnd (pl..dnd, beside -dênd), benefa¢tor; and the collective plurals getîend, enendes; gefriend, friends, which werê originally neuter collective nouns and declined like wite (§ 85ti). § 418. Like wigend are declined gend, owner; be. swicend, deceiver; êhtend, persecutor ; helend, Saviour; helpend, heIper ; hettend, enemy ; ner(i)gend, Saviour ; sêmend, arbimor; wealdend, rMer; t'or further examples» see § 6ol. 5- STE:MS IN -OS, .es. § 419. This class of nouns corresponds to the Gr. neuters in .os,, as Gr. ¥vçç, race, gen. ¥¢ older *¥oE«t, Lat. genus, gen. generis, pl. genera. A. fairly large number of nouns oHginally belonged to this class, but owng to various levellings and new formations, of which some took place în the prehistorîc perîod of all the Germanîc languages, nearly all the nouns belongîng here went over into other declensions in 0 E. The prim. Ger- 
 98 A ccidence [§ manic forms of a word like lamb were: Sing. nom. acc. *lamtaz, gen. *lamezaz, *lamiziz, dat. *lamizi; Plur. nom. acc. *lamSzô, gen. *lamez8n, dat. *lamezumiz. After the loss of the singular endings -az, .iz, .i, the follow. ing changes took place: from the gen. and dat. sing. a new nom. *lambiz besîde lamb was formed. This accounts for the preservatîon of the î in Gothic in such words as hatis -- O E. hete, haie, sigis -- O E. sige, victory, whieh would bave been *hats and *sigs in Gothic, had these Words ended in .iz in prim. Germanie. The new nom. ending .iz regularly beeame -i in OE., then it eaused umlaut in the stem-syllable and disappeared after long stems, but remained after short stems and later beeame -e, whenee forms like nom. sing. lemb, gst, hlw, hete, sige besîde lamb,, hlw. After medial .z. in the gen. and dat. sing. had beeome r (§ 9.52)it was levelled out înto the nom. sing. in some nouns, as *dSgr, *hlr beside *dSgi, *hâli, then later riS_go_r, h.l.9_o r, older .ur, beside deêg (Nth.), hoel. All the nouns vhieh underwent these new formations passed into other deelensions partly with change of gender also. Thus,, goest, spirit, breath, igor, victory, went into the mase. a-deelension; hl&w, hlâw, mound, bill, hroE(w), hrâ(w), also heur., cor2se , carrion, into the mase. wa-deelension ; dg (Nth.), day, ge. ban(n), stmmons, gef6g, joining, joint, geheald, keeping, custody, gehnRst, conflict, sîrife, gewealc, rolling, soel, hall, dSgor, day, êagor, flood, ride, êar, ear of corn, h.lor, satvation, health, briller, hrr]er, ox, salor, hall, stulor, theft, pl. hoeteru, clothes, into the heur. a-declension ; bere, barley, ege, fear, hete, hate, tuerie, necklace, sige, vclory into the masc. i-declension ; oîerslege, linlel, orlege, rate, vàfe, sieve, sIere, spear, flœesc, flesh, flies, fleece, hl, health, salvation, hilt, bill» lœen, loan, sweng, blow, into the neuter i-declension. § 420. The few remaining nouns formed, their, gen. and 
Gen. lambes cealfes ges Dt. lambe cealfe œege PLUR. Nom. Act. lambru cealfru egru Gen. lambra cealfra gra Dat. lambrum cealfrum egrum Beside lamb there also occurs lombor and sometimes lemb; in late O E. the pl. was lamb, lamba, lambum after the analogy of the neuter a.stems. Beside the Anglian sing. calf there also occurs coelf, celf with i. umlaut. Like lamb are declined cild (pl. cild beside cildru}, child ; speld, spinter, gorch ; pl. brêadru, crg«nbs. CHAPTER XII ADJECTIVES A. THE DECLENSlON OF ADJECTIVES. § 1. in the parent Indg. language nouns and adjectivês were declined alike without any distinction in endings, as in Latin, Greek, and Sanskrit. What is called the un- inflected form of adjectives in the Germanîc languages is a remnant of the time when nouns and adjectives were declined alike. But already in Indo-Germanic the pro- nominal adjectives had partlynominal and partly pronominal endings as in Sanskrit. In prim. Germanîc the endings ofthe pronominal adjectives were extended to all adjectives. 
oo  ccidence § «   These remarks apply fo what is called in the Germanic languages the strong declension of adjeefives. The so-ealled weak deelension of adjeefives is a speeial Germanic formation by means of the suffixes .Ch-, -on., whîch were origînally used to form nomina agentis, and attributive nouns, as Lat. dô (gen. ednis), glu#on, O E. slaga, slayer, wyrhta, worker gen. slagan, wyrhtan ; Lat. adjectives eatus, sO5 cunning, rfifus, red, red-haired, sîlus, pug-nosed, beside the proper names Car5 (gen. CatSnis), lit. lhe sly .one, 15f5, the red-hcdred man, SilS, the #ug-nosed man ; and similarly in O E. bloec, black, frSd, wîse, old, h.lig, hoIy, beside the proper names Blaca, Fr5da, Hga. In like manner Goth. blinds, O E. blind, blind, beside Goth. O E. blincla, which orîginally meant, the blind man; Goth. ahma sa weîha, lit. ghost the holy one. Stlch nouns came to be used attributively at an early period, and then later as adjeetives. And alreadyin prim. Germanic this weak declension became the rule when the adjeetive followed the definite article, as Wulfmffer se geonga, I4uIfmoer the Young, O H G. Ludowig ther snello, Ludwi K he 23rave, cp. N HG. Karl der Grosse. At a later period, but still in prim. Germanic, the two kinds of adjeetives--strong and weak--became differenfiated in use. When the one and when the other form was used in OE. is a question of syntax. There were adjecfival n- stems in the parent Indg. language, but they did hot have voealie stems beside them as is the case in the Germanic languages., eall, ail, genSg, enouKh , manig, many, and 5]er, se«oud, wer always deelined according to the strong deelension. Nearly all other adjecfives tan be declîned aceording to either declension. The strongform is used predicatively in the positive and SU.l...rlative degrees; and when the adjective îs used at.tribut__ively without any other defining word, as woes sêo fnme geoxg, the woman was yo«n ; ]t menn sindon 
§§ 4 - -1 .4 djecgves o gôd, he .men are good; us woeron ï lasa fyr. meste, thus were ghe las6 firsl. In the rotative the weak fore exists beside the strong,   lêofa dhten, flou dear Lord; fi riht cng, thou jusg king. The weak form is used affer the definite article, and affer demonstrative and possessive pronouns, as se ofer. mSda cng, lhe #roud kig; oes êadigan weres,  t/te 31essed man; es ealda ma, this oM an ; on îssum andweardan dœege, on lhis reseng day; n lêofa sunu, my dear son; urh ine oeelan hand, lhrough [] noble hand. In poetry the weak fore often occurs where in prose the strong fo would be used. N owE.--When the same adjeetive refers both to masc. and fera. beings, itis put in the heur. plural» as it maçon btfi œeomne wen, e (Adam and Eve) both together be liras ]ze naked; op. Goth. wêgarata ba andwairja gus, O.Icel. au vro rêtlçt be fyr pe, OH G. i wmn rehtiu beidu fora goe, t]«ey (Za¢hdas azd Eliaabeth) we'e ol] rleots bŒEore God.  . In OE. the adjectives are declined as strong or we. They have three genders, and the same cases as nouns with the addition of an insmental in the masc. and neuter singular.  6. The endings of the strong declension are partly nominal and paIy pronominal, the latter are pHnted in itMics for glœed, gla6 and bHnd, bliud. The nominal endings are those of the.oeç,_reelensions. The strong declension is dided into pure a-, -stems, ja., jô-stems, d wa., w-stems, like the corresponding nouns. The origînaI i. and u.stems psed over almost entirelN into thîs deelension in prehistoric OE. In OE. the stems and the wa-, w-stems only differed from the pure a., -stems in the masc. and fem. nom. singular and the neut. nom. acc. sinlar. 
M ccidence [§ 44 a. PURE a-» -STEMS. § «««. S,',,'G. Masc. Neuf. Fera. Nom. glœed, glad gloed gladu, -o Acc. glœedne gloed glade Gen. glades glades glœedre Dat. gladum gladum glœedre Instr. glade glade PLUR. Nom. Act. glade gladu, -o glade, .a Gen. glœedra gloedra gloedra Dat. gladum gladum gladum SING. . Nom. blind, blind blind blînd Acc. blindne blind blinde Gen. blîndes blindes blindre Dat. blindum blindum blindre Instr. blinde" blinde PLUR. N oto. Acc. blinde blind blinde, .a Gen. blindra blîndra blindra Dat. blindu'm blindum blindum The prim. Germanic forms of blînd were: Masc. sing. nom. *blînaaz (Goth. blinds), act. *blincann (Goth. blindatm), gen. *blîncesa,-asa, dat. *blinoEomm, .ê (Goth. blindarnrna), instr. (loe.) *blin¢lai; plut', nom. *blincai (Goth. blîndi), acc. *blincartz (Goth. blîndans), gen. *blin¢taizn, dat. *blincomiz. Neut. nom. act. sing. *btin¢an (Goth. blind), nom. act. pi. *blînc (Goth. blinda). Fera. sing. nom. *llint (Goth. blinda), aee. *blintIbrt (Goth. blinda), gen. *lîn¢tizôz (ep. Goth. ]iz, of the), dal *blînzai (ep. Goth. ]izAi, fo the); pl. nom. act. *'olinoEîz (Goth. blindô), gen. *blintlaizn, dat. *l.*încômîz. 
§§ 4a 5--6]  d.f8c[uss :203 On the syncope of the medial vowel in blindne, blindra, blindre, see § 21; after the analogy of such forms it was also dropped in adjectives vith short stem-syllables. In late O E..era, .ere are common after both long and short stem-syllables. The nom. acc. neut. pl. and nom. sing. fera. go back fo prim. Germanic *Dlindô, the of which became .tf (§ 9.14)and then disappeared after long stems (§ 9.115), whence blind beside gladu. In laie WS. the masc. nom. acc. pl. form was generally used for the neuter; and occasionally the .u of the short stems was extended fo the long. On the u în blindum, see § 9.18 the .um became .un, .on., .an in laie O E. (§ 9.84). bllndra goes back to prim. O E. *blindoera, *blindera, vith œe, e from the masc. and neuf. gen. singular. This form then came to be used for the feminine also. The remaining forms require no comment, as they are regularly deve]oped from the corresponding prim. Germanic forms. § 4.15. On the interchange between œe and a in the declension of glœed, see § 54, Note 3. Like glœed are declined the monosyllabic adjectives with short stems, as boer, bare ; blœec, black ; hrœed, quick ; hwoet, brisk, ac&,e ; lœe¢., slozv', smœel, tender, small ; soed, salaled ; wœer, wary, cautious ; dol, foolish ; fram, active, bold; frec, boM ; frttm, oriinat, jqrst ; grain, angry, tierce;bol, hollo'av ; tmot, baM ; tri, good, useful ; trum, .firm, slron ; watt, a,anting, de./îcient; Anlie, solilary (for other examples, see § angsum, roublesome (for other examples, see § 686). § ¢. Like blind are declined the monosyllabic adjec- rives with long stems, as beald, boM; beorht, brighl ; blâc, pale ; brn, brozt, n ; brU.d, broad ; ceald, cold; cilié, knov.,n, fa.miliar ; dêad, dead ; dêaf, deaf ; déol, deep ; deor¢, dark ; dumb, dtmb ; eald, oM; earg, coa'ardly; earm, #oor; forht, feauCul, timid; frSd, a,ise, oM; l,fod; fris, ready; gefôg (gef'6h),jbint; genSg yozîng ; georn, cages"; gnêa], niggardly ; ,. 
204 M ccidence [§ 47 grey; grêat, large ; h1, whole, sound hoarse ; hel, hall law ; hêan, lowly desptsed ; hold, gracio ; hrr, actzbe, brave 1, hatoeul ; lêas, free from, faithless ; 1Cf, dear; ran¢, pwud ; rêad, red ; riht, r,ht, straighg ; rf, brave, strong rt, glad, clîeeul ; rûm, roomy soir, bright, shining; sco, short stêap, steep, I ; stearc, st; s, st rid ; strang, strong ; swift, swoet ; swi, slrong ; torht, bnht ; trAg, la,y, bad ; eafl, severe ; woeL wet ; wc, weak ; wealt, unsteady; wea, warm ; wid, wide ;. wis, wise ; wlanc, #roud ; wSd, mad ; wroesL firm, strong ; wrâ, wroth, angry ; nd, wounded; fyrn (orig. i-stem), old, ancient ; c51 (orig. u.stem), cool; heard (orig. u-stem), hard. The double consonants were simplified in the inflected forms belote other consonants eaB, alt; feo, far; fl, #mm, grim ; snell, ready, acttbe. For examples of adjec- rives like oeelcd, of noble ogth; Anfeald, single ; Arfoest, virtuous; Aflêas, impiots, sep Adjectival Suffixes, 683. . § SIlo. lom. Acc. Dat. Instr. PEUR. Nom. Acc. erl. Dat. l]/Iasc. Nettt. Fera. hêah, high hêah hêa hêa(n)ne hêah hêa hêas hêas hêa(r)re hêa(u)m hêa(u)m hêa(r)re hêa hêa hêa hêa hêa hêa(r)ra hêa(r)ra hêa(r)ra hêa(u)m hêa(u)m hêa(u)m hêanue, hêarra, hêarre were due to the assimilation of ha and hr; and hêane, hêara, hêare arose from the reçu- 
§§ 428-9] A djectives 205 lar loss ofhbeforen, r(§89,2). In hêaum the uwas restored after the analogy of forms like gladum, blindum. The instr., masc. and rem. nom. pl., and fera. act. singular héa was from older *hêahe; and the neut. nom. aee. pl. and rem. nom. singular from older *hêahu; mase. and neut. gen. sing. from *hêahes. See § 9. Late OE. forms like gen. hêages, dat. héage, nom. pl. hêage beside older hêas, héa(u)m, hêa were formed after the analogy of such words as gen. gef'6ges, genges beside nom. gef'6h, genh (§ a.). § 48. Like héah are declined fâh, hostile ; flh, deceit- j,d; hrêoh, rude, rough, wild; nêah, nigh, near; rfila, rough ; seêoh, shy ; t5h, tough ; wSh, crooked, bad. seeolh, awry, squinting ; weorh, cross, perverse, dropped the h and lengthened the diphthong in thê înfleeted forms, as gen. scêoles, ]wêores, dat. scêolum, ]wêorum, cp. § 149. § 420, S L G. Masc. NeuL Fera. Nom. manig, nany manig manig Acc. manigne manîg manige Gen. maniges maniges manigre Dat. manigum manîgum manigre Instr. manîge mauige PLUR. N om. Acc. manige manig manige, .a Gen. manigra manigra manigra Dat. manigum manîgum manigum SING. Nom. h.lig, holy halig gu,.o Acc. hligne g h.lge Gen. hlges hlges gre Dat. hlgum hlgum hlîgre Instr. hlge hfilge 
M ccidence [§§ PLUR. Nom. Acc. hlge hligu, .o hlge, .a Gen. haligra hligra hligra Dat. hlgum hlgum hlgum Original short medial vowels in open syllables regularly remained in trisyllabie forms when the stem-syllable was short. They also remained in closed syllables irrespec- tively as to whether the stem-syllable was long or short. But they disappeared when the stem-syllable was long. See § 221. Final .u regularly dîsappeared after a long medial syllable, and also when the stem and the medial syllable were short, but remained when the stem-syllable was long and themedial syllable short. See § 9.16. There are many exceptions to the above rules due to analogical formations, as yfles, h.liges, h.lgu beside older yfeles, hlges, hligu» see § 9.9.3, Note x. In adjectives ending in .en, .er, the combinatîons .enne (masc. act. sing.), .erra (gen. pl.), and-erre (fera. gen. dat. sing.) were often sim- plified to .ene, .era, .ere especially in late 0 E. (§ 9.59, 4). § 480. Like manîg are declined the dissyllabic adjectives with short stems, as atol, terrible, dire ; bedol, suppliant ; broesen, of brass (for examples of other adjectives ending in .en, see § 82î) ; efen, even; etol, gluttonous; fœegen, glad; foeger, fait ; flacor; flickering; flugol, fleet, swift; forod, deçayed ; fraco], vile, bad ; tmitol, given fo 3utting ; micel (see § 223, Note i), large, great; nacod, naked; open, open ; plegol, #Iayful; recen, ready, prompt ; icor, sure ; sweotol, plain, eviden ; yfel, evil; wacor, vigilan; bysig, busy (for other exarnples, see § 680); past partîcîples, as boren, borne; coren, chosen ; legen, lain ; &c. § 1. Like h.lig are declined the dissyllabic adjectives wîth long stems, as col, timid, frighened; fft(t)ren, oison- ous (for examples of other adjectives endîng in .en, see § 2); Agen,'von ; bêogol, agreeing; bit(t)er, billet; 
§§ 4s-]  djectives o7 brœegden, decei«l; eristen, christian; dêagol, diegol, secret ; êaeen, great, increased ; earfo, dcttIt; freoEol, eedy  gemor, sad ; gylden, golden ; dor, bght ; hen, heathen ; fit(t)or, dear ; idel, vain ; lel, litlle ; er ( SSS), second; sno£(t)or, we ; sgel, steep ; blg, bleeding; erœeftig, skitl; êadig, rich, happy (for other examples, see  0); eîldise, childish (for other examples see  SSS); past paiciples, as bunden, bottnd; holpen, helpei see  6s. b. ja-, j'STES.  8. In the ja-, jfi-stems it is necessary to distinish between those stems whieh were originally long and those whieh beeame long by the West Geanic doublng of consonants ( 4). The latter class were deelined în O E. like the pure a., ô-stems ending in double consonants ( 426), sueh e: gesibb, akt», related; fld, raidie; n, gS(g/. The regul form of the nom. sing. mase. and neut. of a word like midd wou]d be *initie, see  274. § 4=38. SING. Masc. Neut. Nom. wild, wild wilde wildu,-o Act. wildne wilde wilde Gen. wildes wildes wildre Dat. wîldtttn wildum wildre Instr. wilde wilde PLUR. Nom. Act. wilde wildu, .o wilde, .a Gen. wildra wildra wildra Dat. wildmn wildum wîldum The onlydifference in declension between the original long ja.,jS.stems and the long pure a-, 5-stems is in the masc. nom. sing., heur. nom. acc. sing.and plural, and the fera.nom. singular, wilde (masc. nom. sing.) is regularly developed 
ao8 Accidence [§ 434 from prim. Germanic *wil]jaz, and the neut. nom. acc. sing. from *wil]jan; wildu (rem. nom. sing. and heur. nom. ace. plural) was formed on analogy with the short pure a-stems (§ 4«4), the regular form would be *wild (sec § «15). Double consonants were simplified belote or after other consonants (§ 259), as masc. acc. sing. ]ynne, rhin, foecn«, deceig'tl, terne, angry, from *]ynnne, *foeenne, *terme; fera. gen. dat. sing. gifre, greedy, terre from *gifrre, *tertre. When n, r came to stand between two consonants the first of whieh was hot a nasal or liquid, they beeame voealie and then developed an e belote them, as mase. aee. sing. giferne from *gifrne; fera. gen. dat. sing. foecenre from *fœecnre. Nearly all the old long i. and u-stems went over into thîs deelension in prehistorie OE. § 44. Like wilde are deeIined a large number of ad- jeetives, as œelwe, entire; oe]ele, oble; andfenge, acceptable; andrysne, terrible ; .nl/epe, single ; bhe, j'oyful; brême, famots; brute, useful; eêne, bold; clne, clean; erme, comely, beautifgl; eynde, nattral; dere, clêore, dear; dierne, hidden ;, dry ; êce, eternal; egle, troublesome; êste, gractbus; fene, deceigful; fffge, faled ; fêowerfêe, four-footed ; tilde, level (of land) ; flêde, in flood; for]genge, effective; frêcne, dangerous, wicked; frem(e)de,foreign ; frêo (§ ].04), free ; geenœewe, conscious of; geewme, pleasant; gedfe, beco¢ing, fit; gefêre, accessible; gehende, handy; gemœene, common ; genme, acceibtable ; gesiene, visible; getenge, near fo ; getriewe, faithful ; gifle, greedy ; gréne, green ; hlœene, lean ; hnoesee, soft, tender; ierre, angry ; ie]e, easy ; loene, temporary ; lœetroede, dehberate; h-pe, gentle ; mffre, [amous; man. ]woere, hunane; medeme, moderate; mêlée, tired; milde, m//d; myrge, nerry; niewe, niwe (§ to), new; oferffte, gluttonous ; oferspree, loqgacious ; ormte, immeasur. able; rê]m, tierce ; riee, powerful ; riçe, ripe ; sne, slow ; 
saturable, agreed; scierie, 3eautiful; sêfl:e, soli ; sli]e, cruel savate ; smê]e, smooth ; smylte, mild, serene ; stille, sîill; strenge, slrong; swête, sweet; swige, si[ent ; sfre, pure; ]icce, thick ; ]iestre, dark, gloonîy ; ]rifingre, lhree fingers lhick ; ]riste, rash, daring ; ]riwintre, three years old ; ]ynne, ghin ; ]yrre, withered ; unhiere, horrible; fipgenge, fugitive ; wêste, wasfe, barren ; wier]e, wortty ; wr&ne, wangon. In like manner are declined the present parficiples (§ 441). For examples of adjectives like oeppel- bgre, a2bible-bearing ; coppede, œopped, polled ; hâlwende, lealtlfid, see Adjectival Suflïxes, §§ 624, 638. '. wao» WOoSTEMS. Sm. Masc. Neuf. Nom. gearu, .o, reacly gearŒ, .o Acc. gearone gearu, .o Gen. gearwes gearwes Dat. gearwum gearwum Instr. gearwe gearwe Fera. gearu, -o gearwe gearore gearore PLUR. Nom. Acc. gearwe gearu, -o gearwe, .a Gen. gearora gearora gearora Dat. gearwum gearwum gearwum w became vocalized to u (later o) when final and before consonants in prehistorie OE. (§ 8) ; whence masc. nom. sing., neut. nom. ace. sing. gearu from *, .au. The u had become o before eonsonants in the oldest period of the language, as gearone, gearora. The fera. nom. sing. and heur. nom. acc. pl. are from older *Sarwu with loss of w before the following u (§ «88). The dat. gearwum for *gearum was a new formation made from forms like gearwes, gearwe, where the w was regular. On forms like gen. gearuwes, gearowes beside gearwes see § .«0. o.«. P 
.,4 ccidence [§§ 4 sa- § 43. Like gearu are declined basu, beasu, purple; calu, bMd; cylu, spo#ed; fealu, fallow ; geolu, yellow ; hasu, heasu, grey, tawny ; mearu, tender ; nearu, narrow ; salu, sealu, dusky, dark. § 487. The adjectives which had a long vowel or long diphthong in the stem reintroduced the w in to the nomina- tive from the inflected forms (§ 205) and then came to be declined Iike pure long a., 5-stems (§ 424), such are: fêawe,few ; gedêaw, dewy ; gehlêow, sheltered; gesèaw, succulent; glêaw, wise ; hnêaw, sNngy ; hrêaw, raw ; rôw, quiet, calm ; slw, stow ; }êow, servile. d. î-STEMS. § 488. Of the adjectives which originally belonged fo this class, the long stems took final .i (later .e) from analogy with the short stems and then both classes went over into the ja-declension in prehistoric O E. The old short i-stems are still recognizable by the fact that they do hot bave double consonants in the stem-syllable. Examples are- bryce, bri#tle; gemyne, remembering ; swice, decettfM; and of old long i-stems : bhe (Goth. blei]s), loyful; brute (Goth. bniks), useful; clœene, ctean ; gocwême, çIeasant; gedêfe (Goth. gadSfs), be¢oming, fil; gemne (Goth. m.ins), common; gesiene (cp. Goth. anasiuns), visible; grêne, green ; scierie, beauli/ul ; wête, sweet ; &c. e. tt-STEMS. § 488. Of the adjectives which originally belonged to this class only two bave preserved traces of the old u-de- clension, namely nom. sing. cwîcu, c(w)ucu, alive, masc. acc. sing. cucone, and nom. wlacu, warm, teid. And even these two adjecfives generally bave nom. cwc, wlœec and are de¢lined like short pure a-stems. All the other djectîves passd over înto the a., ja., or wa-declension in prehistoric O E., as heard (Goth. hardus), hard; egle 
§§ 44o--r] A djectives    (Goth. aglus), troublesome; hnesce, hnoesce iGoth, hnas. qus), sort, tender; twelfwintre (Goth. twalibwîntrus), twelve years old; ]yrre (Goth. ]a6rsus), dry, withered; glêaw (Goth. glaggwus), wise. o.. THE WEAK DECLEN$ION. § 44o. SINGo Masc. Areul. Nom. blinda, blmd blinde Acc. blindan blinde Gen. blindan bdan DaL bldan bHndan PLUR. Nom. Acc. n, DaL blinde blindan blindan blindan blindan blindan blindan blindra, .ena blindra, .ena bHndra, .ena blindum blindum blîndum The weak declension of adjectives has the same endings as the weak deelension of nouns, except that the adjeetives generally have the strong ending -fa (§ 42/,) instead of -(e)na in the gen. plural. Beside the regular dat. pl. end- ing .um there also occurs at an early period .an which was taken over from the nom. aec. plural. In trisyllabie ad- jectives the medial vowel remained after short stems, but disappeared after long stems, as wacora, wacore, z, igilant, beside hRlga, hlge, holy (§ 221). On adjectives like hêa, high, gen. hêan, see § 427. In like manner are declined the ja- and wa-stems, as wilda, wilde, wild; gearwa, gearwe, ready. 3- THE DECLENSlON OF PARTIClPLES. § .l. In the parent language the stem of the present par- tidiple ended in .rit, as in Lat. ferent-, Gr. çowr-, bearing. The mase. and neut. were originally deelined like consonant stems (§ 4a.6). The fera. nom. orîginally ended in -i which was shortened to -i (§ .14 in prehistoric O E. (cp. Goth. P2 
cci dence [§§ frijSndi, fem. friend). The -i of the feminine was extended to the masculine and neuter, which was the cause of their passing over into the ja-declension (§ 488). In OE. the pres. participle was declined strong or weak like an ordinary adjective. When used predicatively it often had the un- inflected form for ail genders in the nom. and accusative. § 442. The past participle, like the present, was declined strong or weak like an ordinary adjective. When strong it was declined like manig or h.lig (§ 420) according as the stem-syllable was short or long; and similarly when if was declined weak (§ 440). When used predicatively if gener- ally had the uninflected form for ai1 genders. A small number of past participles of strong verbs have i-umlaut of the stem-vowel, because in prim. Germanic, beside the ordinary ending .énaz = Indg. -énos, there also existed .iniz = Indg..énis, hence forms like ggen beside gen, own ; cymen beside cumen, corne ; slegen beside sloegen, slagen, slain; tygen from *tu$iniz beside togen from *tusenaz, drawn. ]. THE COIPARI$0N OF ADECTIVES. I. THE COMPARATIVE DEGREE. § 443. The Indg. parent language had several suxes by means of which the comparative degree was formed. But n the îndvdual branches of the parent language, one of the sufxes generally became more productive than the test, and in the course of tme came fo be the princpa! one from which the comparative wa formed, the other suixes only beng preserved în isolated forms. The only Indg. comparative suffîx which remained productîve n the Germnc languages is -îs- .whîch became -iz. (= Goth. -z., 0HG.-ir., OE..r.) in prm. Germanic by erner's law. To ths sux was dded in prîm. Germanc, or probably in the preGermanic period, the formatve sux -en., -on-, 
§ 443] A djecives 2  3 as in Gr. fi;ov from* - ' rF«o'ov, gen. Movo, = Goth. sutiza, gen. sutizins, OHG. suoziro, gen. suoziren, (-inb OE. swêtra, sweeter, gen. swêtran. This explains why the comparative is declined weak in the oldest periods of the Germanîc languages. Beside the suflîx .iz. there was a]so in prim. Germanic a suflîx .ôz. (Goth. -Oz., OHG..Or., OE. .r-) which did not exist in Indo-Germanic. This suflîx is a special Germanic new formation, and arose from the com- parative of adverbs whose positive originally ended in ., [ndg..d (§ 5540. And then at a later period it became extended to adjectives. In OE. polysyllabic adjectîves formed with derivative suffixes and compound adjectives had the Germanic suflîx .Sz-; ja-stems the suflîx .iz.; and uncompounded pure a-stems mostly had .Sz.. Prîm. Germanic .iz5 (= Goth. .iza, OHG. -iro) and .5z5 (= Goth..Sza, OHG..Sro) fell together in .fa in O E., so that, except in the ja-stems, the presence or absence of umlaut îs the only indication as to which of the two suflîxes -fa goes back. Only a small num ber of adjectives have umlaut in O E., of which the most common are: brU.d, broad eald, oM feorr, far geong, young grêat, greut hêah, hh lang, long sceort, short strang, strong broedra beside br.dra ieldra (Goth. alpiza) fierra giengra, gingra grietra hiehra, hierra besîde hêahra lengra sciertra strengra. Examples without umlaut in the comparative degree are" êadig, happy, earm,oor, fœegen, glad, foeger, fah', gearu, .o, ready, gloed, glad, grimm, grim, hâlîg, holy, lêof, dea; nêah, nea5 comparative êadigra, earmra, fœegenra, 
foegerra, gearora, gloedra, grimra, hâligra, lêofra, nêahra (nêarra). SUPERLATIVE § 444. The superlative, like the comparative degree, was formed in the Indg. parent language by means of several suffixes. But în the îndîvidual branches of the parent language, one of the suoExes generally became more productive than the rest, and in the course of rime came to be the principal one from which the superlative degree was formed, the other suffixes only being preserved in isolated forms. The only superlative suflïx which re- mained productive in the Germanîc languages is .to. in the combinatîon .isto., formed by adding the original superlative suflîx .to. to the comparative suflîx -îs-, as in Sanskrit and Greek, as Gr. a'ros--Goth. sutists, OHG. suoisto, OE. swêtest(a), sweetest. The simple superlative sufiîx -to- has been preserved in Gr., Lat., and the Germanic languages in the formation of the ordinal numerals, as Gr. vos, Lat. sextus, Goth. safhsta, O HG. sehsto, O E. siexta, sixh. The Germanic suflïx -Sst. was a new formation like-Sz, in the comparative. .Sst.,-ist. regularly became -ost.,-est. in OE., and the mediaI vowel in the superlative being în a closed syllable remained (§ 221). It is diflîcult to account for its loss in hiehst(a), highest, and niehst(a), nearest (sec § 221). In late O E. the medîaI vowel was often syncopated, as lengsta, strengsta (§ 223, Note 2). On the interchange of the medial vowel in forms like lêofesta beside lêofosta, sec § 222. The adjectives whîch had i-umlaut in the com- parative generally had-est(a), but sometimes also -ost(a), in the superlative, and those which did hot have umlaut in the comparative generally had -ost(a), rarely-ust(a),-ast(a), as ieldet(a),flerrest(a), giengest(a), gingest(a), grietest(a), 
§§ 445-6] .,4 djeclives  1,5 lengest(a), sciertest(a), strengest(a), but earmost(a), fœegnost(a), gearwost(a), hligost(a), lêofost(a), In Gothic the superlative had both the strong and the xveak declension, but in OE. it generally had only the latter except in the nom. acc. heur. which had both forms .est, .ost, beside .este, .oste. 3" IRREGULAR COMPARI$ON'. § 445. The following adjectives form their comparatives and superlatives from a different foot than the positive :-- gbd, Kood { bet(e)ra, bettra bet(e)st, betsta sêlra, sêlla lrtel, little lœessa lst(a) micel, great raira mst(a) yfel, evil wiersa wierresta), wiersta) NOTE.--I. On the tt in bettra (Goth. batiza), see § 260. bet(e)st = Goth. batists, sêlla with assimilation of lr to I1 (§ 281). Issa from *ls(î)ra» prim. Germanic laisiz (§ 281" lst(a) rom *lsist-. mRra  Goth. miiza; mst(a) (Goth. mddsts) wîth  from analog3r with lst(a), Anglian wiersa (Goth. wairsîza) from *wiers(i)ra; wierrest(a), wierst(a rom *wîersist-. 2. In a few words comparative and superlative adjectives were formed from adverbs" r, belote, œerra, former, earlier, rest(a), firsg; fyrest(a) from *furist-, first, related to fore, befom ; ftr]ra, higher» greaIer, related to for], forh. § 446. In a number of words the comparative was formed from an adverb or preposition, with a superlative in .um-, .uma (prim. Germanic .um), cp. Lat. optimus, best, summus, hghesg. The simple superlative suffix was preserved in O E. foma (Goth. fruma), firs, beside fore, belote ; hindema, last, hindmost, beside hindan, behind ; and meduma, medema, midway in size, related to midd, middle. But in prehistoric OE., as in Gothic, to .um- was added the ordinary superlative suffix .ist- which gave rise 
=  6  ccidence [§ 447 to the double superlative sufiïx .umist., as Goth. frumists, first; hindumists, hindmost. In O E.-umist. became -ymist. (§ 47), later-imest., -emest., -mest., as oefter, af[er oefterra oeftemest(a) êast, easCwards êasterra êastmest(a) fore, be_fore forma, ' fyrmest(a) inne, wt'llt) innerra innemest(a) lœet, lae loetra loetemest(a) midd, middle medema, midmest(a) nio]an, beow ni]erra ni(o)]emest(a) noria, northwards nor]erra, nyr]ra nor]mest(a) s, late si]ra semest(a) sfi, soulhwards sfi]erra, s']erra sù]mest(a) ufan, above f uferra ufemest(a) yferra I yfemest(a) ùte, wffhout { fiterra fit(e)mest(a) rterra { t(e)mest(a) west, weswards westerra westmest(a) C. NUMERALS. CARDINAl, AND ORDINAL. ai1, twà, 'wo ]ri, lhree fêower, four f-tf, Are siex, six, six 8eofoll, eahta, etht gon, nine forma, formest(a) erest(a) fyrmest(a), fyrest(a), 5]er, oefterra ]ridda fêo(we)r]m fifta siexta, sixta seofoa eahtoa nigo]a 
§ 447] A djecgves hundendleofantigo]a hundtwelftigo]a seox, later siex, six, syx (§ 81). seofon, nigon, tîen (later trn) had their final .n from the inflected forms, as *seDuni-, &c., or else they were formed, as in Goth. OS. and O HG., from the ordînals in prim. O E. before the n disappeared before ] (§ 286). nigon from older *nion (= Goth. OHG. niun) ; *nion became dissyllabic and then between the two vowels a consonantal glide was developed (cp. § 20). tien, later tn, probably from an older inflected form *têoni-, ep. têo]a, endleofan (endlefax, enlefan) 
  8 A cddece [§ 44  from older *œenlefan, *ainina+ liban., with excrescent d developed between the n and 1 and weak ending .an. twelf -----Goth. twalif, endleofan and twelf originally meant something like (ten and) one lefl over, (ten and) two left over, cp. Lithuanian vënka, eleven, dvrlika, tvelve, &c., where Goth..]if and Lith..lika are from *liq., the weak form of the Indg. root leiq., fo leave, and are ultimately related to O E. lîon (lêon), Goth. leilan, to lend, Gr. ,ro, Lat. linqtta, I kave. The assimilation of *.lih to .lif first took place in twalif because ofthe preeeding labial (§ «87, Note), and then, at a later period, the .lif was extended to */dnlif (ep. dat./zinlîlim) for older */dnlih. I 3 to 19 were formed by the simple ordinals plus the infleeted form .tiene, later The deeades 2o to 60 were formed in prim. Germanic from the units 2 to 6 and the abstraet noun *tegtm¢'-= Indg. *dekmt'-, decade, whenee the Goth. stem-form tigu- whieh-cent over into the tt.deelension with a plural tiKjtts, as nom. :wdd tiNtm, t, venty," dat. twfiim tigttm. Prim. Germanic *tegtm'- is a derivative of prim. Germanie *textm- (= Indg. *dékïn, Gr. «, Lat. decem, Goth. taihun, O E. tien)with change of X to , by Verner's law (§ 88)and ttle Ioss of the final eonsonants (§ ml). The stem *tegtt. regularly became -tig in OE. and OS., whenee O E. twêntig from twêgen+ tig, lit. two decades, ]ritig, &c. with the following noun in the gen. case; An azd twêtig, twenty-one, tw. and twêntig, Many attempts bave been ruade to explain the decades 7 ° fo x2o, but no satisfactory explanation of their morpho- logy bas ever yet been given. The decades could be used both substantively and adjectively. When used as sub- stantîves their gen. ended in .es  when used as adjectives they were eîther uninfleeted or formed their gen. in .fa, .a, and dat. in .ttm. Instead of htmdseofontig', hundeahta.tig, &e., the shorter forrns seofontig, eahtatig', were used when 
§ 447] -alfœecc.[Ve$ 2 19 immediately preceded by hund = zoo, as hund and seo. fontig--I7o  but hund and seofon and hundseofontig : z77. At a later period the shorter forms became generaIIy used in all positions. Besides the form hund. têontig, there were in OE. the two neuter nouns hund (= Gr. ««vv, Lat. centum, Indg. kmt6m), and hundred, -re]) (- O.Icel. hundra]) ; the second element .red, .re] is retated to Gothîc ra])jS, zzlnber. 20o to 9oo were generally expressed by the simple units and hund (also sometimes hundred, hundtêontig), as twR hund, fîf hund, &c. hund was usually uninflected but occasionally it had a dat. ending .e, .um. hundred had a pl. form hundredu, when used absolutely. ]send was a neuter noun and was often inflected as such. The decades, and hund, hundred, and ]senà, being nouns, governed a following noun in the genitive case. The forrns for ' first' are old superlatives of adverbs (§§ 4, Note % 48). 5]er (Goth. an]ar, cp. NE. «oe»2' other da,) was always declined according fo the strong declension of adjectives (§ 4S9). ]ridda (Goth. ]ridja, Gr. vpvos) with weak stem-form from Indg. *tri. the weak form of *treî-, tlree. Ail the other ordinals were formed from the cardinals by means of the Indg. superlative suflîx -fo- (§ 4A), the t of which reg-ulaxly remained unshifted in fffta, siexta, enclleofta, twelfta (§ Itl, Notes). In other positions the t became ] by the first sound- shifting (§ Sa:t), then ] became & by Verner's law (§ SaS) in those ordinals which did not orîginally have the chier accent immediately belote the ], and later noE became nd (§ .5), as Goth. *sibunda, nîtmda, talhunda, from Indg. *septmtds, *neunt6s, *dekmt6s. The regular forms of these would have been in OE. *seofonda, *nigonda, *têonda, but OE. generalized those ordinal forrns which in prim. Germanîc had the chief accent immediately betbre the ], whence the OE. new formations seofolra, nigo])a, 
o A ccidece [§§ 448-o têo]a from older *seBun]5, *nijun]g, texun]. In the decades the medial o may represent the older u in *telu. (see above). In compound ordinals the cardinal units were generally used, as fêower and fîftigo]a, fifty.fourt], but sometimes the ordinal forms of the units were used with the cardinal decades in the dative, as fêo(we)r]a êac tîftigum, hund, hundred, and fisend had no correspond. ing ordinals. Ail the ordinals, exeept 5]er, were declined according to the weak declension of adjectives. § 448. In O E. the cardinaIs  to 3 were deelinable în all cases and genders as in the other Germanic lan- guages, gin was declined aecording to the strong (§ 424) or weak declension (§ 440) of adjeetives. The strong mase. ace. sing. is generally œenne (shortened later to oenne, enne) from prim. Germanie *aininSn, beside the less common form ,nne from *ainanSn. Strong pl. forms are rare, but they oceur oecasionally, meaning each, all, every one, .nra gehwilc, each one. When declined weak it means alone, solus. § 449. Masc. Neuf. Fera. Nom. Acc. twêgen tri, tw tw Gen.  twêg(e)a twêg(e)a twêg(e}a twêgra twêgra twêgra Dat. twœem, twm twoem, twa twoem, twm The formation of twêgen and of the genitîve are diftîcult to explain, twêg(e)a cannot correspond to Goth. twaddjê, prim. Germanic *twajjn, which would have become *twœeg(e)a in OE., cp. § 27éi. twœem from prim. Germanic *twaimiz; twàm was a new formation from twâ. tri from prim. Germanic *tw5 (§ 180); twâ corre- sponds to the Goth. masc. form twti. § 410. Like twêgen is also declined bêgen (shortened Iater to beggen), bû (§ 180) ' bâ (Goth. masc. bi), both. 
§§ 45x--4] A djectives    Also in the eombination masc. and fera. bâ tw., neut. bfi tri, often written in one word bfit, both. ]ri (Goth. ]reis) from prim. Germanic *]rijiz ; ]râe had its e from the adjectives (§ 424). ]riora was formed from ]rîo with the ending of the strong adjectives ; the regular form would have been *]ria from prîm. Germanic *]rijn. ]rîm (Goth. ]rîm) from *]rimiz ; beside ]rîm there also occurs ]rim (cp. § 145). N eut. ]rio [Goth. ]rija) from *]riu older *]rij5. Fem. ]rio from *]riu older *]rijS. § 45.. The cardinal numbers 4 to x9 generally remained uninflected when they stood before a noun, whereas, if they stood after a noun or were used as nouns, they were declined according to the i-declension: nom. acc. masc. and fem..e, heur..u (-o); gen..a,, as of fîf hlâfum, f:bm ff,Je loaves; raid fêawum brS]rum, ]œet is, seofonum oisive eahtum, with seven or eight brothers ; fifa sure, one of five. 2. OTHER NUMERALS. § 458. In O E. the multiplicatîve numeral adjectives were formed from the cardinals and the Germanie suffîx for -fold, Goth..fal]s, OHG..falt, OE..feald (§ 6s8), as 5.nfeald, singIe, twie., twifeald, twofold, ]rie., ]rifeald, threefold, féowerfeald, fourfold, &c., manigfeald, nanifo]d, which were declined as ordinary adjectives. The first element of twifeald, ]rifeald was sometimes înflected, as dat. twoEmfealdum, ]rimfealdum. § 454. Of the old adverbial multiplicatives only three occur • oene (rare in gen. form œenes), once ; tuwa, twîwa, 
2 2 2 24 ccidence [§§ 4 s-s twywa, twt'ce; ]riwa, ]rywa, thrice. The remaining multiplicatives, and offen also once, twëe, thrice, were expressed by sî], going, way, and the eardinals, as ne si]a or on œenne sî], twœem sum (Goth. twîdm sin]am), fîf mum (Goth. fimf sîn]mm), &c. § 45. ri'or the first, second, third, #c. tirae, were ex- pressed by si and the ordinals, as forman si]e, 5]re st-e, ]riddan si]e, fiftan se, &c. § 456. The dîstributive numerals were An., nliepige, one each', be twoem or twm and twm, be ]rim or ]rim and ]rim, féower and fêower, sendum and ]sendum, &c. A remnant of the old distributive numeral corresponding to Gothîc tweihni, æwo each, has been preserved in the compound prepositîon betwêonum, beween. § 457. OE. also had numerals like NHG. anderthalb, dritt(e)halb, lit. (one and) the secondhalf, (two and) the third hall. This method of expressing numbers goes back to the prim. Germanie period, and was originally eommon in all the Gemanie languages. Originally both elements of the compound were inflected, but at a later period the compound, when used before nouns, beeame uninfleeted like other cardinal numerals, as 5]er healf hund daga, z5 ° days ; ]ridda healf, tzvo and a hall, feS(we)r]a healf, three and a hall; cp. Gr. T.Tov T0X««-rov, t'WO talenLs and a half, lit. third hall tdent. CHAPTER .... PRONOUNS § 458. The most difficult chapter in works on com- parat¤ve grammar is the one dealing with the pronouns. It is impossible to state with any degree of" certainty how many pronouns the parent Indg. language had and what 
§ 48] Pro«ous   3 forms they had assumed at the time it became differentiated into the various branches which constitute the Indg. family of languages. The difficulty is rendered still more com. plicated by the fact that most of the pronouns, especially the personal and demonstrative, must have had accented and unaccented forms existing side by side in the parent language itself; and that one or other of the forms became generalized already in the prehistoric period of the in- dividual branches of the parent language. And then at a later period, but still in prehistorîc times, there arose new accented and unaccented forms side by side in the individual branches, as e.g. in prim. Germanic ek, mek beside ik, mik. The separate Germanic languages gene- ralized one or other of these forms before the beginning of the oldest literary monuments and then new accentcd beside unaccented forms came into existence again. And similarly during the historic periods of the different languages. Thus, e.g. the OE. for I is ic, this became in ME. ich accented form beside i unaccented form, ich then disappeared in standard ME. (but it is stilI preserved in one of the modern dialects of Somersetshire)and i came to be used as the accented and unaccented form. At a later period it became i when accented and remained î when unaccented. The former has become NE. I, and the latter has disappeared from the literary language, but it is still presêrved in many northern Engl. dialects, as i. In these dialects i is regularly used în interrogative and subordinate sentences; the ME. accented form i has become ai and is only used in the dialects to express special emphasis, and from it a new unaccented form a has been developed which cau only be used in making direct assertions. Thus in one and the saine dialect {Windhill, Yorks.) we arrive at three forms • ai, a, i, which are never mixed up syntactically by genuiue native dialect speakers. SDmething similar to what has happened 
=  4 M ccidence [§§ and still is happening in the modern dialects must also have taken place in the prehistoric and hîstoric periods of all the Indg. ]anguages; hence in the prehistoric forms of the pronouns given below, it must hOt be assumed that they were the only ones existîng in prim. Germanic. They are merely given as the nearest ascertainable forms from which the OE. forms were descended. § 4,60. Second Person. Nom. û, thou git g Acc. ]ec, ]ë incit, inc êowic, êow, ïow Gen. ]i incer êower, iower Dat. ]ë inc êow, iow § 81. Third Person. SING. Masc. iVeut. Fera. Nom. hë, he hit hio, hêo Acc. bine, hiene kit laie Gen. his hîs hiere, hire Dat. him him htere, hire PLUR. -ALL GENDERS. Nom. Acc. hie, Gen. hîera, hira, heora Dat. him 
§ 462. In the parent Ianguage the nom. was rarely used except to express emphasis (cp. Skr., Lat., and Gr.#, because it was suflïciently indicated by the" personal endings of the verb. Beside the accented form of eaeh case of the personaI pronouns, there also existed oîe or more unaccented forms just as in many modern dîatects, where we often find three or even four forms for the nom. case of eaeh pronoun. M o»t of the O E. forms of the per- sonal pronouns represent prim. Germanic unaccented forms. In forms marked with both long and short vowêIs, as in mè; ], g, &c., those with long vowels were the accented, and those with short vowêls were the unaccented forms, see § . In the pronouns of the first and second persons - .s_ing. and pl. were formed from the stem- forms of the possessive pronouns. The c in the act. forms mec, ]ec, fisic, êowic, goes back to a prm. Germanic emphatic particle, *Re .= Indg. *ge, which is found in Gr. pronominal forms like 17«. The acc. forms with ¢ only occur in the oldest records and in poetr3., ic is the old unaccented form, the accented form was preserved in O.Icel. ek (cp. Lat. ego, Gr. ,). The e in me, ]e may represent Indg. e, cp. Gr.  (), v, but it is far more likely that me, ]e are old datives used for the accusative. ]u (OHG. du) beside ]fi (OHG. dfi), NE. has preserved the old accented, and N HG. the old unaccented form. Dat. me (Goth.mis, OHG. mi_r), ]e (OHG. dit), prim. Germanic *mes, *] beside unaccented *miz,*]iz, with :s»-z from the dât'. plural ; O E. me, ]e can represent either form, probably the latter, cp. we, ge. wît (Goth. 05;. wit), and git (OS. git) were unaccented plurals with the addition of-t which is of obscure orîgin. There are grave phonological difficulties against assuming that the -t is related to the numeral for tri,o. Acc. unctt, incit were formed from troc, inc with .ît from the nomina- tive. unc, inc are old accusatives also used for the dative; OE,GR. Ç 
  6 M cdden ce [§  6  une (Goth. ugk, OS. une) from un (which occurs in the acc. pl. ûs = Goth. uns = Indg. ris with vocalic n)+the particle *ke = prim. Germanic *ur]ki; inc (053. înk, cp. Goth., prim. Germanic *îl2q- which is of unknown origin. we, prim. Germanic *wis (Goth. weis) beside the unac- cented form *wîz (OHG. wir); *wiz became *wi in prim. O E. and then later we, from whîch a new accented form wê was formed, g'ë for *g (= Goth. jus, prim. Germanic *.iris beside *juz) with ë from wë. fisic from older *unsek (with e from mec); ris (Goth. O HG. uns, Indg. ris with vocalic t0. éowic from older *iuwek (with e from ]ec); dat. êow (OHG. lu, eu) from older *iuw, prim. Germanic *iwwiz êow, îow is the old dat. also used for the acusative. The pronoun of the third person is originally a demon. strative pronoun formed from the Indg. stem * " .., whieh occurs in Lat. (later hîe), this, ci.s, ci-ter, on this side. i t has been preserved in Goth. in only a few isolated phrases, as und hina dag', go this day; hîmma daga, on this day, to-day ; und hita nu, till now. hë, prîm. Germanic *xis beside unaccented *xiz; *xiz became *xi in prim. OE. and then later he from which a new accented hê was formed ; bine (Goth. hina), prim. Germanic *xinSn, beside hiene with ie from hiere, hiera ; his from *xisa ; him from *xitnî (orig. instrumental), lait (cp. Goth.hita, where the t = Lat. -d in id, that), hio later hêo, formed from *bi + û with  from sio, sêo (§ 465) ; Me later hî, h,, from *hi + 5n; gen. hire from *xiz8z, dat. hire from *xizai; hiere had îe from the gen. plural; cp. the prim. Germanic endings of the rem. adjectives (§ 42¢1); the acc. form was often used for the nom. and vice versa, hî later h, from *xi, unaccented *Xî, beside Me with e from the adjectives (§ 4,24) ; lai was often written big (see § il, Note) in late OE. The masc. form was used for all enders. but 
sometimes the old rem. sine. hêo was used instead of it; hira, from *×izn, beside hiore, heora, hiera with o laut (§ IOS). hîm from *×imîz, beside late %VS. heom with eo from he genifive. All the forms wîth i ofen had y în lire 2. REFLEXlVE. § 6. The reflexive pronoun originally referred to the chier person of the sentence (generally the subject), irre- spectively as to whether the subject was the first, second, or third person singular or plural. This usage remaîned in ;anskrit, but in the Germanic Ianguages, the pronouns of the first and second person came to be used reflexively already in prim. Germanic, and then the original reflexive pronoun became restricted to the third person. But the prim. Germanic reflexive pronoun of the third person *sek, unaccented *sik (Goth. aik, OHG. ih disappeared in OE., and the old genitive (Goth. seina, OHG. sin only remained as a possessive pronoun. So that the personal pronouns of the third person also came to be used reflex- ively in O E. When the personal pronouns were used reflexively self, sel/" (declined strong and weak)was often added to emphasize them. 3. PossEssivE. § &. The possessive pronouns mi,,, my, ]in, /ç,, (mostly used in poetry), his, ber, ifs, are originally old locatives, Indg. *mei, *tel, *sel with the addition of the nominal suffix .no., whence prim. Germanic masc. nom. *mînaz, *]inaz, *sinaz; fem. nom. *tainS, *]in, *sînS, which were declined in the sing. and plural, all genders, like blincl (§ 4); but instead of sin, the gen. of the personal pronoun was often used as in LaL eius, gen. pl. eorum, earum. The remainîng possessive pronouns were formed from the personal pronouns by means of the Indg. 
_8 A ccîdertce [§ 4. comparative suffîx .ero-, prim. Germanic .era-, as uncer, încer, User, éower, all of which were declined like hlig (§ 4.9). tire was declined like wîlde (§ 433) except that the fera. nom. sing. was tire hot *firu. It is difficult to account for the form tire. In the fera. gen. and dat. sing. and gen. pl. fifre, firra, the rr was often simplified to r. In those cases which had syncope of the medial vowel, the st became ss (§ .81)in the declension ot fiser, aud then the ss was sometimes extended by analogy to the other cases, as nom. sîng. tisser, masc. acc. sing. tsserne beside the regular forms tser, serne. 4" DEMONSTRATIVE. § 46. In the parent Indg. language the nom. sng. masc. and £em. of" fhe smple demonstratîve was *so, *s -- Gr. , , Goth. sa, s. Ail fhe other cases of" fhe sng. and pl. were formed from the stems fe-, fo-, foi- f-, lai., as acc. sng. Gr. ,, ',, Lat. is.fum, îs.fam, Goh. ]an.a, ]5 nom. pl. Gr. ef» «£ Laf., îs.fae, Goth. ]Ai, ]s. PLUR. ALL GENDER$. Nom. Acc. Gen. Dat. se was the unaccented form of prim. Germanic *sa (Goth. sa) to which a new accented form sê was made (§ 144); ]one (Goth. ]ana) the unaccented form of prîm. Germanic *]anSn, beside late O E. ]mne, ])ane; ])oes from prim. Germanic *]) (§ îi), beside *]esa (Anglian ])es, Goth. 
§ 466] t9rOlîOlg]g$ ,2 2.0 lis, O HG. des); ]ffem from the prim. Germanic instru- mental *]aimi, beside ].m with . from the pIural ]t, lra, as in the dat. pl. ].m. ,oet (Gotl. lata, Lat. is.tud, Indg. *tod) ; lr, ]on are difficult to explain satisfactorily ; they were chiefly used belote the comparative ot" adverbs and as a factor in adverbial and conjunctîonal phrases like the Goth. instrumental ]:ê, as ]on m., ]e more, cp. Gothic ni ]ê haldis, zone fhe more; for ]r, for ]on, l«cause, on ghag account, sio, sêo does not correspond to Goth. but like O HG. siu, sle, ît vas a new formation from the prim. Germanic rem. pronoun *si (--- Gr. , Goth. si, OHG. s), she + the Germanic fera. endîng .5; *s regularly became so, sêo through the intermediate stage of whieh ia found in the Anglian dialect. The reason why the new formation took place was probably due to the fact that the unaccented form of *s would have beeome së in OE. and thus have fallen together with the masc. nom. sing., cp. O E. w, h from the prim. Germanie unaecented forms *wiz, *xiz (§ 9.) ; acc. ]- (prim. Germanie *]n, Goth. ], Gr. Dor. rv, Indg. *t.m) is from the unaccented form *]a from which a new accented form ], was formed ; gen. poere from *paîzjz (cp. Skr. tgtsy.s, Indg. 'tésj.s) with ai from the gen. plural; and similarly in the dat. ]&re from *]aizjai (cp. Skr. tgtsyâ.i, Indg. *tésj.i), beside ].re from *]aizai. Pl. nom. masc. ]. (--'-- Goth. ]gtî, G r. -ro); the old nom. was also used for the nom. and acc. all genders ; gen. ].ra from prim. Germanie -paîzBn, Indg. oisBm (ep. the Goth. gen. pl. of adjectives, as blindaizê, .5), beside ]œera with  from ]œem; ]œem (Goth. from prim. Germanic *])aimîz, beside ]âm with . from the genitive, which became ].n în late WS. § 4(}6. The compound demonstrative pronoun ]ës, pis, ]ios (]êos), this, was origînally formed from the simple demonstrative + the deictic partîcle .se, .si which is probably related to Goth. uti, O HG. ê, /o. , behoht! I ts carliest 
3o ./l ccd«c [§ 6 usage was that of an emphatic demonstrative pronoun and then later it came to be used also as a simple demonstrative adjective in much the same way that this here, lhese here, lhat there, them there (= those) are used in most Modern English dialects. Qriginally only the first element was în- ..fi_.e.c.te.d .as in O HG. masc. nom. sing., gen., pl. At a later..perîod the .se came to be inflected also, as masc. gen. sing. OHG. = OE. ] At this stage the gçn. pis. (= Goth. ]is) became extended to rnost ofthe other cases. And lastly the first element ceased to be inflected and the second element took in most cases the endings ofthe simple demonstrative. This cornpound de- monstrative pronoun exists in all the Germanic languages except Gothic. The nom. sing. ]gs, ]ios (]éos) were new formations ruade from the oblique stem-form with The old nom. forms were preserved in the oldest Norse inscriptions, as masc. sa-si, rem. su-si, neut. ]at-si. PLUR. ALL GENDERS. Nom. Acc. lRs Gen. ]issa Dat. ]is(s)um ]es from older *] (---- OHG. de-se) was the un- accented form from which a new accented form ]ês was ruade. ]îos from ]îus (preserved in the Anglian dîalect), older *NU + se (cp. sio, § 465). The fem. acc. sing., instr., and nom. pl. represent the simple demonstrative forms %-se which regularly became -s. The other cases singular and plural generalized the ]ris., the i of which 
§§ 467-8] Pronouns =3 : later became y. ss was often simplified to s. In the dat. sing. and pl. Anglian has ]ios(s)um, ]eos(s)um with u-umlaut (§ 101) beside ]ds(s)um. Fera. gen. and dat. sing. ]isse from older *]dsre, gen. pl. ]issa from older (§ 281); in 1are OE. there also oecur ]issere, ]fisserâ with -re, .ra from the simple demonstrative, beside ]ire, ]isra with syncope ofthe medial vowel and simplification of the ss. § 467. îlca, sa,ne, which only occurs in combination with the def. art., as s îlca, ]oet ilee, sêo ilce, the saine, is always declined weak. self, seolf, sylf, ilf, self, was declined according to the strong or weak declension of adjectives. In combination with the def. art., as sg selfa, seolfa, it meant the s«lfsame. See § 5" RELATIVE. § #=68. A relative pronoun proper did not exist în prim. Germanic. The separate Germanîc languages expressed if in various ways. In Goth. if was expressed by suffixing the relative particle ei fo the personal pronouns for the first and second persons, and to the simple demonstrative for the thîrd person ; in O.Norse by the particles sera and es (later ex') in combination with the simple demonstïative ; in OS. and OHG. generally by the simple demonstrative ; and in O E. by the relative particle ]gë alone or in com- bination with the personal or the sîmple demonstrative pronoun, as se mon-dryhten, sê êow ]â m]mas geaf, the lord who gave you lhe rectsures ; ]onne tôdœela] lai lais feoh ]oet t5 l.fe bi], then they divide his propev wl,'cl is lefl. ic hit êom, ]e wi] Æê sprece, il is I who sibeak with lhee; idesa scênost ]e on woruld c6me, thefah'est one of la&'es who came into the world ; gê pe yfle symt, 3'e who are evil. sê ]e brrd hœeî], sê is brrdguma, he a,ho bath lhe bride is the bridegroott ; gehrre, sê ]e êaran hœebbe,/et hhu hear who hath ears; ]oet ]ge .eenned is of flsce, ]œet is floesc, that which is bomz of the flesh is fles£, wê 
 3 "- M ccidênce prison speak these words ; saga hwœet ic htte, e ic lond rêafige, say what I ara called, I who lay waste the la œe se mon ne wR, e him on folflan foeost 1imper, t/te man rG whom otc earlh lhe fat?est happens knows not that. 6. INTERROGATIVE.  8. The parent Indg. lanage had £wo sems from whch the inteogadve pronoun was formed, vz. qo-and i-with ]abiaHzed q ( s87). The former occurs n Gr. =6-,eo, Ab OE io , Goh. as, GE. hw, ho , fçom an orgînal form qos; Lat. quod, Goth. a, O.Icel. uaf, OS. hwa£, OHG. hw, GE. hwoe£, wh ?, from an original form qod. And the lamier occurs Lat. qs, whe , from an original form *qîs ; Goth. Heiks, GE. hwflc, wh sor o/? The GE. smple nterroaffve pronoun had no [ndepem dent form for the femnne, and was decHned n £he singular MASC. NEUT. Nom. hw. hwœet Acc. hwone hwoet Gen. hwœes hwœes Dat. hwoem, hwm hwœem, lawm Instr. hw, hw only. On the long vowel in hw., see § 79. hwone (Goth. tgna) from prim. Germanic *xwanSn, is the old un- aeeented form, besîde this there rarely occurs the aceented form hwane, later hwoene, hwoes from plàm. Germanic *xwasa beside Goth. luis from *xwesa. hwm from prim. Germanic *xwaimi (instrumentaI) beside hw.m, a new formation from hwâ. Beside the instr, hw¢, hwî which are difficult to explain, there also occur hwon, in such adverbial phrases as for hwon, fO hwon, wlA ?, and hfi (§ 180), how ? 
§§ 4o-.] êrbs 33 § 470. hwoe]er (Goth. l'ga]ar), whAch of wo?, and hwelc, hwilc (Goth. h.rileiks), u,hat soq o./?, were declined according to the strong declensîon of adjectives. 7. INDEFINITE. § 71. O E. had the following indelïnke pronouns:-- OEghwS., each o;te, ever.v one, from , ever+ + ha ; and similIy oeghwœeer, ea¢h oflwo, both ; oeghwelc, œeghwilc, eacl one, every one. oelc, cach, ever ; œeg,. a0ç noenig, tzot any one, no one; œe£hw, each ; hw, gny o;te; âhwoeer, 5hwoeer, wer, er, o,ze lwo, nhwœeer, nôhoeer, nwer, nwer, te[lher  Pmo; n, so,ng one, a certai;z o;zG in plut. each, evesD,, ail, nAn, no one, nAning, nothing; Awiht, wiht, Awt, wuht, ht, ht, anything; nwiht, nwih%, nAwuht, nSwuht, nht, nht, nothhg; gehwA, each one, evcy o2e; gehwoeçer, ea¢h  wo, bolh ; gehwilc, each, eve3' one ; hwelchwugu, any, some, some one ; hwœethwugu, somewltat, somethhzg; 15c, lca + pronoun hwA, hwœeer, as 15c hwœeer oe gebrra, whichever the lwo brothers, bide me lce hwoes fi wflle, a sk me for whatever thou wi[t ; mn, one ; nt + hwA, hwelc, some one I know hot who, whid ; samhwilc, sonate; sm, sonate one; swR . . . swA, as sw hwA swA, whosom,e5 whoeveG swR hwœe% swA, cvhatsom,e5 w]tate% swA hwoeer sw, whi¢hever  fa,o, swA hwele swA, whichever; swelc, swilc, stt¢h; yslic, uslic, yllic, ullic, such. CHAPTER XIV VERBS § zlTS. In the parent Indg. language the verbs were divided into two great classes: athematic and thematic. In the athematic verbs the personaI endings were added to the bare roo which had the strong grade form of 
234 M ccidence [§ 4  ablaut in the singular, but the weak grade in the dual and plural. Thus for example the singular and plural of the verbs for 'fo be', and 'fo go were- es-m, *és, si, *s-més or *s.m6s, *s-té, *s.énti; *éi.mi, *é, *éi.ri, *i-més or *i.m6s, *i-é, *j-énti. Verbs of this class are often calIed mi.verbs because the first person singular ends in .mi. The Germanic languages have only pre- served a few traces of the mi-conjugation (§ 547). Nearly all the verbal forms, which originally belonged to this class, passed over into the 5.conjugation in the prim. Germanie period. In the thematie verbs the stem-vowel, which could be either of the strong or weak grade of ablaut, remaîned unchanged throughout the present; in the former case they are ealled imperfect presents (as eêosan, to choose; helpan, to help; cran, to eat; &c.), and in the latter case aorist presents (as O E. lfican, to close ; murnan, fo mourn ; &c.). The present was formed by means of the thematîc vowels, e, o, which came between the root and the per- sonal endings, thus the present singular and plural of the verb for 'fo bear' was *bhér5 (from *bhér.o.a), *bhér.e.sî, *bhér.e.ti, *bhér.o.mes, (.mos), *bhér.e.te, *bh(r.o.nti. Verbs of this class are generally called 5-verbs because the first person singular ends in .5. The old distinction between the mi. and the 5.conjugation was fairly well preserved in Greek, as ,tl; f ara, «, I go, o, I give ; vo, I remain, 0o, I persuade ; I tub, ,û@o, I smoke. § 47a. In treating the history of the verbal forms in O E. it is advisable to sar out partly from prim. Germanic and partly from the oldest OE. The Indg. verbal system underwent so many radical changes in prim. Germanie that it would be necessaryto treat here in detail the verbal system of the non-Germanic languages such as Sanskrit, Greek, and Latin in order to account for all the changes. 
In the Germanic languages the verbs are divided into two great classes :--Strong and Weak. The strong verbs form their preterite (originally perfect) and past participle by means of ablaut (§ ».4). The weak verbs form their preterîte by the addition of a syllable containing a dental (Goth..da, (.ta), O, .te), and their past participle by means of a dental suffix (Goth. -], (-t), OE. -à, (.t)). Besîdes these two great classes of strong and weak verbs, there are a few others which will be treated under the general heading of NIinor Groups. The strong verbs were originally further sub-divided into reduplicated and non-reduplicated verbs, as Goth. haldan, to hold» lêtan, îo le6 preterite haihald, laflSt; niman, to lake, hilpan, fo help, preterite nain» halp. In O E. the reduplication almost entirely disappeared in the prehistorie period ofthe language (§ 511). The non-redupli- eated verbs are divided înto six classes aecording to the six ablaut-series (§ 22). The origînally reduplieated verbs are put together in this book and ealled class VII. § 474. The OE. verb has the following independent forms :one volte (active), two numbers, three persons, two tenses (present and preterite), two complete moods (indicative, and subjunetive, the latter originally the optative), besides an împerative whieh is only used in the present tense; two verbal nouns (present infinitive and present partîciple), and one verbal adjective (the past partieiple). The simple future was generally expressed by the pre- sent tense as in the oldest periods of the other Germanie languages, but already in O E. the present forms of bêon, fo be, sculan, shall, willaxa, will, with the infinitive began to be used to express the future. In the oldest OE. the perfeet of transitive verbs was formed by means of the forms of habban, to have, and the past partieiple, and that of intransitive vêrbs by means of wesan, fo bi» and the past 
 3 6 .A ccidence [§ 4   participle. At a later period habban came to be used to form the perfect of intransitive verbs also. The only trace of the old passive voîce preserved in O E. is h.tte (Goth. hAitada), is or was called, pl. h.tton. Otherwise the passive was expressed by the forms of bêon, wesan, 'o be, occasionally also weor]mn, to become, and the past participle. A. STRONG VERBS. § 475. We are able to conjugate a strong verb in OE. when we know the four stems, as seen (i) in the infinitive or first pers. sing. pres. indicative, (2) first pers. sing. pret. indicative, (3) first pers. pl. pret. indicative, (4) the past participle. The pret. subjunctive and the second pers. pret. indîcat[ve have the same stem-vowel as the pret. pl. indicative. The conjugation of beran, fo bear, helpan, fo help, bindan, to bind, ridan, lo ride, cêosan, fo choose, weorpan, fo tlzrow, faran, lo go, biddan, fo ray, feallan, to falI, têon, to draw, slêan, lo slay, fôn, fo seize, will serve as models for all strong verbs, because in addition to verbal endings, one or other of them illustrates such phenomena as umlaut, the înterchange between i and œe in the pres. indic, of verbs belonging to classes III, IV, and V, break- ing, vowel contraction, vowel syncope, the simplification of double consonants, Verner's law, and the consonant changes in the second and third pers. sing. of the pres. indicative. Present. , Indicative. Sing. I. bere helpe binde ride 2. bir(e)st hîlpst bintst ritst 3-bir(e)] hilp] bint rit(t) Plur. bera] helpa] binda] rida] 
Verbs Sing. bere Plur. beren Sing. .. ber Plur. . bera Subjunctive. helpe binfle ride helpen binden riden Imperative. help bind rîd helpa] binda] rida] Infinitive. beran helpan bindan ridan Participle. berende helpênde bindende ridende Sing. x. bœer 2. bœere 3. bœer Plur. bœeron Sing. bœere Plur. bœeren boren Preterile. Indicative. healp band rS.d hulpe bunde ride healp band rS.d hulpon bundon ridon Subjunctive. hulpe bunde ride hulpen bunden rîden Participle. holpen bunden riden Sing. l. cêose 2. cîest 3. c/est Plur. cêosa] Present. Indicative. weorpe rare bidde wierpst fœer(e)st bitst wierp] îoer(e) bit(t) weorpa] fara] bidda] 
M cci dence Sing. cêose Plur. cêosen Sub]unctive. weorpe rare weorpen faren Sing. 2. cêos Plur. . cêosap Imperative. weorp far weorpa] fara] ceosan Infinitive. weorpan faran Participle. cêosende weorpende farende Sing. x. cêas 2. cure 3- ceas Plur. curon reterite. indicative. wearp wurpe wearp wurpon fôre fSr fSron Sing. cure Plur. curen Subjunctive. wurpe wurpen fre fSren coren Participle. worpen faren Sing. . fealle 2. fielst 3. fiel Plut. fealla] Sing. fealle Plur. feallen Present. Indicative. têo tiehst tieh] têop slêa sliehst slieh slêap Subjunctive. « têo slêa têon slêan [§478 bidde bidden bide bidda] biddan bîddende boed boede boed boedon bœede boeden beden f5 fêhst fêhp 
Sing. 2. feall Plur. 2. fealla] feallan feallende l,erbs Imperative. têoh têo Infinitive. têon Participle. têonde sleah fSh sma] slêan fSn slêande fSnde Preterite. Indicative. Sing. I. fêoll têah 2. fêolle tuge 3. fêoll têah Plur. fêollon tugon Sing. fêolle Plur. fêollen slSh, slSg fêng slSge fénge slSh, slSg fêng slSgon fêngon Subjunctive. tuge tugen slSge fênge slSgen fêngen Participle. feallen togen slœegen fangen THE ENDINGS OF STROEG VERBS. § 476. Pres. indicative : The Indg. and prim. Germanic ending of the first pers. sing. was -5 (cp. Lat. ferS, Gr. çoep, Indg. *bhérS, I bear) which became -u (later .o) in prim. O E. (§ 214). The .u (-0) regularly remained after short stems and disappeared after long stems, as beru, .o beside *help, *bind (§ 215), but already in prehistoric O E. the verbs with long stems took .u again after the analogy of those with short stems. The Anglian dialect mostly preserved the .u (.o), but in early WS. and Ken. its place was taken by .e from the pres. subjunctive. 
ccic[et ce [§ 4 7 6 The prim. Germanic forrns ot the second pers. sing. of beran and bindan were *irizî, *Bin¢Iizi -- Indg. *bhéresi, *bhéndhesi, which would regularIy have become *bire (older *biri), *bind in OE. (§§ .11, 215), but already in prehîstoric OE. the second pers. sing. of" strong verbs was remodelled on the analogy of the first class of weak verbs _, which did not have the chier accent on the stem in prim. Germanie (§ «89, Note 2). The oldest OE. forms were tiris, bindis which regularly became later bires, bindes (§ .15, Note). The ending-st arose partly from analogy with the preterite-present forms, ]earft, scealt, &e. and partly from a false etymological division of the pronoun from the verb to which it was often attached enelifically, thus biris]u became biristu, from which birist was extracted as the verbal form, cp. the similar process in OHG. The ending .st occurs earliest in the contraeted verbs, tîehst, sliehst, &c. The prim. Germanic forms of the third pers. sing. of beran and bindan were *iritIi (--- OS. birid, OHG. birit}, *tin¢tifll -- Indg. *bhéreti, *bhéndheti, which would regularly have beeome *bired, older *birid, and *bind(d) in OE., but already in prehistorie O E. the third pers. sing. tîke the second was remodelled on analogy wlth the first elass of weak verbs. The oldest O E. forms were biri], bindî], later bir(e)], bint (§ 800). The-e] became .es in late Nth. In the second and third pers. sing. the .i. (-e.) was regularly syncopated after long stems, as hilpst, hilp], ritst, rit(t), tiehst, tieh], &c., and remained after short stems, as birest, bire], fœerest, fœere], &c. (§ .1), but there are many exceptions to this rule, especially in WS. and Ken., owing to new formations in both directions, as bindest, bînde], hîlpeat, hilpe], &c., and on the other hand birst, bir], foerst, fœer], &c. In Anglian the forms without syncope were almost entirely generalized, but in 
VVS. and Ken. syncope was almost quite general, especially after voiceless consonants and after d, f (= 1), and g, but as a rule not affer a single liquîd or a nasal. The loss of .e. in the second and third pers. sing. gave fise to various consonantal changes: Double consonants were simplified belote the personal endings (§ 259), as fielst, fiel], spinst, pin], beside inf. feallan, spinnan. d became t before-st, as bintst, bitst, ritst, wieltst beside wealdan, fo wield, d and t +-] became tt (comrnon in the older period), later t, as bint, bit(t), rit(t}; birst, it(t), beside int. berstan, to burst, etan, to eat, see § 300. F orms like bindest, bidst, wieldst ; binde], bid(e)p, &c. were new formations after the analogy of forms which regularly had d. After a long vowe], diphthong, or liquid, g became h before -st, -p (§ 39.0, Note), as stîhst, stih,, în£ stigan, îo ascnd, fliehst, flieh], inf. flêogan, to ff.r, swilhst, swilh], inf. swelgan, to swal/ow, but the g was offen restored from forms which regularly had g. s, ss, st, -] became-st (§§ 259,805), as ciest ; cyst beside inf. wv. cyssan, to kiss, birst beside bîrstest, birste] (new formations); x (= hs)+-st,-] became xt, as wiext beside inf. weaxan, to row. In verbs of this type the second and third pers. singular regularly fell together. p disappeared before-st (§ 305), as cwist, wîerst, beside inf. cwe]an, fo say, weor]an, o 3ecome. Forms like cwi]st, wîer]st, sm-:pst (inf. sni]mn, to ct, t), were new formations after the analogy of the other forms of the present. ]+-] became ], as cwi], wier]. The forms of the first and second pers. plural had disappeared already in the oldest period of the language, their place having been taken by the form of the third person. The prim. Germanic forms of the third pers. pl. of beran, bindan were *berandi, *liadatdi = Indg. *bhéronti, *bhéndhonti, which would regularly bave o-.o. I 
 4  .,4 ccidece [§§ 4  - become in O E. *beranl, *bîndancl = Goth. bMrand, bindand, but, as in the second and third pers. singular, the third pers. pl. was remodelled on analogy withç_.first elass of weak verbs which relarly had -ni in prim. Germanie. .}i became -a in OE. through the inter- mediate stages .an), .on, . ( 18). .a) beeame -as in Iate Nth. This.a plural has been preserved in the Modern northern dialects when the subjee is no a simple personal pronoun plaeed immediately before or after the verb.  47. Pres. subjunetive- This tense is properly an old optative. The original forms of the singular and plural of beran were *bhéroi-, *bhérois, *bhéroit, *bhéroim., *bhéroite, *bhéroint. The final -t was relarly dropped in prim. Germanic ( 2) and the oi bece ai during the saine period ( 30). Then ai became  wh[ch was short- ened to oe ( 217). The oe was preserved in the oldes period of the langage and afterwards beeame e. In OE. the original forms of the singular regularly fell together in bere. The old forms of the first and second pers. plural disappeared and their place was taken by the third pers. bere Beside .en there also occurs in late, and Nso ., .on taken over from the pret. pl. indicative. On the loss of final .n in Nth., see  288. The final .m also disappeared in WS. and Ken. when a personal pronoun of the first or second person came immediately after the verb,  bere wë, wi, ge, or. Then bere wg, &c., came to be used also for the indicative d imperative.  7s. Imperative- The original ending of the second pers. sing. was-e, which regularly disappeared wîthout leaMng any trace of its fomer existence (} 21), whence O E. ber= Gr. ç,, Indg. *bhére. On the .e in bide beside iN absence in ber, bind, &c., see  273. In O E. the third pe. plural of the pres. indicative was used for the second pers. plural. A form in .an, as beran, bindan, was vcionNly used in the oldest period of-the language for 
the first pers. plural. This form was originally identical with the first pers. pl. pres. indic, which disappeared in OE. The first pers. pi. iæ generally expressed by the pres. subjunctive, as beren, binden, &c. § 7. Pres. participle" In the parent Ianguage the stem of the pres. participIe ended in .rit, as in Lat. ferent., Gr. çIpor-, Indg. *bhéront. = OE. berend.e, Goth. baIrand.s. The masc. and neut. were originally declined like con- sonant stems" (§ 426). The fera. nom. sing. originally ended in -i which was shortened to -i (§ 9.1¢) in prehistorie OE., cp. Goth. fera. frîjSndi,frielzd. The .i ofthe feminine was extended to the masc. and heur. whieh was the cause of their passing over into the ja.declension (§ 88). Sec § 441. The oldest O E. ending is .oendi, .endi, later .ende. §zs0. Infinitive" The inf. was origînally a_.9omen aetionis, formed by means of various suffixes in the dif- "ferhnt Indg. languages. The suflîx-ono., to whieh was added the nom. acc. neuter ending-m, became generalized in prim. Germanic, thus the original form of beran was *bhéronom, the .onom of which regularly became .an in OE. Goth. OS. and OHG. On the loss of the final .n in lXlth., sec § 9.88. In prim. West Germanie the inf. was inflected in the g_e_n, and d_at. like an ordinary noun of the ja.declension (§ 85), gen..ennes, dat..enne. The i»E flected forms of the inf. are sometimes called the gerund. The gen. disappeared in prehistoric OE. The dat. t5 berenne generally became .arme through the influence of the inf. ending .an. Beside .enne, .arme there also occur in late OE..ene, -ane, and .enoEe with d from the present participle. § 4S. Pret. indicative" The pret. indie, is morpho- logically an old perfect, which already in prim. Germanic Was chiefly used to express the past tense. The original endings of the perf. singular were -a, .tha, .e, cp. Gr. oZoEO«, o« The .a and -e regularly disappeared in pre- 
=44 .,4 ccictence [§ ,,.  historie O E. (§ 9.11-18), whence O E. first and third pers. singular bœer, banal, &c. The ending of the second pers. singular wouId regularly have become . (§ fl88)in O E. OS. O.IceI. and Goth., except after prîm. Germanic s, f, h where it regularly became t (§ .81, Notes), as in Goth. last, lhou didsl galhêr slSht, thou didst slay, parft (OE. ]earf), thou needest. This -t became generalized in prim. Germanic, as Goth. O.Icel. namt, thou tookest. But in the West Germanic Ianguages the old ending was only preserved in the preterite.present verbs, as O E. îPearf, thou ,eedest, seealt, thou shalt, meaht, thou mayest, &e. See § 80 ff. The third pers. plural ended in the parent language in .nf (with voealie n) which regularly beeame .un in prim. Germanie (§§ 8, «11). -un remained în the oldest O E. and then later beeame .on, and in late O E.-an beside .on occurs, whence boeron, bundon, &c. § 8. Pret. subjunctive: The original endings were: iîngular -J.m, .jês, ..iêt, plural .ira, .ire, .înt, consisting of the optative elemênt -jê., (.î.) and the personal endings. Already in prim. Germanic the .. of the plural was levelled out into the singular. The new sîng. endings-ira,-îs, .if would regularl 3, bave beeome .i (§§ 1,, 18) in the oldest O E. The -i would bave caused umlaut in the stem- syllable and then bave disappeared after long stems and have remained (later .e) ai'ter short stems. Regular forms would have been *bynd, *hylp, *fêr, &c., but *cyre, *tyge, &c. The pl. ending-int would regularly have become-in (later-en) with umlaut in the stem-syllable, as *bynden, *cyren, &e. But real old pret. subjunetive forms have only been preserved in O E. in a few isolated instances as in the preterite-presents, dyge, seyle, ]yrfe. In O E. the old endings of the pres.ïiïbjunc:ive came to be used for the preterite some rime before the operation of i. umlaut. This aeeounts for the absence of unflaut in the pi:ét, subjunctîve in O E., as bunde, bunden, &c. Already 
§§ « 8.-4] Verbs  4 5 in early OE. the pret. subjunctivi began to take the endlngs of the pret. indicative. On the loss of the final .n in Nth., sec § 9.88. The final .n also disappeared in WS. and Ken. when a personal pronoun of the first or second person came immediately after the verb, as bœere wë, wit, g, g'it. Then later bre wë, &c., came to be used also for the indicative. § 4:88. Past partîcîple" The past participli was formed in various ways in the parent language. In prim. Ger- manic the suffix -ér, o.,-6no, became restricted to strong verbs, and the suffix .t6. to weak verbs. In the strong verbs OE. and O.Icel. generalized the form .éno-, and Goth. OS;. and OI-IG. the form .6no.. Beside the suffix .Co.,-6no- there also existed in prim. Germanic-îni-= Indg..éni. which was preserved in a few 0 E. past parti- ciples with umlaut in the stem-syllable, sec § 44:. Prim. Germanic-e.'naz, -,,i..n,.ioz  = Indg..é,-._é regularly fell together in .en in O E., but they were still kept apart in the oldest period of the language, the former being .oen (.en) and the latter .in. GENERAL REMARKS ON THE S TRONG VERBS. § 4:84. Present indicative : On the interchange between î in the second and third pers. sing. and e in the other forms of the present in verbs belonging to classes III, IV, and V, as hilpst, hilp]9 : helpaa, fo help ; bir(e)st, bir(e)] : beran, to bear; cwist, cwî] : cwe]an, to say, see § 41. i.umlaut took place in the second and third pers. sing. of all verbs containing a vowel or diphthong capable of being umlauted. On the i.umlaut in verbs of class VI, as foer(e)st, foer(e)], see § 5, Note 2. On the Anglian forms of the second and third pers. sing. of verbs like cêosan, têon, sec § 188. The regular forms of the second and thîrd pers. sing. were often remodelled on analogy with 
the other forms of the present, especially in the Anglian dialect, as help(e)st, help(e)]; fealst, feal], feallest, fealle]; weorpest, weorle], beside older hilpst, hilp]; fielst, fieI]; wîerpst, wierpp. On t,. or o/a.umIaut of a, e în the first pers. sîng., and the pi. in the non-WS, dîalects, see§ 48. On the breaking of Germanic a to ea, as in feallan, healp, wearp, and of e to eo, as in weorpan, see§ a,9. On the vowel contraction in the present of the contracted verbs, see§ 181. Strong verbs like bîddan, lo pra3,, hliehhan, lo laugl, licgan, to lae do,a, sittan, lo sçt, had single medial con- sonants in the second and thîrd pers. sing., because the j, which caused the doubling of the consonants in the other forms of the present, had disappeared belote the West Germanic doubling of consonants took place, whence bitst, bit(t) ; hliehst, hlieh] ; lig(e)st, lîg(e)]; sitst, sit(t). § 485. Infinitîve: On the o/a-umlaut in the non-WS. dialects, see § 48. § 486. Pret. indicative: The West Germanic languages only preserved the old pret. (originally perfect) of the second pers. sing. in the preterite-present verbs (see §§ 481, 539). In all other strong verbs the O E. second pers. sing. was formed direct from the pret. subjunctive, xvhich accounts for the absence of i-umlaut in the stem-syllable and the preservation of the final-e after both short and long stems, as ride, cure, &c., and boere, hulpe, bunde, &c. The regular forms would have been ride, *cyre, and *bger, *hylp, *bynd. On the question oz u-umlaut in the plural of verbs belonging to class I, see § 101. § 48"/. Pret. subjunctive : If the OE. pret. subjunctive had been normally developed from the corresponding prim. Germanic forms, it would have had i-umlaut in the stem-syllable as in O. I celandic. But this tense took the endings of the pres. subjunctîve in the prehistoric period 
§§ 488--9 o] //"g?'S 47 of the language belote the operation of i.umlaut. Sec § § 188. Past Partîciple : The ending of the pat particîple bas already been explained in § zld,9.. In prim. Germanic the prefix *si- was added to the past participle to impart to it a_ p.erfectîve meaning. Verbs which were already per- fective in meaning, such as bringan, fo bring, cuman, lo corne, findan, 1o find, niman, lo take, weor];an, lo become, did hOt originally bave it. But in O E. the simple past participle generally had ge-, îrrespectively as to whether it was perfective or imperfective in meaning. On past participles which have i.umlaut, see § § 89. On the parts of strong" verbs which exhibit Verner's law in OE., see § 288. THE CLASSIFICATION OF THE STRONG VERBS. CLASS I. § 490. The verbs of thîs class belong to the first ablaut- series (§ 226) and thereflore bave i in all forms of the present,  in the first and third pers. sing. of the preterite, and i in the preterite plural and past participle, thus : bidan, to awat b.d bidon biden Goth. beidan bti] bidun bidans And sîmilarly oetwitan, 1o b/ame, reproach; .cwinan, lo dzvindle away ; behlidan, to cover ; belifan, bescitan, fo befoul ; besmitan, fo pol/ttte blican, 'o shine; cinan, 'o crack; clîfan, fo stick, adhere ; cnidan, to beat; drifan, o drive ; dwinan, flitan, lo strive, quarreI; gewitan, to depart yawn ; glidan, lo g[ide ; gnidan, to mtb togêlher ; gripan, fo seiz.e ; hnitan, to knock; hrinan, to louch ; hwînan, whizz ; nîpan, lo grow dark ; ridan, to ride ; siean, t'o s(g-h ; scinan (§ 133, Note 2), o shine ; serifan, to prescribe ; slidan, fo slide ; slitan, 'o slit ; snîcan, to crawl; spiwan (§ to spew, sli! ; strican, t'o stroke ; stridan, fo sl'ide ; swîcan, 
Acddence [§§ fo ceasefronl ; sveîfan, fo sweep ; tOslîfan, to s2ht; ]winan, fo grow sofl ; ]witan, fo hew ; wican, lo yield, give way; wlîtan, fo gaze; wridan, fo grow, floun'sh ; writan, fo write, stgan, to ascend, pret. sing. st.g beside st.h (§ $8); and similarly hnigan, fo incline ; mîgan, lo make water ; sigan, 1o sink. § 491. sni]an, to eut sn] snidon sniden And smilarly lî]mn, to go ; scri]mn, to go, proceed. Sec § 289. In .risan, to arise; gerisan, to befit; mi]an, to void; wrtau, to tw'st» the s, ] of the present was ex- tended to all forms of the verb. § 492. tion, têon, fo accuse th tigon tigen tion, téon, from older *tiohan, *tihan (§ 127) ; on the g in the pret. pl. and past participle, see § 239. in the pres. the êo from older îo regularly fell together with the êo from Germanic eu (§ 137) which was the cause of verbs of this type often forming theîr preteritê and past participle after the analogy of elas II (§ 495), as têah, tugon, togen ; and sîmilarly lêon, ¢o lord; sêon, fo strain ; ]êon, fo thrive ; wrêon, to cever. }êon from prim. Germanic *]izJxanan (§ 41) originally belonged to class III ; the regular principal parts in OE. would bave been ]on, *]ôh (§ 40), ]ungon, ]ungen, all ofwhich occur except *]5h. The regular past participles of lêon (Goth. leihïan)and sêon (prim. Germanic *sixwan -) were *liwen, siwen with w from prim. Germanic gw {§ 241) ; ligen, sigen were formed on analogy with the other verbs of this type. CL,SS II. § 498. The verbs of this class belong to the second ablaut-series (§ 226) and therefore have êo in the present, êa in the first and third pers. sing. of the preterite, u in the pret. pluml, and o in the past partic[ple, thus- bêodan, o command bêad budon boden Goth. biudan b.u] budun budans 
§§ 494-7] Vef'S 49 And similarly arëotan, to ll'e of; bréotan, /o break, des¢ro ; clêogan, îo c/ea,e «suder ; crêopan, lo cree ; drêopan, ¢o dri; flêoan, ¢oflow; gêopan, ¢o ¢e /o one. se; gêo¢an, o our; grêotan, lo ee ; êoan, lo casl lots; lêodan, ¢ grow; nêotan, o «se, enfoy; réocan, lo smoke, reek ; rêodan, lo redden ; rêotan, fo weep ; scêotan, to shoot ; smêocan, to smoke ; êotan, to howL drêogan, to endttre, pret. sing. drêag beside drêah ( 88) ; and sîmi- larly flêogan, tofly ; lêogan, to ell Ees. brêowan, to brew, pret. sing. brêaw ( 26b) ; and similarly cêowan, lo chew ; hrêowan, to repent  rîe.  494. cêosan, fo choose cêas con coren And similarly drêosan, o fall; forlêosan, o lose ; frêosan, o free,e; hréosan, o fall; sêoçan (sudon, soden)» o boil. See  230. Abrêoçan, o perish, ruin, extended the  to all parts of the verb.  495. têon, o draw têah tugon togen têon (Goth. tiuhan) from *têohan ( 180) ; on the g in the pret. plural and past paiciple, see  80 ; and similarly fl¢on, to flee.  40. Here belong also the aorist presents with weak grade vowel in all forms of the present ( 47). brûcan, fo use brêac brucon brocen And similaHy dan, o dive; htan, o snore ; lfican, [o lock; ltan, fo incle» bow down ; sc5fan, topsh, shove ; sl5pan, fo slip; sfican, fo suck; span, o oep ; str5dan, o pillae; tan, fo howL b5gan, o ben pret. sîng. bêag beside bêah ( a2a) ; and sîmilarly sm5gan, fo creep ; sfigan, o suck. CLASS I I I.  497. The verbs of this class belong fo the third ablaut- series ( 226), and include the strong verbs having a medial nasal or liquid + consonant, and a çew others în which the 
25 ° A ccidence [§§ 4 9 8-9 vowel is followed by two consonants other than a nasal or liquid + consonant. § 408. Verbs with nasal + consonant had i in all forms ofthe prescrit, a, o (§ 15o) in the first and third pers. sing. of the preterite, and tt in the preterite pl. and past participle, thus: bindan, to bind hand (bond) bundon bunden Goth. bindan hand bundun bundans And similarly Acwincan, o vansI ; climban, o ch>n3 ; clingan, to shrmk; crimman, o insert; ¢rincan, cringan, to faIl, succum3 ; drincan, o drink ; gelimpan, o h«en ; grimman, o rae;, grindan, to [nd; hlimman, fo resound; hrindan, to iush; linnan, o cease; onginnan, o bein; rinnan, o run, flow; scrincan, scringan, o shrt'nk; sinnan, fo medilae; slîncan, lo s[ink, cree; spînnan, fo sphz ; springan, to leap ; stincan, to stink ; sfingan, fo sting; ]:indan, fo swell ; ]ringan, fo throng, press ; ]rintan, fo sweIl; windan, fo whd ; winnan, to toil, fight; wringan, fo wring. On sincan (Goth. sîgqan), fo sink ; singan (Goth. siggwan), fo sing ; swincan, to toil ; swindan, go disappear ; swingan, fo swhgg ; swimman, to swim, sec § 249. The regular principal parts of findan (Goth. fin]mn) would bave been fi]an (§ 97), f6] (§ 64), fundon, funden (§ 29); the present, and the pret. sing. fanal wêre formêd on analogy with verbs like bindan; beside fanal there occurs funde which is the second pers. sing. also used for the first and third. On biernan (Goth. brimaan), fo burn, barri (Goth. brann), born (later bearn), burnon, burnen; and iernan (Goth. rinnan, see above), to run, arn (Goth. ratm), orn (later earn), urnon, urnen, see § 98, Note 3. § 499. Verbs with 1+ cons. except lc (§ 84) have e in the present, ca (§ 64)in the first and third pers. sing. of the preterite u in the pret. plural, and o in thê past participle 1§ 4,.), thus: 
helpan, to ]l healp hulpon holpen Goth. hilpan hall) httlpun hulpanB And similarly belgan, fo swell evith ager; bellan, to 3ellow ; beteldan, go cover ; delfan, fo dig ; meltan, go nelt ; swelgan, to swallow ; swellan, fo swell; sweltan (§ 249), to die. gieldan (§ 91), to yield, geald, guldon, golden; and similarly giellan, toyell; gielpan, lo boasl. § 500. Verbs with lc, r or h+ consonant have eo in the presênt (§§ 8-), ea in the first and third pers. sing. of the preteritê, u in the preterite plural, and o in the past parti- cîple. On the verbs with the combination weo în the present, see § 94. weorpan, fo ttrow wearp wurpon worpen And similarly ,seolcan, to langzish; beorcan, to bark; beorgan, 1o proecg; ceorfan, o cul, ; deorfan, o Iabor ; hweorfan, o lgr, go ; feohtan, to fight ; meol. can, late W S. also melcan, to n.ilk ; sceorfan, îo gnaw ; sceorpan, to scrape ; steorfan, to die; sweorfan, go tub ; sweorcan, to ecome dark. weor]an, fo becone, wear], wurdon, worden (§ 239). § 01. fêolan from *feolhan (§ 84, Note ), to enler, pênelrale fealh (§ 64), fu.lgon (§ 239) beside the more common form fl.on made after the analogy of verbs of class IV, folgen; pret. pl. and pp. also ffilon from *fulhon, f51en from *folhen with h from the pres. *feolhan. § 509.. bregdan, fo brandish brœegd brugdon brogden stregdan, fo strew stroegd strugdon strogden berstan, lo 3urst bœerst burston borsten erscan, to ]resh ]pœersc urscon ]porscen frîgnan, fo ask froegn frugnon frugnen murnan, to mourn mearn murnon spurnan, fo sprn spearn spurnon spornên 
 5  .,4 cci den ce [§ s o  In bregdan and stregdan, beside the formswith g there also oeeur forms with loss of 8: and lengthening of the pre- eedîng vowel, as brêdan (§ 0, Note 2), rœecl (§ 4, Note ), brfidon, brSden (§ 10{3, Note). berstan (OHG. brestan) and ]erscan (OHG. dreskan) have metathesis of r (§ 280), hence the absence of breaking in the present and pret. sîngular. The i in frignan is due to the influence of the gn ; beside frignan there also occurs frinan ,§ 96, Note i) to which a new pret. sing. fr.n xvas formed after the ana- logy of verbs of class I ; the n belonged origînally to the present only, and the g to the preL plural and past parti- ciple ; the n and g were extended to all forms of the verb, cp. Goth. fraihnan, frah, frêhun for *frêgun, fraihans for *frigans; the Goth. shows that the 0 E. verb orîgînally belonged to class V and that the principal parts would regularly have been *freohnan (*frêonan, § 29, 2), *freah, *fr.gon (§ 19.0), *fregen ; besîde the pret. pl. frugnon there also occur frungŒEn wîth metathesis of gn, and frfinon with loss of g; and beside the pp. frugnen there also occur frfinen with loss of g, and frognen, murnan and spurnan (also spornan) are properly aorist presents (§ 42). CLASS IV. § 508. The verbs of this class belong fo the fourth ablaut-series (§ «28), which includes the strong verbs whose stems end in a single lîquid or nasal. They have e in the present, œe in the first and third pers. sing. of thi preterite, œe în the pret. plural, and o in the past participle, thus: beran, fo bear bœer boeron boren Goth. ba{ran bar bêrun bafirans And similarly cwelan, fo die; helan, o conceal; stelan, o steal; teran, to tear; ]weran, îo stir. scieran (§ 91), fo shear, cear (§ "/2), scêaron (§ 124), scoren. 
§§ 504--5] Vgl"iS 253 § 504. cuman, 'o corne c(w)Sm c(w)Smon cumen (cymen) niman, lo take nôm nSmon numen From the regular forms of the second and third pers. sîng. pres. indic, cym(e)st, cym(e)], the y was often extended to other forms of" the pres., especially o the pres. subjunctive as cyme besde cume; cuman is an aorist present (§ 47«) from older *kwoman with regular loss of w belote u (§§ ].Oa, 2a), after the analogy of which it was often dropped in the preterke ; c(w)m for *cwam, *cwom, was a new formation from the plural where  was regular (§ 1«1); cumen from older *kwomen; on cymên, see § 44% niman from older *neman (§ 81) ; nôm was a new formation from the plural which regularly had  (§ 1.1); beside nm, nmon there also occur the new formations nain, n.mon ; numen from older *nomen (§ lOa). CL.SS V. § 05. The verbs of this class belong to the fifth ablaut- series (§ ..6), which includes the strong verbs whose stems end in a single consonant other than a liquid or a nasal. They have e in the present, œe in the first and third pers. sing. of the preterite, and e in the past particîple, thus" metan, to measur mœet moeton meten Goth. mitan mat mêtun mitans And similarly brecan (pp. brocen after the analogy of class IV), to 6r«a,; cnedan, to /nead; drepan (pp. also dropen after the analogy of class IV); screpan, to s«ralhe ; sprecan, late O E. specan, to sïhea/ ; swefan, to sl«ep ; tredan, fo tread; wefan, to zveav¢; wegan (pret. pl. wœegon beside wRgon, see § 120), to carr,; wrecan, to aenge. giefan (§ 91), fo iv¢, geaf (§ 72), gêafon (§ 124), gîefen; and similarly forgietan, oforg«t. etan, to eat, and fretan (Goth. fra-itan, pret. sing. frêt), to devoir, had oe in the 
254 A ccidence [§§ pret, sing. already in prim. Germanic, cp. Goth. êt, O.Icel. OS. .t, OHG. .z (§ 119). cwepan, to say, cwœep, cwdon, cweden ; wesan, go be, pret. pl. woeron (§ 289). genesan, lo be sa,)ed, and lesan, to colect, gather, have extended the s of the present and pret. sing. to al1 forms of the verb. § 50]. sêon (Goth. saîl-gan) from *seohan (§ 87), fo sec, seah (§ 68), sâwon beside soegon (§ «4), sewen (§ .4t) besîde sawen with a diffieult to account for, and Anglian gesegert with g from the pret. plural ; and similarly gefêon, fo rejoic, gefeah, pret. pl. gefgon; plêon, fo risk, pret. sing. pleah. § 07. To this class also belong biddan, fo pray ; licgan, to lie down;sîtan, to sit, which originally ha d j in the present (§ 24): biddan (Goth. bidjan), bœed (Goth. ba]), bdon (Goth. bêdun), beden (Goth. bidans). The pret. pl. of licgan is 1Agon beside loegon (§ 1.0). ]icgan, Io receiv G is a weak verb in WS. ; in poetry it bas the strong forms ]eah (])Ah), ])œegon, ]egen. fricgan, o ask» inqtdre, with strong pp. gefrigen, gefrugen (cp. § 09.). C.,ss VI. § 508. The verbs of this elass belong to the sixth ablaut- series (§ 2), and bave a in the present  in the pret. sing. and plural, and oe beside a in the past participle. There is a good deal of fluctuation between œe mŒd a in the past participle, as fmren, grœefen, oecen, lœegen beside faren, grafen, sacen, slagen. The regular development of Ger- manie a when followed by a palatal vowel in the next syllable is me (§ 54), so that forms with a like faren, &c., are new formations with a from the present, see § 4, Note 3" faran, to go fSr fSron foeren, faren Goth. faran f'dr tôrun farans And similarly alan, fo grow ; bacan, fo bake; calan, to be coId; galan, to sing ; grafaaa, to dig ; hladan, to lade, 
load ; sacan, fo strivc, quarrd ; wacan, go awake,., be bor ; wadan, fo go ; wascan, lo wash. gnagan (pret. sing. gnSg beside gnSh, § «), Vo gnaw ; and similarly dragan, go draw. scacan, sceacan (§ 57, Note), fo shake, scSc, sce5c (§ 19.8, Note), scacen, sceacen ; and similarly seafan, sceafan, fo shavc, scrape, standan (Goth. standan) fo stand, st6d, st5don, standen, wîth n from the present. spanan, fo al[ttrg» pret. sp6n beside spêon which was formed after the anatogy of verbs of class VII. § o. slêan, fo strhe sl5g, slb_ slgon sloegen, slagen slêan (Goth. slahan) from *sleahan i§ ï0); slSg with g from the plural, beside sl5h (§ 89.8), slgon (§ 9.89) ; beside slœegen, slagen there also occurs slegen with i.umlaut (§ 4dî') ; and similarly flêan, fo flay ; lêan, fo blame ; ]wêan, fo wash. § 1o. To this class also belong hebban (Goth. hafjan), to rat'se; hliehhan (Goth. hlahjan), go laugh ; sce]]an (Goth. ska])jan), fo )y'urc, cp. § 59.6; scieppan (Goth. ga- skapjan), fo creatc ; stoeppan beside steppan (§ On, Note 3), to step, fro; swerian, fo swear, which originally had j in the present (§ 9.1). hebban hSf hSfon hoefen, hafen hliehhan hl5g, hlSh hlSgon sce])]gan scSd scSdon scieppan scôp scSpon sceapen stoeplan stSp stSpon sœepen, stapen swerian swSr swSron sworen hebban has also veak pret. and pp. in late WS. (hefde, hefod); beside hoefen there also oceurs hefen (§ 449.). hl6g with g from the plural beside hlh (§ 9.8). The regular WS. form of sce,]an would be scie])]an (§ 5). On secS- beside seS., sec § 128, Note. On sceapen, see 
 5 6 M ccidence [§§   -   § ST, Note. sworen with o from analogy of verbs of class IV as in O HG. gisworan. C.ASS VII. § Sll. To this class belong thosc verbs which origînalIy had reduplicated preterites like Goth. hathald, laflSt, faiflSk, hachait, raIr], laIlddk, inf. haldan, 'o hold, lêtan, fo let, flSkan, to complain, hdtan, to call, rêdan, lo advise, lgdkan, fo Ieap. Traces of the old reduplicated preterites have been preselwed in Anglian and in poetry, riz. hêht (also WS.), leolc, leort, ondreord, reord, beside inf. h.tan, 1Acan, letan, ondrdan, rœedan, sec below. This class ofverbs is divided into two sub-divisions according as the preterite had ê or êo. Much has been written about the stem-voweI in the preterite of these verbs, but little or nothing is really known of how it came about. I t is usually assumed to be due to the old reduplicated syllable having undergone contraction with the stem-syllable, but this assumption leavês many phonological difficulties unex- plained. The preterite sing. and pl. have the saine stem- vowel. SUB'DIVISION I. § 512. htan, to call hêt h.ten And sîmilarly l.can, fo play; sc,.dan, scetdan (§ 133, Note 2), to separate, pret. scêd beside scêad. § 513. lœetan, to let, allow lêt loeten And simiIarly ondroedan (WS. also weak pret. ondrdde), fo dread, fear; redan (pret. and pp. mostly weak in WS. : roedde, geroecld), to advise; slœepan (WS. also weak pret. sloepte), blandan, fo mix, pret. blênd, pp. blanden. § 514. fSn (§ 117), fo seize fêng (§ 9.39) fangen And similarly hSn, fo bang. 
§§  g-o] erbs  5 7 Sub-division § 1. barman, to summon bêon(n) barmen And similarly gangan, pret. also gien, fo go ; pannan, go join, dasl. § 516. fealdan (§ 6), toold fêold fealden And similarly feallan, lof aC; healdan, to hoM; tealdan, fo lOSSeSS ; wealcan, lo fo/l; wealdan, o ru[e; weallan, go bod; weaxan (originally belonged fo class VI), fo grow. § 517. blwan, fo b/ow blêow (§ 265) blwen .And similarly cn.wan, go know; crAwan, to mwan, fo room', swan, fo sow ; sw.pan, to sweel ; ]0rwan, go turn, twist ; wwan, o 3tow. §/îl$, bêatan, to beat bêot bêaten And similarly hnêapan, fo pluck off; hêawan, to hew; hlêapan, to lea l& §/i19, blStan, fo sacrifice blêot blSten And sîmilarly blSwan, fo 31oom, lossom; hrSpan, o shoug; hwSpan, o ghreagen ; flSwan, fo flow ; grôwan, go grow ; hlSwan, o low, bellow; rSwan (pret. pl. rêon beside rêowon, § 22), to row wêpan (Goth. wSpjan), to weeih. The pret. of flScan, daih , slrike ; swSgan, to sound ; wrStan, to foot u, do not occur. B. WEAK VERBS. § 20. The weak verbs, which for the most part are derivative or denominative, are divided in O E. into three classes according as the infinitive ends in ;,an (Goth..jan), pret.-ede,-de,-te (Goth.-iàa, .ta); dan (Goth..Sn) from older -Sjan (§ 273), pret..ode (Goth..Sda) ; .an (, O.Gm S 
53 Mccidegce [§  pret. ,.de (Goth..Nda). The »veak preterite is a speeial German[e formation, and many points eonneeted with its origin are still uncertain. Some scholars e inelined to regard it as a periphrastic formation whieh was originally confined to denominative verbs and then ai a later period beee extended to prima W verbs as well. The O E. endîngs .de,-des(t), .de, pl..don (older .6un), would thus represent an old aorîst formed from the foot dhê., put, place (Gr. 'On'0, which stands in ablaut relation to OE. dn, o do. The old preter[te (perfect) of this verb has been preseed în the preterite plural of Gothie weak verbs, as husi.dêd (we heard), .dêdu, .dêdun. But i is Mso probable that the dentM in the O E. preterite stands în close relationship to the dental in the past participle, where the .d = prim. Gemanic -As = Gr..r6.. Prim. Germait .aSn, .oes, .aoe()), pl. third pers..a()) from Indg. *.dhnt with vocalic n, regularly became .de, .des(t), • de, .don older .d in OE. Three stems are to be dîstinished in the conjugation of a weak verb" the stem of the preseng preterite, and past participle, which mostly aees th that of the preterite. Norx.--Many points concerning the inflexion of weak verbs in the oldest peNods of the Germanic lanages bave never been sadsfactoNly explned. For a summy d discussion of the vious explanations which have been suggested by scholars, the student should consult: Brugmann's Kurze veçgleîchende Grammatik der indogermanischen Sprachen; Streitberg's Urgermîse Grammatik; and Kluge's Vorge- schichte der altgermanischen DiMekte in Paul's Grundriss der geschen Philologie, vol. I. CLAS$ I. § ll, In OE. the verbs of this class are divided into two sub-divisions. (a)verbs which originally had a short stem-syllable; (b) polysyllabic verbs and those which 
orîginally had a long stem-syllable. Nearly all the verbs belonging to this class are causative and denominative. On the personal endings, see §§ -7, 476-88. Sub-division (a). § . Formation of the present stem- The preseat stem of verbs ending in a single consonant, except r, became long (except in the second and third pers. sîng. pres. indicative, and second pers. sing. imperative) by the West Germanic law of the doubling of consonants (§ The j had already disappeared in these persons before the operation of the law, for which reason they had single consonants in O E. (§ «î4, Note). § 8. Formation of the pret. and past participle" The j, which caused the doubling of the final consonants in ihe present stems, never existed in the preterite or past participle, so that these stems ended in single consonants. The pret. generally had the ending -ede from prim. Ger- manic :i.d.n, but verbs whose present stems ended in dal, tt (-----West Germanic dj, tj) had -de, .te on analogy with the verbs whch orlginally had long stems (§ 8). On many verbs whose 'present stems ended în ce, 11 (= West Germanic kj, lj), see § The past participle generally ended in -.ed from older .id, prim. Germanied:....s., as genered, gefremed. But in WS. and Ken. the verbs whose stems ended in d, t had vowel syncope and assimilation of consonants, as geset(t), masc. acc. sing. gesetne, dat. gesettum, fem. gen. dat. sing. gesetre, beside Anglîan geseted, gesetedne, gesettum, gesetedre ; gehredd beside Anglian gehreded, resced. See § 300. § 524. The full conjugation of nerian (Goth. nasjan), to save; fremman (Goth. *framjan), to/erfor; settan (Goth. satjan),  set, will serve as model for this class. 
6o A ccidece PresenL . o ,. Indicative. Sing. I. nerie fremme 2. neres(t fremes(t) 3. nere freme] Plur. neria] fremmap Subjunctive. Sing. nerie fremme Plut. nerien fremmen Imperative. Sing. 2. nere freine Plur. 2. neria] fremma] Infinitive. nerian fremman Participle. neriende fremmende serte setst set(t) setta] serte setten sete seta] settan settende reevie. Indicative. Sing. x. nerede fremede 2. neredes(t) fremedes(t) 3. nerecle fremede Plur. neredon fremedon "" serte sertes(t) serte setton Subjunctive. Sing. nerede fremede serte Plur. nereden fremeden setten Participle. genered gefremed "§ î2. On forms like nergan, nerigan, nerigean, see § 271. Like nerian are conjugated -merian, îo #uriy; geseted, geset(t) 
fo de, rive; byan, lo eain to, belong te; de, inj«re; edm, lo lough ; fefi, to carry; gewean, to clothe ; he, to rae j onhydm, lo emlale ; cie, lo allot ; sny, fo hasten ; spy, to grsue to stir ; we, to defend. In late W S. many of the verbs of this te went over into cls II owîng to the ending of the infinitive being the same in both cIasses.  526. Like fremm are conjugated Aswebb, lo clynn, go sottnd; cnyss, fo knock; dyan, fo make a noise ; emman, to ange prozoke;nan, fo roar; hfissan, o shake; scean (also sv.  510), swean, to swalhe ; temman, fo rame ; trymm, fo slrengthen ; enn, to stretc]t; iegan (in poetry also strong pret. e, Ah), fo receive; wecgan, o atale; wennan, fo accustom ; wrean, Io suppo. In WS. and Ken. most of the verbs whose stems ended in 1, m, n, s,  were remodelled on ano with verbs like nean with single consont, as cl, frean, he, fo conceal, syfian, to sulO sweian, and then later often went over into class II. On the pret. and past ptieiple of verbs ending in , see  B05.  527. Like settan are conjugated Atrd, go search out; cnan, fo bind, knil ; dan, lo re$c«e, saî,e ; hweoEan, lo whet, indte ; letm, fo tdnder; sp, sprout; and lecgan, fo lay. Sub-division § 528. The preterite generally ended in -de/rom older • ide, the î of whieh caused umlaut in the stem-s3"llable and then disappeared (§ 221). The following points should be noted in regard to the consonants: (z) Germanie double consonants were sîmplified before .de, as fyllan (Goth. fulljan), to ff/l, pret. fylde (§ 259), pp. gefylled; () ]+ d 
 6   ccdece [§ . became dd in late WS., as c]mn, fo make known, pret. er]xte, pp. geer]ged, later edde (§ 105), pp. gecrd(d) with dd from the inflected forms ; (3) .de became-te after voice- less consonants (§ 300), as cyssan, fo kiss, pret. eyste, pp. geeyssed; grêtan, to greet, pret. grêtte, pp. gegrêt(ed) ; (4) the d in .de disappeared after consonant +d or t ( 29.9, Note), as sendan, to send, pret. sentie, pp. gesend(ed); foestan, fo make fast, pret. foeste, pp. gefœest(ed). Verbs which would regularly bave vocalic 1, n, r in the pret. generally have .ede, especially in the combination long syllable+ 1, n, r, as hyngran, to ]ronger, dieglan, to bide, pret. hyngrede, dieglede (§ 221); but in the combination short syllable +1, n, r they generally had -de in the oldest perîod of the language and then later .ede, as eglan, to trouble, pret. eglde beside later eglede ; the verbs of this type often went over into class I I (cp. § 222). § 529. The full conjugation of dêman (Goth. dSmjan), to fitdge, drencan (Goth. dragkjan), io submerge, hyngran (Goth. huggrjan), to hunger, and gierwan from *searwjan, to prepare, will serve as models for this class.  . " .Prescrit. , ..v  t Indicative. Sing. I. dême drence hyngre gierwe 2. dêm(e)st drene(e)st hyngrest gierest 3-dêm(e)] drenc(e)] hyngre] giere Plur. dêma] drenea] hyngra] gierwa] Subjunctive. Sing. dême drence hyngre gierwe Plur. dèmen drencen hyngren gierwen Imperative. Sing. . dêm drenc hyngre gîere Plur. .. dêma] drenca] hyngra] gierwa] 
§ 530] lzœerbs 263 Infinitive. dêman drencan hyngran gierwan Participle. dêmende drencende hyngrende gierwende reterite. Indicative. drence hyngrede gierede 2. dêmdes(t) drenctes(t) hyngredes(t)gîeredes(t) 3. dêmde drencte hyngrede gierede Plur. dêmdon drencton hyngredon gieredon Subjunctive. dêmde drencte hyngrede gierede dêmden flrencten hyngreden gieredên Partidple. gedêmed gedrenced gehylgred gegiertw)ed § 530. Lîke dêman are conjugated a large number of verbs, as lan, 'o set on .tire; oernan, rttn ; flîegan, to put to flt'ght ; .liefan, fo allow ; âwyrgan, to strangle, kilI ; bœedan, to compel ; boernan, to bm'n cause fo burn ; benoeman, fo deprive of; biegn, to bend broedan, fo broaden ; byrgan, to lame; byrgan, to buO,; cîan, to cool; cemban, to comb ; ciegan (§ flTO), fo calt ; cwielman, fo kill ; doElan, to share ; ddan, fo kill ; drfan, fo drive out; drêfan, to stir to humble; fêdan, fo feed ; fgan, to join ; fran, jburney ; Rieman, to put to flight ; fylgan, tojô//ow; fsan, to hasten ; gefrêdan, to feel, lerceive ; geliefan, fo beh'«ve ; ge])iedan, fo join logether ; gieman, fo heed; gîernan, fo desire, yearn for; glengan, fo adorn ; hœelan, hman, to marry ; hienan, fo humilia&; ill-us« ; hieran, 1o hear ; hlrdan, fo make a oise ; hringan, 1o rb2g, sound ; hdan, to bide ; ldan, Sing. . dêmde Sing. Plut. 
[§ lend ; l&ran, to teach ; lengan, fo require ; liesan, lo set free; mœenan, fo moan, conlaht ; mran, go 2broclahn; mengan, fo mix; nemnan (pret. xaemde, pp. genem(n)ed), lo naine; niedan, to compel; roeran, Io raise ; r:man, fo make room ; sœegan, go lay low ; sffelan, go bind with a tope ; scrdan, fo clothe ; sengan, to singe; sproedan, to spread ; sprengan, fo bursl ; stieran, fo steer ; strienan, fo acquire ; swêgan, go make a sound ; tlan, Lo blane ; tengan, to hasten;tnan, o enclose ; wêdan, to rage ; wênan, go expect; wiexaaan, to refuse ; wrêgan, lo accuse. The con- tracted verbs hêan (pret. hêade, pp. hêad), to hezghten, rmse; and similarly r¢n, to roar; tn, go teach; to peurorm, do ; ])rn (also in form ]rwan), lopress, c.]an (pret. c.]de, later edde), o make known ; and similarly .h¢]an, 1o dêslroy, lay waste ; cwi]axa, o la'ment; lffe])an, to hate, abuse; nê]mn, to venturê on ; oferswi]an, to over. corne; sê]gan, to leslfy ; wrê]an, to be angry, gel angry. fyllan (pret. fylde), fo filI; and similarly fierran, Lo re- more ; cetmaxt, go bring ]orlh ; cierran, to gurn ; clyppan, to embrace ; eyssan (pret. cyste), to kiss ; fiellan, go felI; mierran, fo racer ; pyffan, fo #uff; spillan, to destroy; stiLlan, go Mill; wemman, go defile, ieldan (pret. ielde), 1o delay, sendan (pret. sende), go send, gyrdan (pret. gyrde), o gird; and similarly behyldan, lo flay ; gewteldan, to overpower ; gyldan, o gt2'd; onhieldan, go inchne ; scildan, to protect ; spildan, o deslroy ; wieldan, go conlroI, subdue ; bendaxb to bind ; blendan, o 3lind ; lendan, Io land, arrive ; ontendan, lo kindle ; pyndan, to shut up, confine ; scendan, 1o jbu to shame ; wendan, go lurn ; andwyrdan, o answer ; -wierdan, go deslroy ; hierdan, îo hardên ; onbyrdan, to inspire, ncite. fœestan (pret. foeste), go make fast ; and similarly acrœeftan, to devise, #lan ; âf'htan, lo frighten ; gyltan, to be guilty ; âwstan, 1o lay waste ; efstan, fo hasten ; êhtata, to pursue, persecute ; fylstan, to help ; gedmftan, to put in order ; gehlœestaxa, lo load ; gehyrtan, 
§§ 3-3] U«r&s lo eqm'p ; grimettan, to roar, rage (for other examp]es of verbs in .ettan, see § 657); hœeftan, fo hoM captif,e; hierstaxa, o toast; hiertan, o hearIen, encot«rage ; to listen ; hyhtan, o hope ; lœestan, fo çeorm ; Hehtan, o g[ve light ; lysn, fo please ; moestan, fo feed with toast ; myntan, fo fnen6 think ; resn, [o test; tan, fo set rthI; scn, o shoen; tyhtan, lo incite, allure; yrstan, to thé?st. ç 681. Like drencan are conjugated Acwencan, îo quench ; dwœesca, to quench ; âsepan, fo ber«ave ; boEtan, to brtle; beepan, 1o des#oil; bêtan, to alonefor, amend; cêpan, to kee ; ciepan, o uy ; cyspan, o bzd, oeer ; depan, fo let dro, moisten ; gewlencan, to ma'e proud ; geswencan, lo D#tre ; ên, fo greet ; hoen, to heat ; hwierfan, to convert ; h, lo whiteu ; hysp, to mock ; iecan (see  34, Note ), fo ineaæ; liex=, fo shine ; mêt, to meet ; ntan, fo a$ict ; o=, to stone ; ofyscan, to beat down ; san, lo rush ; rên, fo cheer; scencan, fo pour out ; scîean, fo Marpcn; screncan, fo cause to lumble; sencan, to cau lo shk; çtan, to spit; swoen, to sweat; swenc, fo affiict ; toesan, to pull, tear ; tSstene, to ,catter ; yçpan, to open, manoEet; wœen, to wet ; wie, to recover ; wscan, fo wtsh.  532. Like h are conjugated biecn, lo make a sig»; eglan, to cteal; forglendr, fo our; frê. fr, to como; symbl, to fet; br, 1o bud; wan, to çhange, exchange, efn ret. efnde, later efnede,  28), fo kve eoEorm; d sîmilarly b, to budd; eglan, to trouble, aict; roefnan, fo rfot ; seglan, to sa#; rysm, fo suffocage.  8. #erest, ere, erMe from older *e, *#ede with regul loss of w  ). a later peod the verbs of this te mostly generMiz the forms with or without w, and offen went over into class I I 
:66 A ccide«zce [§ 534 The verbs with a long diphthong or vowel in the stem generally had w in ail forms of the verb. Like gierwan are conjugated hiean, to despse, ill-treat; nierwan, fo constrain ; sierwan, to contrive plot ; smierwan, fo anoint, smear, lwan (pret. lwde), fo betray ; and similarly forsloewan, to delay, be slow ; getriewan, fo trust; hlêo. wan, hliewan, fo shelîer, warm ; iewan, fo show, dt'sclose. siowan, sêowan (Goth. siujan, O HG. siuwen)from older *siuwjan (op. § 138), fo sew, pret. siowede, seowede from older *sîwide ; from the pret. was formed a new inf. si(o)wian after the analogy of class II, with preterite siowode, seowode, spiowan, spêswan from *spiuwjan older *spiwwjan (§ .4), fo spit, pret. spiowede, speo. wede from *spiwide, beside spiode, spêode, formed direct from the present; from the pret. spiowede was formed a new inf. spi(o)wian affer the analogy of class II. streowan (Goth. straujan), to strew, pret. streowede beside strewede (Goth. strawida), § 77, from which a new inf. streowian, strewian was formed after the analog-y of elass II, pret. streowode. § 34. & certain number of verbs belonging to elass I formed their preterite and past participle already in prim. Germanie without the medîal vowel .i., as bycgan (Goth. bugjan), fo buy, pret. bohte (Goth. ba6hta), pp. geboht (Goth. bathhts); ]encan (Goth. ]mgkjan), fo rhin& pret. ]hte (Goth. ].hta, § 0), pp. ge]ht (Goth. ]Ahts), whence the absence of i-umlau in the pret. and pas participle of verbs of this type. In addition to a few verbs which had long stems originally, they embrace verbs whose present stems end in ce, 11 from West Germanic kj and lj (§ 9.). On the interchange between c and h, see § 10. At a later period the preterite and pp. of verbs with .etc. in the present were re-formed with e from the present, as cweccan, cwehte, gecweht; and similarly roecan, tcan, prim. Germanic *raikjan, *taikjan, genet- 
ally had pret. rhte, toehte with  from the present, beside the regular forms râhte, t.hte. The verbs with I1 in the present often formed the pret. and pp. on analogy with the verbs of sub.division (a) espeeially in late 0 E., as dwelede,-ode, beside older dwealde. Beside sellan there also oecurs siellan (later syllan)from *sealljan with ea borrowed from the pret. and pp. in prehistorîc OE. bringan, fo bmng, is the strong form (ep. § 498), the regular weak form brengan is rare in O E. Nor-.--. The presents reccan for *rêcan (pret. rShte): o carefor teck; and loeccan for *lcan (pret. lœehte, pp. gelht). to seize» are difficult to account for. 2. Especially iii late OE. verbs with medial c, ¢c often formed their pret. and pp. in .hte, .ht after the analogsr of the above type of verbs, but with the retention of i-umIaut, as bepcan, t 
 6 8 .4 cddence [§ deceive, bephte, bepht, beside older beçete, beçet; and similly gewc, lo weaken ; ieen, fo inease ; to a#oach (for rucher examples of verbs with -lea, see  658); 5lecc, go flaller; scan, go suckle; pryccan, go #mss, cmtsh ; wleccan, fo warm. CAss II.  B. This class of verbs is denominative and originally belonged partly to the athematic and partly to the thematic conjugation ( 47). The first pers. singular of the former ended in .mi and of the latter in -AiC The in the prim. Germanic period ( ). A lge number of the vrbs which originally belonged to elass III went over into this class in prehistoric O E. On the verbs of cls I which went over into this class, see The full conjugation of sealfian, fo anoin, will sexe as a model for the verbs of this class. Present. Indie. Subj. Sing. I. sealfie sealfie . sealfas(t) ,, 3' sealfa] ,, Plur. sealfia] sealfien Infinitive. sealfian Partieiple. sealfiende Preterite. Sing. I. sealfode sealfode 2, sealfodes(t) ,, 3- sealfode ,, Plur. sealfodon sealfoden Participle. gesealfod Imper. sealfa sealfiaJ 
§ 536] Vgrbs 269 The correponding prim. Germanic 1brms of the pres. indicative were" *salSjS, *saltôsî (Goth. salbSsb *sal. t5]i (Goth. salb]), pl. *sallSjan]i. In O E.-Si-regularly .bç.c.ame 4-(§ 278)which not being orîginal did hot cause î-umlaut in the stem-syllable. The .i. was often written .ig., also -ige. before guttural vowels, as sealfige, sealfigan, sealfigean, beside sealfie, sealfian, see § 78. On the ending .e in the first pers. sing. of the present, see § ,t78. The ending .a in the împerative second pers. sing. was from sealfas(t); a form correspondîng to Goth. salb5 would have become in O E. *sealf from older sealtm (§ 215). Inf. sealfian is from prim. Germanic *salt5. j anan. The corresponding prim. Germanic forms of the pret. indicative were *sal5dSn (Goth. salbSda), *salt}Sdges (Goth. slbSdês), *salSd;ge(])(Goth. salbSda), pl. d;tm(]). The media] -5- was regularly shortened to .u. in prehistoric OE. (§ 18) and then ]ater became .o-, .a., the former of which is usual in WS. and the Iatter in Anglian and Ken. On .e. beside -o-, .a., see § . And similarly in the past participle WS.-od, Anglian and Ken..ail, prim. Germanic :5az. § 536. Like sealfian are conjugated a large number of verbs, as .cealdian, to become cold; .rian, to honour ; .scian, fo ask ; .swefecian, lo eradicale ; bedecian, fo beg behSfian, fo bave need of; bodian, to announce ; cêapian, fo buy ; ceorian, go com2btain ; costîan, fo ICi; prave ; cun- nian, fo try, test; dysigian, to be foolish ; dwoliau, to err ; eahtian, to esteewt, comider; eardiau, to dmeIl, inlabit ; earnîan, fo earn ; endîan, to end; foeg(e)niata, to rejoic« ; foestniatx, to fasten ; fandiata, fo try, search out; fol#an, fo follow ; fttlliau, to fnlfil ; fundian, fo strive afler ; gearcian, lo lbreiare ; geaxwîan (§ 588), go irepare; gedafenian, beseem ; gemidlîan, to bridte, restrah ; gemyndgian, fo re- member; geSmrian, lo be sad, lainent; gestrangian, 1o 
 70 .,4 ccidence [§   7 »cake strong ; grpian, go grope, feel; hafeniaxa, to hoM ; hAlgian, to hallow ; hangian, to bang; hatian» to hage ; bel(i). gian, to make heavy ; hergian (cp.  fi), to harry ; fo hasten ; hnappîan, fo doze ; hopian, go hope ; hwearfian, fo wander ; ieldcian» to delay ; lâcan, go heal ; lanan, to long for; laian, go vf?e ; lêanian, to reward ; lêasian, fo telllies ; Hcian, toçlease ; lcian, go look ; lofian, to #raise ; losian, o lose ; lufian, o love ; macian, fo make ; manian, to exho ; meldian, go announce ; met(e)a=, go measure ; offan, to offer; op(e)nian, to open ; rêafian, to phgnder ; saman, to collect, gather ; sArgian, fo cat, se pag ; o grie, be sad ; scamian, go be ashamed ; scêawian, to look ; scyld(i)gian, fo sin ; siian, to travel ; soran, to sorroç grve ; sparian, fo spare ; synan, go sin ; tioh. hian, teoian, fo think, consider; çaccîan, go stroke ; ancian, to thank ; olian, fo ster; rwian, to surfer; wacian, fo be awake ; wandrian, to wander ; war(e)nian, to beware, take heed ; warîan, fo beware ; wealwian, fo roi1, walI ; welegian, to enrich ; weorian, fo honour ; wêr. an, go grow weary ; wnian, go desire ; wcian, to wink ; sian, go gttide ; witgian, to prophesy ; witnian, fo punish, forment; dan, to glory ; ndian, fo wogtnd ; wun. dan, fo wonder ; wuan, go dwell, bletian, fo bless ; bian, blissian, lo roe ; cloenian, to cIeanse ; efeian, to shear ; eg(e)sian, to frighten, tefy ; tsian, fo covet ; gian, fo rage; hrêowsian, lo repent  rue ; iersian, to be angry ; mrsian, to nmke famous ; mtsîan, go bave mcrcy ; ricsîan, xian, to fui G govern ; unrtsian, to be sad ; untrêowsian, to draud, deceive, see  On e second d third pers. sing. pres. indic., impera- rive sing., d pret. indicative of verbs like bifian, o tremble ; cn, go adhere» deave ; cHpian, to call; an, to yawn, gape ; , fo kan, redine ; s¢ian, to stab ; n,  slave af ter, labou see  lOl-2.  ô7. twêon, #i= togan, from *twix5jan 
(§§ O, 189), fo dmbt; pres. indic, twêoge, wêost, twêo; pres. par. twêonoEe (poeical)beside togene; pret. indic. wêooEe, Anglian twiooEe, from 'wîXn ; pp. wêooE. And similarly in WS. he following verbs whic originally belonged o cIs IIi • fêog(e)an, fo hZe ; frêo. g(e)an, go Ie, make ri'ce; smêag(e)an, to pon,r, con. si&r; rêag(e)an, to reprove, rebuke. Cass III.  88. M ost of the verbs belonng to thia class werc ori#nally primy verbs like Lat. habê.re, O HG. habê.n, fo bave, and probably embraced two types of verbs: those whieh had -.ç]:, and (2) those which simply had -j. in the present. In O E.  in the other Geanic Ianguages the two types became mîxed, which gave fise to many new fomations. The .êj. like .Oj. ( 78) in cls II relarly became-i- in O E., which is the tenon why nearly ail the verbs of cls I II went over into cIs II in the prehistorîc period of the lage, op. haan, Goth. hatan, OHG. haggên, prim. Germanic *xatêjanan, fo haie. "Fhe prc- terite d pt partieiple were formed witheut a medial vowel. The chier verbs are: hbban, to haro; to lire; 8eegan, lo say ; and hycgan, to thtik. Sing. I. hœebbe 2. { hafas(t) hmfst hafa] 3- Plur. habba] Sing. hœebbe Plur. hoebben Present. Indicative. lîbbe secg_.e hyc .ge  sagas(t}  hogas{t) liofas(t) soegst (hygest  aga ! hora liofa] lîbba] secg(e)a] hycg(e)a] Subjunctîve. bbe secge hycge bben seen hycgen 
.,,4 ccîdence [§ a8 Sing. . hafa Plut. u. habba]9 Imperative. liofa saga, sœege hoga, hyge libba secg(e)a] hycg(e)a]9 Infinitive. habban lîbban seeg(e)an Participle. hoebbende libbende seegende hyeg(e)an hycgende Prelerite. Indicative. Sing. i. hoefde lifde soegde hogde . heefdes(t) lifdes(t) sœegdes(t) hogdes(t) 3. hoefde lifde sœegde hogde Plut. hoefdon lifdon sœegdon hogdon Subjunctive. Sing. hœefde lifde soegde hogde Plur. hoefden lifden soegden hogden Participle. gehoefd gelifd gesoegd gehogod The endings .a.s(t), .a] ofthe second and third pers. sing. pres. indicative, and ...a of the împerative sing., were from verbs of class I I; the endîngs corresponding to Goth. • tîs, .i]9, .,/tî »vould have become -es(t), -e], .e in O E. The regular form of hœebbe would be *hebbe (OS. hebbiu) ..... West Germanic *xabbjS, but the a of the second and ' d pers. sing. was extended fo the first and then a became œe by i-umlaut, cp. § 55, Note u. On the œe beside a in the second and third pers. singular, sec §§ 54, 57. haras(t), hafa] are rare in pure WS., the usual forms are hœefst, hoefl; and similarly with soegst, sœeg]; hyg(e)st, hyg(e)]. habba], habban (Vest Germanic *xabbjan]i, *xabbja. 
§ 8ag] P'erbs nan, OS. hebbiad, hebbian)had the a in the stem-syllable from hafas(t}, hafa]. On forms like neebbe from ne hœebbe, see § 32t, Note. libbe (OS. libbîu), libban (OS. libbian}, from \Vest Ger- manic *libbjS, *ïibbjanan. Beside libban there was also lifian, common în Anglian and Ken., whîch was inflected like sealfian (§ ,53) in the present. On the io in liofas(t} and liofa], see § 10. secge (OS. seggiu), secg(e)an (OS. seggian), from W es Germanic *sagjS, saggjanan. In the present the e as in secge, secg(e)an was often extended to forms which regularly had œe, and vîce versa. In late ,VS. the e was extended to all forms of the present. On forms like pret. sede beside soegde, see § tî4, Note . On the y in hycg(e)an beside the o in hogde, see § 4& In the pret. this verb was also înflected like class I I, hogode, &c. ; cp. also the past participIe gehogod for *gehogd. NoTE.--Traces of the old inflexion of verbs xvhich originally belonged to elass III are seen in such forms as ba (Nth.. Io dwell, fylg(e)an, to follow, onscynian (Anglian), to s/m, woee- cende, beig awake, beside ban, folgian, onscunian, waciede : hettend, ewm.y, beside hatian, fo hale; pret. ploegde, tnîfle, beside plagode, ]e lbla.yed, tnîwian, to trusl C. MINOR GROUPS. A. PIETERITE-PRESENTS, § 539. These verbs were originally unreduplicated per- fects, which aequired a present meaning like Gr. ¢,t, Latîn nSvi, Z ow. In prîm. Germanîe a new weak preterite, an infinitive, a pres. partieiple, and în some verbs a strong past parfieipte, were formed. They are infleeted in the present like the preterîte of strong verbs, exeept that the second pers. singular has the saine stem- ooE T 
- 74 .,4 ccide.ce [§§ «o- vowel as the first and third persons, and has preserved the old ending -t (§ 481). The following verbs many of wh[eh are defective, belong to this elass :--- § 0. I. Ablaue-SeHes. wt, Z know, he kows, . sing. wst (§ 240), pl. witon beside wiottm, wietun (§ OE01), wuton (§ 103) ; subj. wite imperative sing. wite, pl. wita] with .a] from the pres. indie, a. pers. pl. of other verbs (§ 476); inf. wîtan beside wîotan, wietan (§ 10.) ; pres. part. witenfle ; pret. wîsse, wiste (§ 240); pp. gewiten; partîcipial adj. gewiss, cerg. On forma like § 54.1. II. Ablaut-SeHes. dêag (Anglian dêg) beside later dêah (§ .), I avMl, he avails, pl. dugon; subi. dyge beside the more eommon form duge (§ 482) ; inf. dugan, pres. part. dugende. § ««. I II. Ablaut-Series. an(n), on(n), I gra,t, pl. unnon; subj. unne ; imperative unne; inf. unnan; pret. rive (§ 113); pp. geunnen. can(n), con(n), I k**ow, cat,, . sing. canst, const wih .st from forms like dearst, pl. cunnon; subi. cunne; inf. cunnan; pret. cfi]e (Goth. kun]a) ; pp..cunnen; parti- cipial adj. cfi] (Goth. ktm]s), known. ]earf, I eed, 2. sing. ]êarft, pl. ]urfon; subj. ]yrfe beside the more common form ]urfe (§ 482); inf. ]urfan; pres. part. ]earfende, eed2y; pret. ]orfte. dear(r) (Goth. ga.dars),  dgrg» with rr from the plural, 2. sîng. dearst, pl. durron (Goth. ga.dadrsum); subj. dyrre beside the more common form durre (§ 482); pret. dorure (Goth. ga-dafirata). 
§§ 4-7] Ver3s § 543. IV. Ablaut-Series. sceal, Z shall, owe, 2. sing. scealt, pl. sculon beside sceolon (§ 113); subi. scyle, later seule, sceole; inf. sculan, sceolan ; pret. sceolde (§ 110). man, mon, Z tIdnk, 2. sing. manst, monst with -st from forms like dearst, pl. mtmon; subi. myrte beside the more common form mune (§ 482); imperatîve -mun besîde .myme,-tourie; înf. munan; pres. part. munende; pret. munde (Goth. munda); pp. gemunen. § 544. V. Ablaut-Series. mœeg, , he tan, 2. sing. meaht later mht, pl. magon î subj. moege, pl. moegen; inf. magam ; pres. part. magende ; pret. meahte, mehte (§ 68, Note 2), later mihte. be.neah (Goth. bi.mah), ge.neah (Goth. ga.mah), it sujïce; pl..nugon; subj..nuge; pret. nohte. § 545. VI. Ablaut-Series. mSt, Z, he may, .. sing. mSst t§ 0), pl. mSton; subi. reste ; pret. mSste (§ 240). § 546. The following verb probably belonged orîginally to the seventh class of strong verbs § 51v.) : g later h § ),  bave, . sing. .hst with-st from forms like dearst, pl. âgon; subi. ge ; imperatîve age; inf. gan ; pret. âhte ; pp. .gen, gen § 4?,), own. § 547. The first pers. sing. pres. indicative of the Indo- Germanic verb ended either in - or .mi (cp. Greek verbs in - and -., like To the verbs in -5 belong all the regular Germanîe verbs ; of the verbs in .mi only scanty remaîns bave been pre- served; they are dîstînguîshed by the fact that the first 
276 zq ccîden ce [§ pers. sing. pres. indicative ended in .m. following O E. verbs :--- Here belong the § 48. . The Substantive Verb. The full conjugation of this verb is ruade up out of several distinct roots, riz. es..  e..t. (perfect stem-form or.) (weak grade form bhw.); and wes.. From es. and or. were formed a pres. indicative and subjunctive; from bhw. a pres. indicative (also with future meaning), pres. subjunctîve, imperative, infinitive, and present participle; and from wes. an infinitive, present participle, imperative, and a pret. indicative and subjunctive. 2'resent. Indicative. WS. Anglîan. WS. Sing. I. eom eam, am bio, bêo 2. eart ear], ar] bist 3-is is bi]) Plut. {sint Isint, sind bo, sindon,.un j sindon, .un bêo] earon, aron, -un Subjunctive. Sing. sie, si sie bîo, bêo Plur. sien, sin sien bion, bêon Imperative. Sing. bio, bêo wes Plur. bio], bêo] wesa Infinitive. Mon, bêon wesan Participle. Monde, wesende bêonde Anglian. biom bis(t) bi]) bio] (bi(o)]on, 
Pretcrite. Indic. Subi. wœes, wre, wœes, pl. wron  505' woere, pl. wren Pres. indicative : eom was the unaccented fonn of with êo from bêo {op. the opposite process in Anglian bîom); the regular form would have been *ira = Goth. ira; eart, ear], afin, and pl. earon, aron are old perct from the root er., perfect stem-form or., prlm. Germanîc af., of which nothing further is known ; on the - in earp, ar, see  81; is with loss of -t from older *ist  Goth. ist, Lat. est; sind from prim. Gemanic *ni  Indg. *senti ( 472); sint was the unaccented form of sinfl; sindon,., with the ending ofthe, added on  481t; besîde st, don there also occur in WS. sient, siendon. bio later bêo (cp.  104}, flore *biju tcp.  138, Indg. bhwljo, Lat. fi5; Anglian biom with m flore eom ; bist from older bis, Indg. *bhwïsi, Lat. ris; bî tYom older *bibi, Indg. 'bhti, Lat. fit ; Anglian biopon with u.umlaut ( 101) was a new formation ffom big; bîo ffom bijani. Pres. subjunctive: sie, sien later (OS. OHG. n), beside sio, sêo with § 549. -. The Verb dSn, to do. PresenL Indic. Subj. Sing. . d5 d5 . dést ,, 3. dê] ,, Plur. dS] dSn Infinitive dSn Imper. d5 45], Participle dSnde 
A ccidence [§ Indic. Sing. z. dyde o.. dydes(t) 3-dyde Plur. dydott treterite. Subi. dyde dyden Participle gedSn Anglian has the older form dSm for the first pers. singu- far; dêst, Nth. dcês(t) ; dê], Nth. d], dcês, from *, *dS.i] (§ &/) ; dS] from *]i; Anglian often bas longer forms in the present, as imper, dSa, dSa], inf. dSa(n). The y from older t in the pret. indîc, and subi. îs of obscure origîn ; în poetry there occurs the real old pret. pl. indic, ddon, correspondîng to OS. didtan, OHG. titun, Goth..dêdun whîch has only been preserved în the pret. of weak verbs (§ 59.0). Pret. subi. dyde, dyden from *dttdi., *dudin (§ 489.); beside dyde there also occurs in poetry dœede, corresponding to OS. dRdi, O HG. t.ti, and Goth..dêdî. Besîde the pp..dSn there also occurs in poetry .dên, Nth..dcn (§ ,in, s). § 550. 3- The Verb gin, o go. Present. Indîc. Subi. Imper. Sing. I. gâ gR . gffest ,, g. Plur. gi] gin g.] Infinitive n. Past padple gegRn. goest, goe], from older *, *R.i] (§ 47). The pret. indic, and subjunctive were supplied by êode (§ 75) which was inflected like the pret. of nerian (§ 24). 
§§ . -3] A dverbs § 551. 4. The Verb wîllan, will. The present tense of this verb was orîginally an optative (subjunctive) form of a verb in -mi, whieh already in prim. Germanic came to be used indicatîvelv. To this was formed in O E. a new înfinitive, presen't participle, and weak preterite. Present. Indic. Subi. Infin. Sing. x. wille wille, wîle willan 3- wile, vrille ,, Participle villende Plut. willa] wîllen The pret. indic, and subjunctive wolde was inflected like the pret. of nerian (§ 524). wîlt was a new forma- tion with-t from the preterite-present verbs, op. OHG. wilî, Goth. wileis, Lat. velis; wîle, indic, and subi.----- Goth. OHG. wili, Lat. relit; willa] was a new formation with the ordinary ending of the pres. indic. § 47ei, the old form was preserved in Goth. wîlein.. = Lat. velint. The various forms of this verb often underwent contrac- tion with the negative particle ne, as niile, nylle, nelle (especially in late WS.), pret. nolde. CHAPTER XV ADVERBS, PREPOSITIONS, AND CON. JUNCTIONS ]'o ,ADVERBSo § 552. We shall here chiefly deal with the formation of adverbs from adjeetives, and with the infleeted forms of nouns and adjectives used adverbially. § 558. The -e, generally used t? form adverbs from adjectîves, is originally a locative ending and is identîcal 
2 8o A ccidence [§ with the .e (= prim. Germanic .ai, § .17) in the instru. mental case of adjectives (§ 49.4). Examples are: dêop: dêope, deeply; nearu, .o (ep.  8)" nearwe, narrow, closdy; el: (e)le, wwkedly; and similarly bit(e)re, bitIerly ; ¢fe, quick, boldly ; cfie, clear ; earge, badly eae, wretched ; gearwe, completely ; geoe, eagerly; ame, arf ; hte, hot@ ; hêane, ignomtiously ; hearde, fierce@ ; de, loud@; holde, graciously, loyale; 1are, slow ; cle, much ; hte, right ; sceae, sharply ; ingale, alwgys, continual ; smicere, elegantly ; snfide, quickly ; sSe, mly ; strge, violently ; sweotole, clearly, idengy; swie, exceedingly, very ; sdge, separate ; çearle, serely ; ungemete, excessive ; wîde, wide ; wrâe, angr[ly. When the adjective ends in .e ( 8) the adverb and adjeetive are alîke in form, as be, joyful: be, joydly ; and similarIy brême, famous, glorious ; cl&ne, ful, entire ; êce, eternally; f&cne, deceiul ; frêcne, dan. gerous, fierce ; gedêfe, filly ; gehende, al fian6 near ; mgde, mercdv; myrge, merrtTy; swegle, ctear, b4ghtIy; ieee, thickly. A few adverbs, the corresponding adjectives of whieh did not originMly belong to the or î-deelension, do not have umlaut in the stem-syllable, as ange, aious, sm}e, smoolhly, sfte, gen@, slly, swôte, sweaIy, beside the adjeetives enge, smêe, sêfte, swête. In averbs like crœece, M; dollce, oohh; ffêondlce, çg ; geHce, , Mmi/y ; loflîce,/omb ; hetelïce, vo[ent[y, whîch were regularly formed flore adjectives ening, in .Hc (see  634), the-ce came to be regarde as an averbial "endîng, and was then used în foing averbs flore adjecives whîch did hot in dic,  eomosce, Carmsff; holdlce, hwœece, çMcMy ; loece, Mow; sêdlïce, ro¢roM ; stearcce, vgoroud, 
§§ 4-6! «4 dverbs 8 r § t$4. The adverbial ending in the other Germanîc lan. guages, as Goth. -, OS. OHG. -o, goes back to the Indg. ablative ending-gd which regularly became .a in O E. This .a was'preserve'dîrï a few adverbs ending in -ga (= Goth. -iggS), -unga (= OS. go), .nga,-lunga (op.  07, 615), as deaga, .inga, sectv; eaga, .inga, tz)-ely ; and similarly êawga, openv, pubh?3,; edwunga, anew ; fga, quickly, sudtv ; geunga, forwards ; h51unga, Dt ,aht, zoithott cause" sim{b)lunga, alwas, conltttally ; wênunga t Goth. wênigg5 , ttn- eectedty; wênun, perhaps, ' chaecc. îernga, angrily ; nêadinga, edinga, v force, a&ahtst one's orseeainga, gl'all¢i[otts ; stieinga, st«r(r, grd. lunga, -Hnga, fo lhe gro«tnd, comp&t«v; and similarly midlunga, moderaleO'; nêadlga, , force, against wTl.  555. The comparative and superlative degrees of thc adverbs in .e generally ended in -or (prim. Germanic .5z,  441, and -ost tprim. Geanic .Szt.,  4441, as earme, wrct«hcdv, earmor, earmost; hearde, fi«r««çv, heardor, heardost; holdlÏee, graciousr, holdlicor, holdlieost; ztrange, 'zb&nlv, strangor, ztrangozt; bu zeldan, scldom, seld(n)or, seldost.  556..oE certain number of adverbs had originally (, .s) in the comparative and .ist (Goth.-ist, rarely-Sst, in the superlative tcp.  3), as , «asile, ie from *auiz, êaost; feo, far fierr from *ferez, fierrest; lange, log, leng from *lan, lengest sSe, stl.5 sêft from *safiz; te, stronKv , 'rm tylg from *t, tylgest; oer from *z tGoth. irisl, earlier, fornerly;  from *iz tGoth. nore), later. The follong form their comparative and superlative from a different word than the positive 1, le, litt[e» ls from *lai, lst; micle, t Goth. ms, Angli mœe), mt; wel, .«I comp. ber 
_8 Mccîdence [§ ss from *Batiz, with loss of .e after the analogy of compara- tives with long stems, beside sêl from *sSliz, superl, betst, sêlest; yf(e)le, badly, ,zretchedly, wîers, wyrs, from *wîrsiz (Goth. wafrs, OHG. wirs), wierrest, wyrrest, wyrst. § 557. A large number of O E. adverbs consist of the various cases of nouns and adjectîves used adverbially, as acc. sîng. ealne weg, ealneg, always; wiht, Rwuht, af ail, by any means ; bœecling, back, behind, eal mst, aImost; eall tela, quite well; êast noria, north-east; êa], easily; fela, feola, very much ; fall, peuéctly , very ; fyrn, formerly ; geador, Dgether, jointly ; gefyrn, once, long ago, formerly; genSg, enough, sufjîciently; hêah, high ; lthwôn, litîle ; mœest, mostly ; samen, together ; silo, late ; sundor, asunder, alart ; tela, teola, well, befithngty ; ungefyrn, hot long ago ; untela, amiss; west, westward; west lang, extending weswards. Compounds of.weard, as forweard, contDfually, alzays ; hindanweard, hindwards, a the end; nor]weard, northward; sfi]weard, southward; fipweard, tqOwards; tSweard, towards, see § 687. Gen. sing., as nstreces, coninuously; doeges, daily, 3y day ; gewealdes, willingly, intentionally ; bU gêares, at what rime of year ; hfi gerdes, how ; idœeges, on the san, e day ; înnanbordes, at home; ises, af that lime ; orcêapes, oithot #aymen ; or]ances, heedlessly ; samtinges, imrne- diately, fort]îwith ; selfwilles, voluntarily ; sundorliepes, selOaratêl2; sunganges, rnovfng with the ,'un; ]ances, gladly, oIuntarily ; tmgemetes, excessively, immeasura31y ; ungewealdes, involuntarily ; un]ances, unwillingly ; willes, willingly; the .es was sometimes extended to fera. nouns, as endebyrdes, in an orderly manner; niedes, of necessity, needs; nitltes, af night, try niKht. ghwœes, altogether, in every way ; dœeglange.s, during a day ; elles, otkerwise, else ; ealles, entirety, hlly; endemes, equally, in like manner; gehwoe]eres, on ail sides ; nealles, hot af 
§ ] .4 &,erbs .83 all, by no neans; nihtlanges, ail night long; simbles, eve; a[ways ; singales, always, ever ; sSpes, îruty, veril.v ; sumes, somewhat, to some exlent ; ]ees, aller; ]gwêores, athwart, transversely; ungewisses, unconsciot«sly; hàm. weardes, homewards ; norJgweardes, northz,ards; ni])er- weardes, downwards; tSweardes, towards. A preposi- tion was sometimes prefixed to the genitive, as in.stoepes, instantly» al once; tS.êfenes, tilI evening ; tS.emnes, along- side, beside ; tS.gêanes, towards, against ; tô.gettites, emulalion; tS.gifes, freely, gralis; tS.mîddes, amidsl, among. Gen. pl.; as ffengê ])inga, anyhoa,, fit any r«oEv" géara, of yore, formerly ; hfi meta, boa,, in what a,oE'; hfi zvherefore ; noenge, nRnge ]ringa, hot at ail ; ungéara, long ago, recently. Dal. and instrumental sing., as bearhtme, bstant.v; elne, strongly, vigorously ; f-acne, c.rccedhgl.v ; hlfidswêge, lottdly ; niêde, of need, nccessarit_v ; nêode, zcahtsl.r, dili- gent/y; niwan stefne, anczz,, agah ; recene, al once; tome, griez.ousty ; vdhte, al a/l. ealle, a,,th'dy ; hêo.doeg, ; hwêne, somez,hat, dœeg.hwRm, daily; fur]um, even, indeed; gegnum, forwards, sraight lêofwendum, ardenlly ; wrR]mm, Dal. pl., as doeg.tidum, by day; fir(e)num, ,'xccssix'dy, very ; géardagum, formerly, in doEvs of oM; ge]yldum, patiêntly ; hwil.tidum, al limes, somelim«s ; hwâlum, somc- times ; of(e)stum, speedily, hastily ; searwum, ski«lt)' ; snyttrum, cunningly, wisely ; spêdum, speedily ; stundum, from lime to lime ; tidum, at limes, occasîonalty ; ]rinçure, pozoerfully, violentl); purposety ; ]grymtnum, pozeerfully ; ungemetum, excessfvely ; unsnyîtrum, foolishly ; tmsyn. hum, guilllessly; unwearnum, irr, sistibl.v; unwîllum, ,tnwillçngly ; wundrum, wonderfzdly; wynnum, j'oyfid/.v, lleasantIy; compounds with .mœelum, as byr]enmtlum, by loads ; dœelmlum, tiec«mcal ; dropmîlum, 
84 A ccîdence [§  drop ; flitmœelum, contentiously ; floccmoelum, in troops ; tmœelum, ste by step ; hêapmoelum, in troops; hidmoelum, by hMes ; limmlum, h)nb by h)nb ; nammoelum, naine by naine; snoedmoelum, bit by bf; sundmoelum, gradually ; tyeeemlum, piecemeal; undormoelum, singly ; rAg. mlum,from lt)ne to l?ne ; rêatmoelum, iu crowds ; worn. moelum, in troos. By nouns, &c. in conjunction with prepositions, as oetforan, boEorehand ; oetgœedere, toether ; oetndan, behhM ; oet-hwSn, almost ; oet.ehstan, af last ; oet-rihte, nearly, almos ; oetsamne, togeher ; be ungewyrhtm, undesevedly ; for hwon, wherore ; in.stœepe, forthwzh ; in.stede, af once ; ofdûne, down ; onbmc, 3ackards ; on. bœecng, behh2d ; onbtan, ebou ; onefn, close 3y ; onforan, bore, afore; on scipsan, tike a ship ; onsdrum, sh, separate ; onweg, away ; tS.doeg(e), o-day; tS. êacen, 3esides ; t5 hwon, herore ; tô-morgen, to-morrow ; tSsamne, ogeher; tS.sSçan,  Iruth, in sooh ; t5 wissum, wih cea ; derbmc, 3ackwards ; underneo, underneath ; wimftan, 3ehind; wîforan, bore ; wî. innan, ithh ; wineoan, beneath ; witan, outside  wffhout.  558. The çollowing are the chieç adverbs oç place : Rest. Motbn towards. Motbn from. feorT(an), far, af af feorr feorran foran, fore, before for]9 foran hêr, here hider hîonan hindan, behind hinder hîndan hwr, where hwider hwanon irme, innan, within in(n) innan nêah, near nêar nêan nio]gan, beneath rder nîo]an ]r, there ]ider anan, jonan uppe, up, above up(p) uppan ûte, tn, outside fit fitan 
sVa], southa,ards, sfipan,./5-om the sottlh ; and simiiarlv êast, êastan ; nord, nor; west, westan ; behmd ; ufan, from above; titane, ri.oto a,fthout, widan, from fa,ç ghwr, oeghwider, gehwr, cro:vwhcrr, h all directbns ; oeghwanon, ri'oto all paris ; hwœer, Rwer, 5wer, anywhere; hwanon, ri'oto aïo'whcr«; nhwr, nwer, nSwer, owherc ; welhw&r, welgehwr, gewel. hwr, ,warly evg»whgr« ; hider.geond, th#h«r; hidres idres, hither and thither. § 59. 2. PREPOSITIOXS. (I) Wîth the accusative: geond, lhronghout, dtrig,; geondan, bovnd; undeeoan, undcr,2cati, bdow ; geondan, beyond; ymb, around, abott4 at: ymbfitan, around, about; o [more rarely dat.), fo, up fo, as far as. until; urh (more rarely dat. or gen.), through, &o-ing. (2) With the genitive: dlang, andlanges, ah»ngsid«. (3) Vîth the dative : œefter, behh a,, along, through, a¢corditg fo, ht cotscqueno" tf: r, b(otr; oefforan, bore, ht the pr«sence Dt ; boeftan, behhd; beheonan, on tht side J ; beneoan, bettealh, below besicles; fram tfrom), also with instr., ri-oto, v; gehende, ear; raid, also with instr., tog«thcr with, amo»; nêah (also comp. nêar, superI. ehst), near;of, from, awv ri'oto, out within, btto, among ; on,fart, uon ; amod, loget]wr with, at ( Eme) ; tri, to ; tS.emes, alongside, ou a i«1 wi ; tforan, b(o% wiœean, belund; wifor, bore ; wit=, outsid¢, without, excepL The following also sometimes gove the act. : œet, af, by, in, on, upon ; befon, boEore, ht lhe pres«no" OE; bfitan, outMde, thout, free from ; fore, borc, in the sht OE; fO (o occionally gen. and instr.), to, hto, af, by ; wian, within. 
(4) With the accusative and dative" .bfitan, onbfitan, around, about (of Hme) ; begeondan, beyond ; behindan, behind ; betwêonan, betwêonum, belween, amon K; be- tweox, betweoh, bet(w)uh, betwîh, betwîx, between, az, on ; bufan, above, away fron ; for (also instr.), belote, in i]e sight of, durinff , for, on account of, instead of; gemang, among, çnlo lhe mçdst of; in, in, into, on, among, during; ofer, over, above, 3eyond, conlrary to ; on (also instr.), on, in, mto, on to, to, among ; ongêan, ongeagn, ongegn, ongên, olosile , in front o], against ; onuppan, on, uon ; t5gêanes, t5gegnes, tSgênes, towards, against; under, under, benealh, among ; uppan, on, abave. (5) With the genitive and dative : tSweard, tSweardes, towards. (6) With the accusative, genitive, and dative: innan, within, in, ingo ; wi], against, towards, fo, op#osie, near. § 560° 3- CONJUNCTIONS. (I) Co-ordinate" ac, but; and, and; eg]er . . . and, œeg]er... ge, boh.., and; êac, also; êac swelc (swylc), swelc êac, as also; for ]m (]êm), for ]on, for ], ]otme, awrefore; ge, and; ge . . . ge, l)od.. . and; hwoe](e)re, ]êah, swa ]êah, swâ ]êah hwœe](e)re, how. ever; ne... ne, ne . . . ne éac, n.hwœe]er ne . . . ne, neil]wr.., nor; o]]0e, or î oisive.., o]]e, eilher.., or; samod . . . and, both . . . and. () Subordinate • oefter ]m (].m) Ira, after; gr ]Am ]e, before ; bfitan, unless, unless that', for ]em (]m) ]e, for ]on ]e, for ]r ]e, because ; gelic and, as if; gif, if, whether; hwœe]er, wheSer ; hwœe]er ]e... ]e, whether.., or; mid ]r e, m2d ].m Ira, when, allhough ; nemne, nefne, nym]e, unless, exce2t; n }e, now that; o}, o] }met, o] }e, ,ntil, until that ; sw..., swâ, so . . . as; sw. sw.... ealsw, lust . . . as; ]mt, t5 on ]mt, so that; t0 ]on ]e, in order that ; ]œes ]e, 
§§ 6 - .] 'ord-Formalion  8 7 CHAPTER XVI WORD-FORMATION § 561. By far the greater part of the word-forming ele- ments, used in the parent language, were no longer felt as such in the oldest period of the English language. In this chapter we shall chiefly confine ourselves to those word- forming elements which were felt as sueh in OE., such as prefixes and suffixes. Nov,s. § ri02. Nouns may be di-ided into simple, derivative, and compound. Examples of simple nouns are- 5.e, oak" bS.n, bone ; bSc, book ; burg, cil), ; coeg, key ; cild, «hild ; doel, dale ; dêor, «&er ; ende, end; feld, field ; fole, fo/k ; tBt,foot ; gold, goht; hS.m, home ; hand, hand ; hfis, bon..',' • land, h, nd ; lira, limb ; lic, body ; lof, prase ; mana, man ; molde, ntotdar ; mfis, mous¢ ; nama, naine ; nett, net ; oxa, ox ; pytt, pit ; rm, room ; soe, sea ; seield, sht'dd; spere, spear ; tima, rime ; trêo, tree ; ]êof, thief ; ng, adng ; weg', way ; wên, hope ; weore, work ; word, word ; wya'm, worm; r], wave. M any simple nouns are relateà to the various classes of strong verbs (§§ 490-ti1}), as bite, cutt,)g, bile ; ld, way, course; Itif, remnant ; lida, sailor ; rà, riding; ridda, rider ; slîde, Mçp ; saoed, moroel, 5hh " snide, incision; wita, wise man. boga, bo ; bryee, use ; eyre, choice ; flêoge, fige ; ttota, sador ; loe, lock ; lyre, loss ; nota, t«se " seêat, r«gion. 
88 Worcl.For¢atioz ", [§ bend, band; ryne, brmg; rene, drtk ; feoht, bq#le, fight ; el, payme.zt ; ne, rgnnhg, cogtrse ; stene, odottr; sîeng, pole ; rd, ate. boer, btr ; bryce, breakhg ; byre, son ; cuma, guest; cwalu, killing ; cyme, advent ; stalu, tht. sproec, speech ; woeg, wave. fa,jburney ; r, journey ; slege, blow. gang, gohg; heald, çroteclzbn ; iep, ju¢p ; roed, coztnseL See   68. Derivative nouns are formed in a great variety of ways :-- x. From adjectives, as bieldo, boldness; broedo, breadth; cieldo, coM ; fyllo, fgllness ; hlo, kealth ; hœeto, heat; hyldo, favour, grace ; îelflu, .o, old age; lengo, length ; mego, crowd ; snyt, wdom ; strengo, strength. See . By means of various suNxes whieh were no longer felt as sueh in OE., as ydel, ,essenger; fugol, gafol, tribztle; hagol, haff; noedl, needle; nœegl, hall; segl, sail ; setl, seat ; sta}ol, foundation ; tungol, star. }m, breath ; boom, bo#on ; mm, oeeare ; woestm, growth. flryhten, lord; heofon, heaven; morgen, morning; }egen, tkane ; woeçen, weaon, brûlot, brotlzer ; fœeoEer, ather ; finger, finger; oEor, food; hamor, hammer; sweostor, sis#r ; or, thunder ; ner, winNr. 3. From verbs by means of a dental suffix, as blœed, blowing ; cyst, viue, excellence ; doed, deed ; fierd, army ; flyh,flight; gebyrfl, bih ; genyht, szciency ; geseeaft, eation ; geeaht, plan ; gfft, przce  a woEe ; glêd, hbe coal; hœe, captivity; hyht, hope ; lst, track ; meaht, ower ; mœe, mowing ; soed, seed; sHeht, slaughter ; spêd, c«ess ; weft, 4. From verbs th inseparable paieles, as bebo6, com- n; beNsing, cell; beNfing, dighg rnd; begang, rg¢Oce ; beht, promise ; bNàf, remainder ; belp, occgr. 
§§ n4-9] ord-Forrnation 2 8 9 rente; begiemen, care, attention. îorbod, prohibition forhoefednes, tenerance ; forlor, desl«ctn ; forrd» fate, destructiot, gebann, decree, proc/a«a[ton; geb, prayer ; geblSt, sacrce ; gebree, cla»to noise; gefeoht, fig/zt, baltle, ofcyff, culting off; ofslegees, desl«clion ; o fsprœee, utlerance. 5. By means of various prefixes. Some of the forms given as prefixes below are in reality independent words forming the first elements of compounds. They bave been included among the real prefixes for purely practical puoses. It should be noted that the examples given below include both nouns and adjectives : PREFIXES.  e4. -, Goth. w, eve as brêmende, OEcr cele3rat- htg ; bbende, lasting ; wgende,  55. œe-, privative preux denotîng witttoul, like the A in OHG. Amaht, without power, as fee, without skh ; de, without conpensaœion; œemen(ne), depopulaled; œemSd, out  heart, disnza3,ed ; oewéne, hopeless.  6. œef., stressed fore of of., o as œefest, œeane(a), grtdge ; œefweard, absent.  67. œefter-, aer, as oeergenga, sttccesor; œeereld, after.paynent ; œeeffolgere, follower; œeeed, follow. ing ; oefterlêan, recompense ; oefteeldo, old ae ; œeere, second.  68. an-, stressed form of the preposifion on, o»t, as anfilte, anvil; an, benning ; anen, couttletattce anweald, authoty, anbeol, ngged ; orht, alarmed ansd, entire, sound.  569. and. (Goth. and-, OHG. ant. ; Gr. &, agains6 Lat. ante, boEore), e stressed form ofon. ( 5, Note, as andewis(s), answer ; andfenga, œeaker up, dnder ; and. Met, intelligence ; andsaca, advsary ; andswam, ansa,er andweald, power; andwlita, countenatce; andwyrde, o.«. U 
 90 M'ord-Formation [§§ 570-4 answer, andfenge, acce2btable ; andgietol, intelligenl; and. lang, continuous ; andweard, bresent ; andwrg], hostile. § 570. b. (OHG. bi), the stressed form of the preposition and adverb bi, by of which the unstressed form is be. (§ 04,7), as bicwide, roverb ; bifylce, neighbouring.heo.h/e ; bigeng, practice ; bigyrdel, gfrdle, flurse ; bileofa, sustenance ; bî. spell, examtle ; biwist, sustenance ; biword, ikroverb. § 571. ed. (Goth. id., OH G. ira., it.), back, again, re-, as edcierr, rettrn ; edgield, reflayment ; edgîft, restitution ; edgrwïmg, regrowing ; edlêan, revard ; edroc, rt¢mina. tzon; eclwit (Goth. idweit), reflroach, edgeong, growing young agafn ; edxaiwe, renewed. § 572. fore- (Goth. fafira, OHG. fora), the stressed form of the prepositîon and adverb fore, belote, fore., as forebêtcen, foretoken; foreduru, vestibule; foregisl, pre. liminary hostage ; forespreca, advocate; fore]anc, fore. thought, foreh.lig, very holy ; foremœere, illuslrious. § 578. fram. (Goth. O HG. fram), the stressed form of the preposition and adverb fram, from, as framcyme, progeny; framlgd, relreat ; framsi], departure, fram. wea.rd, turned from. § 57a. ge. (Goth. ça., OHG. ça., gà.), origînally a pre- position meaning together, which already in prim. Ger- manic was no longer used as an independent word. It was especîally used in forming collective nouns, but at a later period ît often had only an întensitive meaning or no special meaning at all, as gebedda, consort; gebr]or, brethren ; gefêra, com2banfon ; gefylce, army; g;egadertmg, galber. ing ; geh.cla, brother minister; gemoecctt, mate ; gemt, meeting; geseeaft, creaNon ; gei], comrade ; gewider, bad weather, gebyrd, birth, descent', geweorc, work; gewitt, witness ; gewuna, custom, ge.œe]ele, congenial ; gecyncle, innate, natural ; gedêfe, befitting ; gelic, similar ; gem3mclig, mindful ; gemœene, çommon ; gemmd, healthy, 
§§ n7-8o] Word-Formation  9' § 7. in., the stressed form of the prepositîon in, t)t, as in.dl, inmrnal disetse ; inb5end, inhab#ant ; incnîht, bouse- servant; in¢ofa, inner chamber ; înfœer, enlrance ; infaru, invasion ; înhere, home army ; insegl, seal signet, in]icce, very thick, coarse. § 70. raid. (Goth. miJ, OS. raid, OHŒE. mit), the stressed form of the preposition raid, wilh, as midspreca, advocate; midwîst, presence, sociel.v; midwunung, in comibany ; mîdwyrhta, co-operator. § 577. mis. (Goth. mîssa., 0 H G. missa., missi.), origin- ally a participial adjective meaning lost, the same word as O HG. mîssi, differen6 as misfadung, miscod, ct; mislr, bad leachin ; misrd, misgtddance, mîsboren, mis-shapen al birth ; mîshworfen, perverted. § 578. ofer- (Goth. ufar, OHG. ubar, Gr. ¢rp, Skr. uptri), the stressed form of the prepositîon ofer, over, as oferœet, ghtttony ; oferbrt, eyebroîv ; oferdrene, drTnken- ness; oferhygd, pride ; ofermoegen, superior force ; ofer. slop, suriblice ; oferspre, loquacit.y ; ofer]earf, exO'eme need; oferweorc, tomb. oferhl5d, overloud ; ofermte, excessive; ofermîcel, over-much ; ofermSdig, oî,erbcan'ng. § 579. on., in late formations with the preposîdon on, ofwhich the real stressed form is an, see above. Examples are" onbrîng, istigation; onbryce, inroad; onflescnes, incarnation ; onstigend, rider ; onstîng, authoriO,, on- oe]ele, natural fo. § 580. or-, originally a preposition meanîng out, pre- served as an independent word in Goth. us, O HG. ur, cp. also NHG. urteil beside erteilen. Examples are" ord.l, ordecd ; orsorg, without anxiety ; or]anc, shill, intelligence ; orweor],, ignomh«y, orcêas, free from com- plaz'nt ; oren.we, easily recognized ; oreald, ,ery oM orgiete, manifest; orgilde, unpaidfor ; orhleahtre, blame- less ; ormaie, excessive ; ormSd, despctiring ; orsâwle, lifeIess ; ortrdre, barren ; orwêne, des2airmg. 
 9  H/'ord-Formation [§§ 8 - § 581. sain., related to the adverb Goth. samana, OHG. saman, O E. samen, together, Gr. prepositîon !«, togelher with, as samhiwan, nembers of a family ; samwîst, living together ; samwrœednes, union, "combination ; samheort, unanimous ; sammffele, agreed ; samwinnende, contending together. § 589.. sain., a prim. O E. shortening of *smi., older *smi-= O HG. s.mi., Lat. sêmi-, Gr. lxt., hall, the unshortened form of which would have been sbmi. (§ lin), as samboerned, haIf-burnt ; samcueu, half-dead; samhâl, in bad health ; samgrêne, half-green ; samlred, half- taught ; samsoden, half-cooked ; samwis, dull, foolish. § 588. sin-(Goth. O H G. sin.),ever, peribetual , as sindrêam, everlastingjoy ; sinhere, immense army ; sin_hiwan, rnarried couible ; sinniht, eternal night ; sinscipe, raarriage, wedlock sinsorg, continual sorrow, sinceald, ever coM ; sinfulle, singrêne, houseleek ; singrim, ever.tierce. § 584. t5-, the preposition t5, to, as tbcyme, a2ibroach , arrival; t5hlystend, listener; tbhyht, ho#e ; tô-iecnes, increase ; tbnama, surname ; tbsprc, conversation ; tbtyhting, inst'gaion, tbcumende, foreign, strange ; tbheald, inclined, leaning; tb.iernende, approaching ; rb. weard, facing, aîblbroaching. § 585. twi. (OHG. zwî., Lat. bi., Gr. B. from *BF-), wo, as twibîll, wo-edged axe ; twigilde, double payment ; twiweg, place where two roads nee; twibête, needing double corn. #ensation ; twifeald, gwofold ; twîfêrê, accessible by ways ; twîfête, twofooted ; twifingre, tzvo .fingers thick ; twîhêafode, two.headed; twî.hwêole, two.wheeled; twi. nihte, two days old ; twirSede, irresolute ; twisprffece, doub[e-tongued, false in s2eech ; twiwintre, of 2ears. § ti86. ]rî. (OHG. dri., Lat. tri., Gr. et.), three, as ]ridoeglîc, lasting three days ; ]rîdled, trilbartie ; ]ri. feald, threefold ; ]rifête, having three feet; ]griflêre, three. 
§§ -9 ] Word-Formation storied ; ]rilêafe, trefoil ; ]rinihte, lhree days old ; }rîrê]re, havt'ng lhree banks of oars ; ]riseiete, triangtdar. § 587. ]gurh., the preposition ]urh, through, as ]mrh. beorht, very brigh; ]mrhbitter, OE'e3v bitler; ,urhfêre, penetrable ; urhhAlig, very hoty ; urhscinendlic, splemht ; urhscylg, vy guilty ; urhspêdig, very ,ealtl ; urh. waeol, sleepless.  88. . (Goth. OHG. un., Lat. en., Gr. a-), a negative paicle, « sometimes used intensîtively with the meanîng ba i &c., as Rr, dishonour; beo, htnocence ; uncyst, vice; ufffi, war; uoelo, sickness, uncrmft, il practice ; undœed, crime ; ungeanc, evzY thozgtzt ; uneld, excessive lax ; ua, cvd law, )uste ; r, false doctrine; unswefn, bad dream ; unwtere, care&ss scffbe, unoeele, p&beian ; unaMefen, unpaid; und#et. fu, unintelligent; unbed, lhnid; elœene, undean; undêaie, immorlal; dêop, shallow; undierne, mani. st ; oeger, ugly ; ungeoe, reluctan@ ; uêof, huted ; unmoere, inglortbz«s; riht, wrong; slAW, active; uns5, untrue ; unswête, sour ; unsg, innocent; ungewiss, unceafit.  580. under., same word as the preposition der, under,  derburg, sgbur3; dereyng, viceroy; underdiaeon, sub-deacon ; underiing, «derhg.  500. fip-, the prepositîon fip, p,  fipeyme, ristg, orin ; fipende, upper end; fipflêng, z«pper floor ; fipgang, rising, sunrise; fipheofon, @ ; fiplyft, upp air; fipstige, ascent ; fipstigend, rider; fipweg, way Io heaven, fipcund, celesti& ; ûphêah, uplled ; plense, rural, mstic ; ùpfiht, upright, erect.  fiÇ1. fit., the prepositîon fit, ou, as fitcwem, utter destrucion ; fitdroef, expulsion ; fiffoer, exit ; ûtgang, exit ; fitgefeoht, forei war; fitgemre, extreme boundary; fithere, forei army ; ûtla, oullaw, fiflendise, strange, foreign ; atae, exrnal, foreign. 
94 Word-Formalion [§§  _ § 519.. wan., the saine word as the adjective Goth. wans, O E. O HG. wan, wanting, lacking, deficient, as wanhtêl], weakness ; wanhafa, floor flerson ; wanhoga, thoughtless person ; wanhygd, carelessness ; wanspêd, poverty, wansffelig, unhaibfly ; wanscrdd, poorly clad ; wanspêdig, floor. § 93. wi]er., the preposîtîon Goth. wî]ra, O HG. widar, O E. wi]er, against, as wi]ercwide, contradictzbn; wi]erlêan, reçuiœeal; wî]mrsaca, adversary ; wi]ersœec, opposition ; wî]ertrod, retreat, wi]errde, adverse. § 5t}4. ymb., the preposition ymb (OHG. *umb, Gr. &ç)» around» and related to the adverb ymbe, O HG. unb both from an older umb+ bî, literally around by. Examples are ymbfoer, circuit; ymbgang, circumference ; ymbhoga, ¢onsideration. SUFFIXES. § 5f}5. -@, .o (Goth. -5Ira., OHG. -Sd, Lat. -tu., Gr. -lTd-), used in forming masc. abstract nouns from the second class of weak verbs, as drohta], way of lijïe; drtîgo], dryness, drought; isco], fishing ; fugelo], fowl. ing ; hunto], hunting ; lango], longing, desire ; sweolo], swolo], heat, burning. Often extended to -no] with n from the verbalforms, as drohtnian, fo bass lire; hoeftnian, to tahe captive ; whence fiscno], fugelno]); sgedno], sowing; &c. § 590. -bora, also used as an independent noun, one who bears or sustazns the charge of anylhing, a ruler, related to beran, fo bear, as eescbora, sibear.bearer; cœegbora, key-bearer ; mundbora, lbrotector ; rdbora, counsellor ; rSdbora, cross-bearer; strœelbora, ard2er; woepenbora, warrior ; wS]bora, lboet ; wrShtbora, accuser. § tît7..dSm (OHG. -tuom), also used as an independent word, Goth. dSms, OE. dSm, judgment, OHG. tuom, state, condition, as abbttddSm, abbacy ; campdSm, contest, 
§§ 598-6o ri I4Zord.For»talion 95 z,ar; cyned5m, khzgdo»t; ealdordSm, attflzorily ; frêo. dSm, freedom ; hœeftedSm, capt'viO, ; hlaforddôm, lordsttip ; lœecedSm, nedtize ; larêowdSm, ce of teader ; reccend. dSm, rle, goverance ; swicdSm, dece? ; êowdSm, sewte.  598..els from older -isl by metathesis ( 277), Çest Germanic .islja. = O HG. -isli, used in foing masculine nouns, as brœedels, coven)g, carel; bHdels, bHdte; byrgels, totb; cntels, siew; fœeels, lt«b; gyrdels, girdle ; hdels, hidig-çlace, cave ; mrels, noor«ng-rope ; miercels, tark ; roedels, riddle ; rêcels, çcense ; smierels, ohzlmenl ; sicels, goad ; wgels, coverg.  599. -en (, aee..ia), prim. Germanic .ini, -jS. (West Germanic .innjS.,  24), mostly used to fo the feminine from nouns denoting maie beîngs; also used to form rem. abstraet and concrete nouns, as xen, s]zefo.x" ; gyden, goddess; menen, female slave ; mynecen(n), »tu ; êowen(n). seat; ien, nen, haMmaid; wiergen(n), ste-wo emen(n), care, respotsibili ; hœeen, atslody ; hengen, hangi ; lygen,falselood ; scielden(n), proteclio ; selen, seen, goEg; strêowen, bed ; tyhten(n), incilelnglll ; woecen, vigi  600..en (Goth..ein,, West Geanîc .in. beside .ja., used in forming neuter nouns often with diminutive meaning, as cHewen, clwen, clew; ccen, 'kken; embren, bucel; foesten, fo-tress; men, filn ; gten, l«le goal, kd; moegden, men, »taide ; ticcen, ki wêsten(n), dese.  601..end (.nd), orîginally the ending of the present paieîple of verbs ( ), used in formîng nomina agentis, as ond, enen ; ffêond, frtnd ; gend, ezchanl ; hoelend, Saz,iot«r; hettend, enem ; ystend, lçs; lstend, doer ; lend, sailor, traveller ; metend, easz«r" ; reccend, rztl; dend, rider; scêotend, ,aror; sec- gend, speaker; seend, gzer; lend, reprover; wealdend, ler ; gend, warrior ; wrecend, avengeç 
=9 6 Word.Formalion [§§ §OOS..ere (Goth..areis, OHG. -oEri, Lat.-.rius), origînally used to form nomina agentis from other nouns, and then later from verbs also, as boeeere, baker; crêopere, cr'lple ; costere, tempter; drêamere, musician ; drincere, drinker; etere, eater; fugelere, fowler; folgere, follower; gitsere, miser; godspellere, evanglist ; hearpere, harper ; hordere, steward, treasurer; hwîstlêre, piper; lnere, lender ; lêasere, hypocrile ; lêogere, liar; leornere, dis. ciple, learner ; mœeere, mower ; mangere, nerçhant, trader ; rêafere, robber; receere, ru]er ; sœeclere, sower; sangere, snger ; seipere, sailor ; seamere, tailor ; sfitere, shoe. maker ; tollerê, ax-galherer ; writere, wrier. § 008..estre from older .istroe, prim. Germanîe .istrjn. beside .astrjn., used in forming fera. nomina agentîs from verbs, also occasionally from nouns, as bœecestre, baker; cempestre,ëmak novice ; fylgestre, foIlower ; hlêapestre, damer; huntigestre, huntress; loerestre, leacher; lop. pestre, lobsger; lufestre, lever ; rdestre, reader;san. gestre, songsîress ; sêamestre, semlslress ; toeppestre, tavern-keeper ; webbestre, wea, er ; witegestre, pro- #aess. § 604. -et(t) (Goth..iti, OHG..izzi), prim. Germanic .itja. beside-atja., used in forming heur. verbal and denominative abstract nouns, as boernet, arson ; bealcet(t), belçhng; emnet, plain ; hiewet, «utting; nierwet(t), narrovness ; rêwet, ro-wfn ; rmet, Slace , exen ; swet, sowing; sweofot, skep ; pêowet, .or, slavery ; ic¢et(t), thicket. § o0S..hâd (OHG. -heit), used to form masc. abstract nouns from nouns and adjectives, also used as an in- dependent word, Goth. h{idus, zoay, manner, OE. hAd, O HG. heit, rede, tank. Examples are: abbudhAd, tank of an a3bo ; camphâd, warfare ; cildhAd, ch{ldhood ; cnit,thd, boyhood ; fulwîhth,d, ba19gisnal ow ; geogu]. hid, youth; hêalichRd, loflimss ; moegdenhAd, maiden- 
§§ 6o6--9] Word.Formaton 9 7 hood ; moeg]h.d, relationship ; munttchid, monastic state ; prêosth.d, priesthood; ]êowh.d, service ; werh.d, man- hood, male sex; wifhïtd, womanhood. § OOt3..ineel (cp. OHG..inklin), a neuter diminutivœe suflîx of uncertain origin, as eofincel, little chamber ; hoeft. încel, slave; hfisitacel, little bouse ; li]incel, little fo'nt ; r.pincel, cord, string ; scipincel, little ship ; stnincel, little sgone ; tffuineel, small estate ; ]êowîneel, yo¢ng slave ; weargîneel, butcher-bird. § (O.Icel..ingr, O, used in forming toast, concrete nouns, especially patronymîcs, as oe]eling, son of a noble, prince ; cyning, king ; EaldulFmg, Scêfmg, Scylding. biestîng, first milk of et cou: afler calving ; cAsering, a coin ; scîlling, shillin ; hœering, herring ; hearding, hero, bold nan ; hemmîng, shoe of hide ; ierming, poor wrelch ; silfrîng, silver coin ; swertlîng, titlark. From nouns Iike œe]eling beside the adj. œe]ele, noble ; and 1.tlîng, child, beside 1.rtel, little, was extracted the suflàx .ling whîch became common especîally in forming nouns denotîng persons, as cnoeplîng, youth; dêorlixag, favourite, darling ; fêorling,fourth part, farthing ; f6storîxag, foster- child; geonglîng, youth ; gesîbling, kinsmctn ; hoeftling, 2brisoner ; hêafodling, equal, companion ; hrrling, hireIing ; ier]ling, ploughman ; xaiedling, slave» bondman; rpling, prisoner ; ]êowling, slave. § 608..lAc, uæed in forming neuter nouns. Also used as an independênt word, Goth. 1/tils, dance, O.Icel. leîkr, play, O HG. leita, play, song. The original meaning seems to bave been ' motion in general', but in OE. lac means baltle ; offering, sacrifice; girl, present. Examples are : oefenl.c, evening sacrifice; brêowl.c, brewmg ; br.dlc, marriage g'ft; feohtle, )qghting ; rêaflRc, robbery, booly ; slAc, girl or offering from the sea ; seinlAc, magc; wed. l.e, wedlock ; witel.e, punishment ; wrhf.lRc, accusalion. § 130t..nes(), .xais(s) (OHG..nesi, .nii), used in 
.98 Word.Formation [§§ forming rem. abstract nouns from adjectives, as oe]elnes, nobility; biternes, bitterness ; blindnes, blindness ; cêlnes, coolness ; cloennes, îburity ; drêorignes, sadness ; êadignes, prosîerity ; fœestnes, firmness ; glêawnes, sagacity ; grênnes, greenness ; laoelnes, saIvation ; heardnes, hardness ; îdelnes, idleness; lufsumnes, amiabih'ty; mildheortnes, rnercy; oferetolnes, glgltony; sloecnes, slackness; strangnes, slrength; woetersêocnes, dropsy; woernes, prudence; w5dnes, madness. § O10..rœedexa(n), used in forming rem. abstract nouns denoting a state or condition. Also used as an independent word, rœeden(n), Mate, condition, related to the verb gerœedan, fo arrange, pul in order. Examples are: gefêrroeden, ¢ompanionship ; g@éodrden, fe/lowship ; tliwroeden, family, household ; holdrden, loyaRy ; hsrden, bouse. hoM; hyldrden, fidelity ; mœedrden, grass mown on a meadow; moegroeden, relationship ; man(n)rffeden, allegi. ance, homage ; têonr-oeden, injury ; tréowrœeden, fidelity ; ]gingroeden, intercession ; wîteroeden, punishment. § ml. -scipe (related to Goth. skapjan, O E. seieppan. fo create), used in forming masc. abstraet nouns, as bêor- scipe, feast; burgscipe, township; cRfscipe, aclivity; dryhtscîpe, sovemignty ; fracodscipe, vileness ; fêond. scipe, hostility ; frêondscipe, friendship ; gêaps¢ipe, deceit ; geférscipe, companionship ; gemoenscipe, fellowship, com- munion; gSdscipe, goodness; hœe]enscipe, paganism; hlFfordseipe, lordship ; holdscîpe, loyalty ; hwœetscipe, bravery ; manscîpe, humanity; prfitscipe, pride ; sînscipe, wedlock ; tûnseipe, inhabitants of a wlage ; ]êodscîpe, nation ; woerscipe, prudence. § 612.-stafas, the plural of stoef, staff, stick, used to form masc. abstraet nouns, as Rrstafas, kindness; tàcen. taîas, treachery ; hearmstafas, trouble, affliction; sorg- stafas, sorrow, affliction ; wrôhtstafas, crime ; wyrd. stafas, destiny. 
§§ 6r3--$] Word-Formalion 99 § 618. -]o, -], older -]u (Goth..i]a, OHG..ida, prim. Germanic-i]5), used in forming fera. abstract nouns from adjectîves, as frl], fil¢h; hieh](o), heigh; hien](o), miliattbn ; hliew]9, covering, shelter ; hrief](o), scurfiness ierm](o), lhoverl 3, ; ierg]9(o), cowardice ; loe]9]o, hatred leng]9(o), kngth ; mœerp(o), faine, glory ; myr(i)g], sœel]9, happhwss; slw], sloth ; strengp(o), strength trêow], triewp, fidelity; trymp, firmness; iefp, thef wroe]](o), wrath. On the t in words lîke gescentu, grace; gesyxltu, heaIth ; ofermêttu, pride, sec § 80. In nouns formed from adjectives ending in .lêas, the .]9 became .t after the s (§ 80), as 1Arléast, .liest, ignorance ; liflêast, death ; andgietlêast, folly ; sloeplêast, sleeplessness ; gieme. liest, carelessness, neigence ; hlflêast, wgnt of bread ; hygelêast, thought[essness. § {t14..u, .o, embracing fera. abstract nouns formed from adjectîves. In prim. Germanic the stem of this class of nouns ended in .in, cp. ŒEoth. managei, multitude, gen. manageins. The OE. nouns have .u, .o from the ô. declension (§ 8{15), as menniscu,-o, humanily, human state ; micelu, size; woestmbgro, fertili@; wlenco, pride. For further examples, see § t68,1. § 61..ung, more rarely .îng (O.Icel..ung', .ing ; OHG. • ung, .tmga), used in forming rem. abstract nouns, especially from the second class of weak verbs (§§ 8ti-6), as .bidung, waiting; seung, interrogation ; biegung, curvature; bloc. ung, pallor ; broeung, affliction ; cêapung, lra&'ng ; eost. ung, tem2btation ; deoreung, lwilight; gemiltsung, pity ; gl5mung, gloaming ; handlung, handling ; hrung, hoari- ness ; hearpxmg, harphg ; langung, longing ; lêammg, ly3g, least'g ; murenung, murmuring ; niperung, humilia. tion ; scêawung, contemlblatzbn ; seotung, shooting ; strfid. ung, wbbery ; swigung, silence ; t.enung, signification ; têo]mng, ithing ; ]egnung, minisœration; ]îngung, inter- cession; warnung, warning ; wiccung, witchcraft; wun. 
300 M/rord-Form ation [§§ ung, dwellin. œernîng, ridz'nK, racin K ; grêting, greetin ielding, delay ; rding, reudinK ; wending, turninK. § 616..wist, used in forming fera. abstract nouns. Also used as an independent word. Goth. wists, OHG. OE. wist, bein, existence, subslancG the verbal abstract noun of O E. wesan, fo be. Examples are. hswist, househoM loswist, perdition, Ioss ; mîdwîst, presence ; nêawist, nefKhbourhood ; onwist, dzveIlinK in  place ; samwîst, living toKether ; stedewist, steadiness, constancy. COItPOUND NOUNS. § 81'A In compound nouns formed by composîdon,/he second element îs always a noun, but £he firs£ e|emen£ may be a noun, adjec£ve, or a partie]e. The declension and gender of compound nouns are determ[ned by final element. Examples are- Aclêaf, oak.leaf ; fenmete, supper bœelf¢r, funeral tire ; bincofa, body ; b5ccroeft, literature borggielda, debtor; brS]orsunu, neiheo; brdguma, bridegroom ; campstede, battle-fleld; cornhs, Kranary; chierde, cozv-herd; dSmdoeg, doomsday; earmbêag, bracelet; foederslaga, parricide ; feldhs, tenî ; fierdlêo], zvar-sonK ; folctoga, Keneral ; flffschama, body ; gArbêam, spear-shafl ; godspell, Kos#d ; gtî]bana, banner ; himstede, homeslead ; handgeweorc, hand{work môth5s, çourt-house ; rimcrœeft, arithmetic ; sangbSc, hymn-book ; sffcynîng, sea-king ; cShnoegl, shoe-nail stoefcrœeft, Krarnmar; stAnbrycg, sone-bridge ; tungol. crœeft, astronomy; wœeterdl, dropsy ; weorcdœeg, vork- day ; wifman, zooman $ woruldcaru, worldly tare. ànhaga, recluse; beorhtrodor, heaven brctbrim, ocean ; cwicoeht, h've-slock ; dimhs, prison ealdormann, magistrale; ealdproec, tradition ; foeder(e)n. moeg, »aternal kinsman ; fêowergield, fourfold ayment robearn, freeborn child ; hêahsynn, deadly sin ; lêas- 
§§  , - , ç] H/'orct-Fornafion 3o  gielp, vanglor.v; middelniht, midnight; nêahmœeg, near relation; rîhthand, right hand; sorglufu, sacl love; sS]. word, true evord; widsge, o2ben sea ; w5hgod, false god ; wansceaft, misf ortu ne. angbrêost, aslhma ; eftcyme, return ; ellorst-'p, deibarure , deatl ; gêosceaft, destin.y; hidercyme, arrival; ni]ergang, descent ; samodsproec, colloquy. § elS. The firs elemen of a eompound noun regularly retained its final vowel, when it was a short i-, stem. The final vowel generally remaîned in ja-stems whether the stem-syllable of the first element was long or short. On the other hand it regularly diiappeared în ni, and short 5-stems. Examples are: brelS.f, barle.y loa/; cwidegiedd, so.g; elebêam, olive-ree; merewif, zvaler. witct ; selegiest, hall-guest', winemœeg, kinsman, duru. weard, door-heelber; felawyrdnes, Ioquaciy; hagost:eald, bachelor ; heoruword, )qerce word ; magorinc, warnbr ; medudrêam, meacl-]o:y ; wudubearo, grove, beadocrœeft, shilI in war ; bealo]anc, evd tlzouglzt. endelS.f, last remnan; hierdebSc, bastoral book ; îerfe. weard, heir ; witest5w, lblace of lorn.ent, cynerice, Mng- do;n ; herefolc, armer. bang5.r, deadly sear ; gumŒEynn, nanknd ; frumbearn, jrsborn child ; nambSc, register', steorsc5.werê, astro- nomer; swêorbân, neck bone. cirîcbSc, church-boo]; heortco]u, heart-clisease; moldgroef, grave; nunmynst:er, convent, nunnerv ; stuabêam, sunbeam. êarwicga, earwig., sad sibirit ; giefstS1, throne ; luftS.cen, love token. § 010. Sometimes the first element of cornpounds appears in its infleeted form, as dœegesêage, dafs.y ; gêacessfire, zvoodsorrel; ldesmann, nember of a articular order; stêoresmann beside stêormann, steersrnan; Tiwesdœeg, Tuesday. hellebryne, hellre ; hellewite, hell-torrnent hildestrengo, zzarlike sregth ; rSdehengen(n), crucijxion. mSnanœefen, Sunday evenfng; mSnandœeg beside môndoeg, 
3 o  Ml'oral-Formation [§§ 6 o-s Monday; nunnanmynster beside nunmynster, nunnery; sannandœeg, unday; sttnnannîht, Samrday evening. gerfelma, film of an egg ; gergeoltt, yolk of egg, beside oegsciell, egg-shell. ]nglaland, ê.ngland; witenagemt, tarliament. ADJECTIVES. § 0.0. Adjectives, like nouns, may be conveniently divided into three classes- simple, derivative, and com- pound. Examples of simple adjectives are- beald, boM; bloee, black; ceald, cold ; dêop, deei ; eald, oM ; earm, poor ; fttll, full; geoltt, yellow ; geong, young ; h.l, whole, sound ; heard, hard; loet, slow ; lang, long ; lêof, dear; mffre, famous ; niewe, new ; rêad, red; scearp, skarp ; smoel, small; strang, strong ; trum, firm ; ]icce, thick ; w.c, weak ; wis, wise. § 1. Derivative adjectives often bave the same in- separable prefixes as nouns (§§ O4-Ozi), as andfenge, acceplable ; ansund, enlire, sottnd ; edgeong, grow)g young; geeynde, innate» nalural; saturable, agreed; un. ymaig, innocent. SUFFIXES. § 022..boere (OHG..b.ri, Lat..fer in lficifer, h'ght- bearing; orîginally a verbal adj. from beran, to bear), as oeppelboere, aPlle-bearing; .torboere, loisonous; cwealm. boere, deadly; fe]erbœere, winged; frrboere, .fiery; gram. boere, passionate ; hAIbffre, wholesome; hornbre, horned; léohtboere, brighl, siMendid; lustbre, desirabIe ; mann. bffre, prodgcing men ; t:tmgolbere, starry ; woestmbre, fruitful ; wigbre, warlike. § 0. -cund (Goth..kunds, OHG..kunt, denoting kind, sort, origin ; originally a participial adj., related to cennan, fo bring forth, begêt), as œe]elcund, of noble origin ; dêofol. ¢und, diabolical; eorlctmd, noble; eor]etmd, earlhly.; 
...... • III l _ .. §§ 6  4-8] lord-Forma[iOn 3 03 feorrcund,foreign ; gstcund, spiritz«al ; godcund, divine heof oncund,heavenly ; innancund, infernal, inward ; s.wol. cund, spirilual ; weoroldcund, worldly ; yfelcund, evil. § 024..ede (0 H G..Sri), denoting p'ovided wilh, furnished wilh, used in forming adjectives from nouns, as coppede, topped #olled ; hêalede, rulured', hScede, shaled like a hook ; hoferede, humîbbacked ; hringed(e), furnished with rings ; mîcelhêafdede, big-headed ; sréagede, blear-eyed ]rihêafdede, lhree.headed. § {2tî..en (Goth..eîn, 0 H, prîm. Germanic .inaz = Lat..inus), uied in forming adjectîves denotingthe material of which a thing is made, as oescen, ruade of ash-wood; brœesen, of brass ; fellen, ofskins ; ftescen, offlesh ; f'ren, je:y ; geten, of goats ; gîelpen, boastful; gylden, golden hren, of hair ; hwoEten, wheaten ; hwilen, transitory hymen, ruade of horns ; lêaden, leaden ; picen, of pilch rygen, of rye ; seolfren, of silver; siden, oe'Iken ; stnen, stony, of stone ; sweIten, sulphurous ; trêowen, wooden ; tunglen, of the stars. No.--Forms like broesen, fellen, lêaden, trêowen, for *bresen, *fillen, *leden, *trewen, are new formations ruade direct from the correspondîng nouns, without umlaut. § 626..erne (prim. Germanic .rSîa.), used in forming adjectîveî denoting direction, as êasterne, east, easlern ; nor]erne, northern ; sfi]erne, southern ; westerne, veslrn. § 627. -fœest, saine word as the adj. fœest, fast, jçed, firm, as rendfœest, bound on an errand ; rfoest, ,irttous ; bid. foest, stationary ; bldfœest, glor»Ms ; eor]foest, jqxed in the earth ; gîeffœest, fted ; Ixogfoest, prudent; hafœest, having  home; hygefœest, wise ; moegenfoest vioroz«s ; sîgefœest, victorious ; stedefœest, steadfast ; trêowfœest, faithfuL § 028..feald (Goth. -fal]s, 0 HG..falt, related to fealdan, to fold), used in forming adjectives from 0ther adjectives, 
304 Pord-Formatîon [§§  9-  especially from numerals, as anfeald, sngle; felafeald, manifoM ; hund£eald, hundredfoM ; manîgfeald, mani_foM ; seofonfeald, sevenfo[d ; twntigfeald, îwentyf old. § 69. -full, sometimes weakened to -fol, saine word as the adj. full, full, used in forming adjectives, espeeially from abstract nouns, as andgietfull, intellient ; bealofull, wt'cked ; bismerfttll, disgra¢eful ; forhtfull, timorous ; gelêaffull, 3eh'eving ; geornfuLl, eaffer ; hyhtfull, joyful ; mSdfull, arrogant, 29roud ; scyldfull, guily ; ]mncfull, thoughfu! ; wordfull, wordy ; wundorfull, ,vonderful. § (130.-ig (Goth. -ag, .eig, O HG. -ag, .Ïg). The two Germanic suflîxes .ag, .ig, can only be distinguished in O E. by the presence or absence of umlaut in the stem-syllable ofthe derîvatîve adjective. Examples are- andig, envious; croeftig, sron; cystig, bountiful; dêawîg, dezvy ; fyrstîg, frosy ; gesoeHg, ha2y , 2roserous ; ge]yldîg, grêdig, reedy ; hungrig, hunry ; mSdig, brave, boM; 5mîg, rusîy ; scyldig, guilty ; stnîg beside stAnig, stony ; ]ornîg, thorny; ]mrstig beside ]yrstig, thirsty; wordîg, wordy ; .stig, storny. § ebl. -iht (OHG..aht(i), .oht(i), NHG..icht) hasmuch the saine meaning or force as -ig, as cambiht, crested; cropçiht, bunchy ; finiht, jînny; hriht, hairy ; hœe]iht, heatty ; hrêodîht, reedy ; ifiht, covered wilh ivy ; sandiht, sandy ; stœeniht beside stAnîht, stony; ]ornîht beside ]yrniht, thorny ; wudiht, wooded, forest-h'ke. § e82..îsc (Goth. -isk, OHG..isc, -isk), generally con- noting the quality of the object denoted by the simplex, as centisc, Kentish ; cildisc, childish; denîsc, 29anish; eng. lise, nglish ; entisc, of gtants ; eorlîse, noble; folcisc, »opular; heofonisc,'.heavenly ; inlendîs¢, native ; mennisc, human ; scyttisc, S«otch ; wielisc, [oreign, I4elsh. Nor-.--I. Forms like eorlisc, foleise for *ieflisc, *fylcisc, are new formations ruade direct from the corresponding nouns, without umlaut. 
§§  -] Word.Formation 305 . Adjectives of this kind are sometimes used as nouns, as îedisc, properly, hîsc, [anily, ho«sehold ; mennise, mankind, peop&  ..las (, O HG..18s). Also used a an independent word Goth. doid of Examples are : rlas, boneless ; beardlas, beardls ; las, spee«hless ; fœeoErlas, fatherless ; mlas, heed- less ; hmlas, homeless ; hrflas, roofless ; powerless ; sacléas, innocent; sprclêas, speeddess ; t. las, toothless ; weorlêas, worthless.  OB4..lic (Goth..leik, OHG..h, .ch). Also preserved as an independent word în Goth. g-leîRs, O HG. O E. ge.c, like; originally the saine word as Goth. leik, OE. lic, body. Examples are" oenlîe, unique cildlic, i#ntine ; cyneHc, royal; dœegli6, dai; dêadlic, deadly ; ealdlic, venerable ; forhtlic, afraM ; gêarlic,yearly ; gessciplie, coffugal ; heofoie, heavenly ; hetelic, hostile ; loflic, praisewortl ; memselic, human; mflic, famous nytc, usul; stwlic, local; dli, temporao; wic, womanlff .  05..ol (Goth.-, O, mostly used in foing adjecfives fvom verbal forms, as and#etol, intelligent; bwicol, deceiful; etol, voracous ; hetol, hostile; agol, apl o laugh ; meagol, earnes, vigorous ; numol, capaNous ; ntol, usd ; rêafol, ra#a3us ; lApol, somnolent, sleey ; çrecol, talkative ; çancol, tlougkful; wacol, vigilant; witol, wise. (; Goth..m only preseedin l.sam, longed#r, much desire. so used as an îndependent word Goth. ama, saine, OHG. a, in like manne, O E. wA m, similarly. . smnds in ablaut- relation to OHG. -sain. Examples are : an$sm, trouble- some ; sm, whole ; ffism, #acc ; fremsum, ben fi¢ial ; gelêafsum, OEedi31e,#ithful 
306 H ord'Formari°n [§§ 67-4o gesibbsum, lbeaceable, frienly ; langsum, lasting, tedious ; lufsum, amiable ; wilsum, IMeasant; wynsum, winsome. § 637..weard (OHG..wert, Goth..wair]m, originally a verbal adjective and related to weor]mn, fo become), used in forming adectives denoting position or direction, as oefter. weard,following ; andweard, lreseng ; for]weard, inclined fomard ; heononweard, transitory, going hence ; bidet. weard, hitheard ; innanweard, nward, internal ; nor(e)- weard, northard; erwed, downward; ongêan. weard, oing towards ; tweard, toward, about o corne.  68..wende, related to wendan, o turn, used in form- ing adjectives from nouns and other adectives, as hA1. wenoEe, healthful, wholeso; hAtwende, hot, buming; hlwende, îransi[ory, [emorary ; 1Awende, hat hostTe ; lofwende, loving, friendy ; lufwende, amiable.  39. SuoExes, whi¢h were no longer felt as s¢h in O E., e omitted, e. g. the .od, .ol (.el), .e, .er (.or) in adectives like forod, broken, decayed ; nacod, naked. Acol, tMid ; dêagol, egol, secret; idel, vain ; lel, liale ; sweotol, #lain, evident ; yfel, il. efen, en ; foegen, lad ; open, oen bitter, bier; fœeger, fait ; sîcor, re ; snooEor, ise; wacor, wlan, watchfuL On the suoExes in the present and past paiciples, see  0, OOL COMPOUND 2DJECTIVES. § 84:0. In compound adjectives formed by composition, the second eIement is always an adjective or used as an adjective, but the first element may be a noun, adjective, verb, or particle. On the loss or retention of the final vowel in the first element of compounds see § 618. Ex- amples are: htspêdîg, wealthy ; œelfseiene, beautiful as a fairy ; boecslitol, slandering ; beadocrœeftig, sldlful in war ; blôdrêad, ; brimcettld, set.cold ; brtTmfâg, brown- ¢lour¢d; brNnehât , burning hot; cynegSd,, noble ; dœed- 
§ 6«] Word-Formagion • 307 céne, bold in deeds; dêafge,fated fo d; dêop]ancol, aoughd ; d5mgeo, ambiîious dendisc, hilly ; eaHgSd, peecl good ; ecgheard, hard of edge ; efeneald, conlempora7 ; ellenrbf, brave ; ellofis, ready to deparl; foestrd, steadfasl; felsyg, very guilty; feohstrang, opulent ; folcmoere, celebrated; fripgeo, pacte ; goersgrêne, grass-green ; gearoancoI, ready- w2cd ; healfcwic, ha dcad ; hetepancol, hostile ; HmhAl, souzd  h)nb ; lufeme, loz,hzg, benolent; mdceag, anqous ; namcfi, celebraœed; rdsnoor, wise ; eldcfi, ufamiliar ; igorêadig, vicorious ; snAhwit, show. white; ancsnotor, wise; wid¢fi, wide known. The present and past participles offen form the second element of compounds, as eawealdende, omniolent; glêawhyc. gende, thoughgl; heaslpende, haastee; lêoht. berende, luminous; htwiende, well.meanhzg; &d. berende, see#beang; targêotende, lea,L oefterboren, oslhumous ; œereme, foreign ; œerboren, fi'sbborn ; cyneboren, healfsoden, ha-cooked ; htgefremed, orthodox.  e. In addition to the class of compound adjeetives given above, the parent langage had a class, the second element of which w originally a noun. Such compounds are generally called buvhi or possessive eompounds,  Lat. lonps, having a longfoo longfooted; Gr. having an il mind, hostile; Goth. j, having a pure heart, pure-hearted. In O E. the most common ad- jectives of this kind are those ending in .hœo and .md, as cloeeo, ure in ea eo gentte ; tearcheo sou-l»eaed ; eo savage ; drêod, sad ; fœes5d, colang; glœedm, c]feul; gramm5d, tierce ; ierrem5d, any ; Ianôd, #atieng ; sgmd, d; anco5d, ghoughul; wm5d, wrath- fuL Other examples are- becg, brown-edged;glêaw. 
308 Word.Forrnatîon [§§ 64»_ 3 frh], prudent ; gyldenfeax, g'olden-haired ; stieleeg, steel. edged ; yfolprffee, evil-speakçng. VERBS. § 642. From a morphological point of vîew, all verbs may be divided into two great classes- simple and com- pound. Simple verbs are sub-divided into primary and denominative verbs. To the former sub-division belong the strong verbs and a certain number of weak verbs, and to the latter the denominative verbs. The sîmple primary verbs are here left out of further consideration, as theîr formation belongs to the wider field of comparative gram- mar. Compound verbs are of various kinds: (i) those formed from simple verbs by means of separable or in- separable particles, (2) those formed from nouns and adjectives with verbal prefixes or suffixes. Separable verbs call for no further comment, because they merely consist of the juxtaposition of two independent words. § {8. Simple verbs are formed direct from nouns and adjectives or from the corresponding strong verbs, as ffrendian, fo go on an errand ; andswerian, to answer ; andwyrdan, lo answer ; rian, fo honour ; ba]ian, 1o bathe ; cwielman, fo torture, kill; cyssan, fo kiss ; dêman, fo judge ; fêdan, fo feed ; flieman, fo put go flight ; geliefan, o believe ; hiertan, fo hearten, encourage ; lfferan, to teach ; lîehtan, fo give light ; mengan, fo rnix ; nemnan, fo naine; rêafian, toîMunder ; rman, to make clear, enlarge ; slan, fo bind; s¢endan, to put fo shame ; scrrdan, fo clothe; s@îan, to travel; sorgîan, fo grieve ; swtan, fo sweat ; tnan, to enclose. brœedan, fo broaden ; cêlan, fo cool; c]an, fo rnake known ; fœegnian, to refioice ; fullian, 'ofulfil; fyllan, fo fill; hoelau, to heal ; hlrdan, to make a noise ; ieldan, fo delay ; lêasian, to telI lies; moeran, to Jrroclaim ; nearwian, to be¢ome narraw ; openian, to open; scierpan, to sharpen. 
§§ 644--7] Word-Formation 309 oernan, fo cause to mtn ; boernan, to burn ; biegan, fo 3end; cwellan, fo kil]; drencan, to subme»'ge ; fiellan, lo fell; geswencan, to injure; gewîeldan, fo oz,crpoîver; ldan, to lead ; lecgan, to lay ; nerian, to save ; rran, fo raise ; sgan, to lay low ; sencan, fo submerge ; sengan, to singe; settan, fo set; swebban, to lull to slee. § 644. Compound verbs are formed £rom simple verbs, nouns, and adjectives, by means of various prefixes. See below. PREFIXES. § 645. From the list of prefixes given below are excluded sueh words as oet, ofer, purh, tmder, wi], wi]mr, and ymb(e), which vere separable or inseparable accordîng as they were stressed or unstressed. § tt4{1, gt. (OHG. af., if.), the unstressed form of or- (§ 580), as beran, to remove; .bêodan, to announce; Abidan, fo abide ; Abitan, to d«vour ceorfan, fo cul q/; dSn, go send away ; drifan, fo exlkel ; tfaran, to depart ; gtgiefan, to repay ; hêawan, to hew off; to shove off; stigan, to climb. ŒEcwellan, Io destroy ; ŒEdrencan, fo sttbme'ge ; xfeestnian, to con.fifre Algedaxa, fo lead away ; .liehtan, fo illuminate', Aîiesan, fo redeem ; Alibban, fo survive ; Arran, fo rear, lift ttïb. § {47. be. (OHG. bi.), the unstressed form of bi-(§ fiT0), as bebrecan, to break off; bebfigan, lo encomass ; becling. ara, fo enclose ; becuman, lo becomG hapen ; becwe]mn, o bequeath ; bedrincan, o drink in, a3sorb ; behealdan, to beho/d; behêawan, fo cul off; belicgarb lo sttrrottnd; belîmpan, fo bewail; benêotan, fo deprive ; beshagan, to bewitch ; be. slêan, go deprive of; beringasa, to surround ; bewindan, to bind round. 
3o Word-Formaîion [§§ 648-o bebyegan, fo sell ; bebyrgan, fo bury ; befœestn, fo rnake f ast ; behêafdian, fo behead ; behelian, fo cover over ; belœewan, fo betray ; belendan, fo deprive of land ; be. swœelan, to scorch ; be]encan, fo ¢onsider ; bewêpan, fo bewail. § 048. ed., re-, again (§ 571), as edgieldan, to repay. edbyrdan, to regenerate; edhiertan, fo encourage; edloecan, to repeat ; edlœestan, fo repeat ; edstaelian, to re-establish ; edwierpan, to re¢over. § 049. for. (Goth. fair., late OHG. and MHG. ver.). The real unstressed form is fer-, corresponding to Goth. fair. and Gerrnan ver., but already at an early period the originally stressed form for. came to be used in place of fer.. The old stressêd form has been preserved in f6rwyrd, destruction, beside forwéor]mn, to perish. Ex- amples are: forbêodan, fo forbzd; forbrecan, fo destroy; forcwe]mn, to rebuke ; fordôn, fo destroy ; fordrifan, to expel; forfaran, to perish ; forfSn, to seize, take away; forgRn, to forgo ; forgieîan, to forgive ; forgieldan, to re- iOay ; forlS.can, to lead astray ; forlêosan, lo lose ; formeltan, go melt away ; foraximan, go take away ; fotrffedan, fo plot againsg ; forserifan, go proscribe ; fo rsêon, to despise ", forwerîan, fo swearfalsely ; forweor]mn, go lherish. forbryttata, go break in pieces ; forcîrran, fo turn aside ; fordœelata, o deal out; fordêman, go condemn ; forealdian, fo become oM; forgieman, to neglect; forhabbaïa, to restrain ; forherigan, fo ravage; forhogiaxa, o desjbise ; forlœedan, o mislead ; forserîdaxa, to banish ; forwyrcan, to do wrong. § 050. fttl(1). (OHG. folle.), originally the adj. full, full, used adverbially, as fullberstan, to break com#letely ; full. brecan, to violate ; fuldSn, to satisfy ; fulgn, fo accomMish ; fullgrbwaïa, fo grow lo maturity ; full]tmgexa, fully grown. fttlbêtan, fo make full amends ; fullendian, to complêle ; fullfremmma, fo fulfil ; fullfyllaxt, lo fulfiI; fullstaXl, o give aid ; fultrûwian, to confide in. 
§§ 6  -] Word-Form«tîon 3   § {1. ge- (OHG. gi-, unstressed form ofOHG. Goth. ça.), originally a prep. meaning ogether (§ lravoke ; gebêodan, fo command ; gebeorgan, fo protecî ; geberan, fo brng forth ; gebidan, to &nd ; geeêosan, to choose ; gefaran, fo go; gefrignan, to Iearn by askhg ; gehtan, to promise ; gelîmpan, fo ha2iben ; gerinnan, fo congeal ; gestîgan, fo mourir; gewimaan, to win. ge.œernan, fo gain by rum'ng; ge-_gnian, to daim as one's own ; ge-.scian, to learn by asking; gebêedan, to compel ; geboeran, to behave ; gebêtan, to improvê ; ge. hefigian, fo make heavy ; gehycgan, to ddnk ; geliefan, to believe ; gemêtan, to dis«over ; geroecan, fo obtain ; gesec. gan, fo say, tell ; ge]êodan, fo foin together. § 652. mis. (Goth. missa., 0 H G. mîssa., missi., § as misbêodan, lo ill-lreat ; misewe]an, fo speak incorrectly ; misf'6n, to make a mistake ; misfaran, to go astray ; mîsdSn, 1o transgress. misfadian, fo arrange wrongly ; misfêran, fo go astra:y misgieman, 1o neglect ; misgrêtan, to htsult ; mîshieran, to disregard; misloeran, o advise wrongly revile ; mîswendan, fo fiervert. § {}. of-,the unstressed form of oef-(§ ), as ofbêatan, fo 3ea fo death ; ofgn, to exact ; ofgiefan, o ofmunma, o call fo mind ; ofsittan, 1o oibpress ; ofslingan, to stab o death ; ofswingan, fo scourge to death ; oftêon, o wthdraw ; of]rîngan, to #ress uion. ofàscian, to jnd oui by ashing; ofclipian, Io oblain by calling; ofearmiaxa, o have ity on offiellan, to ill; ofsendan, o send jbr ; ofsteppan, fo trampIe pon ; ofstician, fo stab to death ; ofwundrîaxl, to be astonished. § 154. on. (OHG. int.), the unstressed form of and. (§ 5lit}), as onbîndan, to un3ind; onbêodan, to bid; on. beran, lo café. off; oncn.wan, o perceive; onfealdaxa, fo unfoM ; onfmdan, o discover ; ongietan, o perceive ; 
.3   Word-Formation [§§ 655-6 onlfican, fo unlock ; onsigan, fo shtk ; onspa, fo un. fasten ; onwdan, to tt;twiétd ; onwron, l uncover ; onan, to uncover, onsœelan, fo untie ; onserdan, to undre ; ontan, to undose, open ; onwendan, to change.  655. @-, front, away (Goth. a- in unaHuh, to escape), the unstressed form of fi-, preserved in figenge, depaing; fimœete, immense. Examples e : oewelan, fo die; oberan, to carry away; oberstan, fo escape ; @flêon, to flee away ; ogdan, fo glide away ; @hebban, to eIt ; opie, fo run away ; oçswean, fo deny on ogh. @foesn, fo inflict upon; @hd, fo bide from ; @. loedan, to lead away ; @sfian, fo stop; owendan, to turn away. [ 65. fS. (OHG. zar., zir., MHG. zer.). The real unstressed form is te., ri-, corresponding to OHG. zar., zir., but Mready at an early period the orinally stressed fo fS. came to be used in place of te.. The old stressed fo is preseed in O HG. z. in compound nouns, Goth. tus-, asunder, apart, d Gr. 8oç-, hard, ba6 il as in 8o«0ç, hard fo learn. Examples are" tSberstan, fo burst ander; tSblwan, to blow to pieces; tSbreean, to break to pieces ; tSceorfan, to t in ptces ; tSclêofan, fo deave ander ; tSfean, to fall to pieces; tSflSwan, to flow apart ; tSlfican, to pufi asunder ; tSniman, to separate ; tSsefifan, to push apart ; tSsittan, fo be separated ; tô. snan, to cut np ; tStdan, fo stand apar ; tSweorpan, to starter. tôbrsan, to crash in pieces ; tScnyssan, fo shatter; tSdoelan, to sunder tSdroefan, to disperse; tôran, to separate ; tSfieHan, to cause fo fafi ander; tShaccian, fo hack fo pieces; tSrendan, fo tear asunder ; tStwoeman, to divide. 
§§  -9] Word-Formation 3  3 SUFFIXES. § 67..ettan (Goth. -atjan, OHG..azzen, latêr .ezen), used in forming intensitive verbs, as grimettan, to roar, rage; hlêapettan, lo leap up ; hoçpettan, go leap, throb ; lêasettan, fo feign, lretend ; lyffettan, to flatter; licettan, to flatter', s.rettan, lo lanenl ; scofettan, go drive hilëer and thither ; scrallettan, o soundloudly ; sicettan, to sigh ; spornettan, Vo/dck; stammettan, lo slammer; sworettan, fo sigh, pant. § 018..loecan, also used as an independent verb, lœecan, tO more qg(ckly» srit¢g, ep. § 608. Examples are' îefen- Ioeean, fo become evening ; dyrstloecan, fo dare, presume ; efenloecan, fo imitate ; gêanloecan, fo unite, join; lofloecan, o praise ; nêaloecan, go approc«h ; rihtloecan, to put right ; sumorlœecan, to draw on lowgrds summer ; ]rîstlœecan, lo embolden ; winterloecan, to grow wintry. § 619..(e)sian. From verbs like Goth. hatizSn, lo hale, besidê hatis, hatred; O E. eg(ê)sian, O HG. egisSn, lo terrify, beside Goth. agis, OHG. egiso, OE. egesa, fear, was extracted the ending Goth. O HG..isSn, O E..(e)sian, whieh then came to be used in forming verbs from nouns and adjectives which did hOt originally contain .is., as bletsian older blêtsian, go bless; bli]mian, blissian, to rejoice; clœensian, o deanse; gisian, lo covet; grimsîan, fo rage; hrêowsian, to rue; îersian, Io rage, be angry ; mœersian, to celebrate ; miltsian, to pity, bave mercy on; ricsian, rîxian, go fuie. 
INDEX Te numkers «(ler a ord refer Io ge 2karagras in f]e Granmar.  :[33, 65. - 564, 646. abbod 57, 153, 98. abbudd6m 597. abbudhgd 6o5. gbêodan 646. beran 646. Ndan 646. Ndung 6 bt 646. 5. blinn 66. brêmende 64. brêoan 39» 494. bfitan 559- ac (ah) 3 , 56o. c 33, 3o, 4, 56. cbèam I . cealdi 536. ceoff 646. clêaf 67. col 43, 639. eroefta 53 o. cumba 4o. cwellan 646. cwencan 53I. cwinan 4. cwincan 498. d 8, 33, 335. dI 3o4, 37o. dn 646. drenc 646. ifn 646. dwoescan 53. œe (oew), 34, 266 39o. oe- 565. oecer I7, 54, 55, 9, • 3, 55, 3o, 339. oeces(oex), 58, 49, 3z. œedre a, 4o4. oefelle 565. oefen I xg, 393. oefenl.c 6o8. oefenloec 658. oefenmete 6 xT. .Sest 566. oean 56. oefnung 373. oeftan 558. fter 54, a95, 446, 559, 56o. oefter- 567. oefterboren I , 64o. oefterfolgere 567. oefterfolgian I4. œeftergenga 567. afftergîeld I, 567. oegterieldo 567. oefterlêan 567. oefterlic 567 . oefterra 446, 447- oeftersprecan 4. oefterweard 567, 637. œef])c 566. oefweard 566. œeg 275, 420. oegen (gen) 442, 546. oegerfelma 6 I9. oegergeolu 619. oeghw 47 I. oeghwoer 558. rêghwoes 557. oeghwoeer 47 . œeghwanon 558. œeghwelc (oeghwile), 47x. oeghwider 558. oegilde 565. oegsciell 6  9. oeg]er 56o. oehher 7o» 55» 39. oeht 34, 390. oehtspêdig 640. oel I 9, 335. oelan 530. oelc 47 I. oeled 34o. oelfremede 64o. oelfsciene 64o. oelmesse 4o4. oeloEwe 434. oemenne 565. oernd 565. oene 454. œenge ]finga 557. oenig 47, I34, 34 47I. oenlic 634. oeppel (oepl), 54, 57, 29, 255, 276, 397. oeppelboere 434, 6. oeppeltfin 78. oeppelwîn 67. oer I34, 445, 556 559. oera 4oI. oerboren 640. oerende 357. oerendfoest 67. oerendian 643. oerendra 4oI. oerest(a) 445, 447. oering 373. oerist 387. œem 66, 8o. oernan 6o, 53 o, 643. aming 6 5. oes I19, 240. oesc 56, 587. oescbom 596. oesce 57- oesce 404. oescen 65. msp 3o6, 367. 
Index gdiesan 646. alter 64. -merîan 525. ampre 404. an 579. an- 568. œetwitan 49o. m]elcund I I, 426, 623. 471. œe]ele 1o, 58, I55, 221, anbrucol 568. 434, 6o7. anclêow 363. oe]mling IO, 58, I55, ancor 59. 339, 607. and 560. œe]mlnes 609. and- 569, 654. oe]m 119, 219, 282, 563. anda 4Ol. œew r 34, -66, 390. andcwis(s) 569. œewêne 565. nge 434, 569, 62I. œex 311, 376- et IO, 569. œestnian 646. etfull 629. .faran 646. andgîetlêas 613. arien'an 99, 259, 278, andgîetol 569, 635. 530. andig 630. .firran 99. andlang 559, 569. fliegan 530- aflieman 646. afrêfran 646. âfyrhtan 530. âgan I33, 320, 546. gen I233, 43 I. agend 418. agiefan 646. gloeca 4oi. agyltan 53o. Ahêawan 646. hnêapan 518. .ht 471. âhw. 47I. .hwoer 558. hwoe]mr 47I. Rhwanon 558. .hlaxi 530. alan 57 5°8. andlanges 559- andrysne 434. andsaca IO, 4oi, 569 . andswarian I4. andswaru I4, 569. « andswerian 525, 64o. andweald 569 . andweard 569, 637. andwlita 569. andwr] 569 . andwyrdan 14, 530,643. andwyrde I4, 569. Anfeald 426, 453, 628. anfilte 568. anforht 568. anga4oI. angbrêost 6 I7. ange 553. angel 340. anginn 568. angsum (ancsum) 318, 425, 636. ânhaga 617. nliepe 434. .. àn-, œenliepige, 456. ànlic 425, 634. ansien 390, 568. astreees 557- ansum 636. ansund 568, 62r. anweald 568. apa 57, 4oi. âr (brass) 28, 343- àr (ogr) I33. àr ( 395. Af (onour) 365, 367. àroeran 646. _ar(.e) we 404. artoest If, 4.6, 627. "ian 536, 643. risan 239, 88, 49I, 646. .Eflèas 426, 633. rstafas 612. asce (axe) 57, 3I, 404. scian 133 , 312, 536. _âscfifan 646. ascung 6 5- seolcan 84 5o0. assa 57, 306, 4Ol. asse 4o4. tiepan 53 I. àstgan 646.. Aswebban 5uo. àswefecian 536. atol 430. atollic (atelic) 259. .tor (,tr) x 33, 2  9, 20o, 348. .torbœere treddaa 5:7. -,a,I' 595. 'P 133, 261, 3or, 3o, A]encan IO. ]exe 404. 1,1 («, tac) 'trê°tan 493- 
.,um_34o.. awel (awul) 74, 264. .wer 558. wêstan 53o- .wierdan 239, 53 °. .wiht (-wuht) 133, 47x, 557. w]er 47I. .wunigende 564. wyrgan 53o. b. I33, 450. bacan 57, I28, 3Io, 5o8. bd 367. bœec 54,292, 31o, 345. bœecere 354, 602. bœecestre 4o4, 6o3. boecling 557. bœecslitol 64o. boedan 530. bœeftan 559. bl 343. bœelfr 6  7- boer 4 5. bœer 9, z5,367» 56. -boere boe 6o, 78o, 53 o, 643. boemet(t) 358, 604. bœers 8o. bœest 335- bœetn 53- boe 7, 54, 57, 9, 3o, 3o, 345- balu 64. bn 5, 133, s85 292, 343, 56s. bau 59, 4o. bcofa 6  7- bg 68. bhulêas 633. bannan 5 x 5. br 33, 335. basu (beasu) 436. bt x33» 335- bai 7 57» 3o 643.  559- be- 57% 647. Index bêacer (bêacn) 135 , 163, 219, 348. beadocroeft 618. beadocrœeftig 64o. beadu 78, 220, 379, 380. bêag r35 , 39.3, 335. bêah 262. bealcet(t) 604. beald 303, 426, 620. bealdor 340. bealg 323. bealofull 69. 9. bealo anc 618  . bealu 64, 2I 5,220, 264, 265,361, 362. bêam 282, 292, 335. bêan 135. beard 66, 335. beardlêas 633. bearg 66, 178. bearhtme 557. bearm 66, 335. bearn 49, 66, 343. bearu 66, 215, 22% 264, 265, 359. bêatan 518. bêaw 360. bebod I2» 344, 563. bebrecan 647. bebfigan 647. bebycgan 647. bebyrgan 647. bebyrignes I2. becca 4o0. bêce 4o4. beclingan 647. beclsing 563. becuman 14, 647. becwe an ]9 647. bedd 47, 55, I56, 254, 272, 274, 92, 355, 356 . bedecian 536. bedelfing 12, 563. bedol 43o. bedrincan 647. befœestan 647. beforan 288, 559. begang 12, 563. begmgan I o. bêgen 450. begeondan 559. begiemen 563. beginnan 59. beh.t 12, 343, 563. behêafdian 647. behealdan 14, 647. behêawan 647. behêfe 12. behelian 647. beheonan 559. behindan 559- behionan lO2. behlidan 49o. behSfian 536. behyldan 53o. belf 12, 563. beloewan 647. belendan 647. belgan 8o, 320, 499- belicgan 647. belifan 49o. belimp 12, 563. belimpan 647. bellan 8o, 499- belIe 404. beh]can 647. bemunaan 647. bên 39o. bêna 4Ol. benoeman 530. benc 7, 47, 6o, 156, 289, 311, 39o. bend 225, 376, 562. bendan 530. benêotan 647. beneo]an 559. benn 375. bêo 403, 4o5. bêod I37, 335. bêodan, 21, 32, 33, 43, I06, III, 135, I37, 292, 493. beofor 92, 293, 395- bêogol 431. bêon 474, 548. 
bêor I37, 343. beorc 367. beorcan 85, 500. beorg 85, 323, 335- beorgan 85, 320, 500. beorht 85, 4«6. beorhtrodor 617. beorma 4oI. beorn 335. beornan (biornan) 59, 66 98. bêorscipe 386, 6. bêot 325. bêow 265, 363. bepœecan 534- bera 4o. bemn IO, I8, 4 I, 45, 48, 54, 8o, 93, 96, Io6, 9, o, 55, 56, x57, 6, 88, 96, 20% 2II 212 9, , 6» 38, 47, 78, 88, 9 , 3 °, 475, 476, 477, 478» 48o, 48I, 4, 484, 486, 5o3. bere 55, 386, 49. berelf 6  8. berian 55. beriepan 53 - berige 4o4. berstan 66, 85, 8o, 476, bescierian 5 5- bescitan 490. bes(e)ma 8o, 8» 4oi. besingan 647. beslêan 647. besmit 49 o. beswœelan 647. beswicend 4 8. beswicol 635. bet 55, 5, 556. bêtan 9, 53. bête I5, 98. beteldan 499. bet(e)ra 47, 54, • 5, 6o, 7%  Index bet(e)st(a) 223, 445, bigyrdel 570. 5 56. bile 386. bettra 445. bileofa 57 o. betuh IO 3, 266. bflîbban 14. betux lO3. bill 356. betweoh 559. bindan 5,41,43, 96, II I, betwêoh 127, I75. I57, 219-, 213, 215 , betweox lO3, 559- 218, 225, 226, 230 , betwih IO3, 559. :34, 285, 288, 292, betwix lo3, 559. 299, 300, 3oi, 475, betwuh lO3, I84, 266, 476, 478, 481, 482, 559. 498. betwux lO 3. binde 4o4. betwêonan 329 . binnan 288,559. betwêonum I27» 329, bio (bêo)lO4, I4O, 269. 456, 559. bion (bêon) 548. be]encan 647. birce 3I I. be]ringan 647. biren 378. be ungewyrhtum 557. bisen (bisn) 369. bewêpan 647. bismerfull 629. bewindan 647. bispell 6, 570. bi 6, 559, 570. bistandan I4. bi- 570, 647. bita 4Ol. bicce 404. bitan 96, Ior, i26» I33 , bicwide 570. 16I, 164, 226, 234  bidan30, I26 I33 , 305, 288, 292 , 298 , 305, 490. 49 ° • bîddan 96, 157, 254, bite 386, 562. 272, 273, 299, 3 oo, bit(e)re 553- 3o5, 475, 476, 478, biternes 609. 484, 507. bit(t)er 96, 255, 43r, biddere 354. 639. bidfoest 627. b[wist 5 70. biecnan 136, 532. biword 570- bieg(e)an 7, 136, 32% bloc 426. 53 o, 643. Blaca 42x. biegung 615. blgcung 615. bieldu,-o 2)83» 563. blœec 54, 292, 31o, 345, bieme 404. 421,425» 620. bierce 99, 184, 278. blœecau 134- bierhtu 383. blœecgimm 617. biernan (biman» byr- bloed 57, 345- nan) 98, 8o, 498. blœed 387, 563. biesting 6o7. bloeddre 15o. bietel 340. blœedfœest 627. bifian 536. blœedre 119, I50, 20» bifylce 570. 404 • bigang o. blmse 4o4. bigeng 1, 57 o. blœet 387. 
bltan  19. blanoE 4Ol. blandan 513. blâwan 52, 12o, 161» -64, =92, 5 r 7. blêdan x =9- blendn (wc/.) 530. blêo (blêoh) 328. blêtsian (bletsian) 3oo, 536, 659. blican 490. bliccettan. 259. blind 96, 2 7, 285,292, 423, 424, 426, 440. blîndnes 6o9. bliss 150. blissian 536, 65;9. blie 126, 434, 438, 55;3. bli]s (bliss) 1;o, 305, 376. bli]sian (blissian) 305, 536, 659- blSd 128, 9.76, 292, 299, 343- bl5d(es)loes 38I. blSdig 43I. blSdrêad 54o. blSstm 34o. blôstma 4Ol. bl6tan 5 I9. blôwan I28, 9.64, 5r9. blyscan I12, 319.. bc 5, 7, 47, I28, z29, 163, I65, 194, 9-92, 3IO, 3II, 4IO, 411, bSccrmft 617. bScere 354. bôe-trêow 23. boda IO6, 4oi. bodiam 36. bodig Io6, 292 , 29% 324. bSg 323, 335. boga 7, Io6, 256 , 320, 4ox, 562. bod (j.) xo6. bold (sb.)277, 43. bolla 4oi. Index bolster 340. brigdels bolt lO6, 335- brim 344. .bora 596. brimceald 640. bord Io6, 343. bringan 96, I 17, boren 430. 240, 278, 289, 292 borg 335;. 317, 318, 39-6, 488 borggielda 617. 534. bSsm 7, I28,219, 261, brive 360. 28, 3o7, 340. 344. b6t 367. 128, 4II. botl 277. 31o. botm Io6, 219, 22, ung 615. 298, 340, 563. 128, 367 . box 11I. - 4Ol. brAd 133, 292, 426, brSm i21,282,335" 443- brol lO6, 3Ol, 344. brZtdbrim 617. br6]or 5, 7, 23, I28, brœedan 134, 530,643. 129, 165, 218, 231 , broedels 598. 234, 261, 302, 415, brêdo 563. 563. brœegden 43I. l orsunu 617. broegen 349- l 13I, 367. brœer I I9. brUcan 47, I31, I32, broes 54, 345- I35, 167, 496. broesen 43 o, 625. brfin I3I, 46. brœe] 335- eg 641. brand 59, 335. 640. brasflian 57, I53- II2. brêad 135. brêadru 42o. ,_ 438, 562. 309' 386, brecan 54, 80, lO6, 29: b ïryce 434, 438. 309,505. orycg 5, 7, x12, 54, brêdan 80, I46, I63, 259, 92, 319,375. 320. brTd 5, I3, 167, 299 , bregdan 54, 8o, lO6, 390. I46, I63, 311, 5o2. brydguma lt, 13, 617. bregu,-o 48, 91, 199, brdlgc 6o8. 396. brygd 387. brême 434, 555- bryne 386, 561. brêmel 22, 34o. bryneh.t xI, 640. brêost 343- brytta 40o. brêotan 493. b IO, 450. brêowan 264, 493. ban 3I, 538. brêowlgc 608. bfic 335. bridd 96, 352. bucc lo8, I59, 43, brMel 96, 146, 164. 59, 3Io, 335. bridels 77, 32I, 339, bucca 7, lO8, 156, 58, 598. 309, 3IO, 4Ol. brigdel 96, I46, i64. bufan 559. 
bfigan 13 I, 32o» 496. buLluc 340. bunden 431. burg (burh) I x I, 220, 262, 278, 323 , 411, 562. burgscipe 611. burne 404. bfitan 559- bfit 450. ba 538. bycgan 43, 47, o6, x 12, i6% 4o, 319, 326 , 534- bydel 225, 34I, 563. byden 2 I6, 369. byge 320, 386. byht 387. bylcla 4Ol. byrd 112. byre 225, 386, 562. byrga (byriga) 220, 4Ol. byrgan 53 o. byrgels 277, 598. byrgen 378. byrian 525. byrne 404. byrst 387. byr]en(n) 302, 377, 378. byrenmoehm 557. byslg I83, 43 o. bytlan 532. bytt 375. coeg 275, 376, 562. coegbora 596. cmrse 280. cfe ,S3ee. csclpe 6II. calan 57, 225, 508. calu 436. ca.mb 50, 59, 234, 292, 3IO, 335. cambiht 63r camp 59, 31o. campd6m 597. camph.d 6o 5. campstede 617. Index 319 candel 59, 31o, 378. cann 59. canne 404. carcera 66. cargst 6I 8. carlêas 633. cana 57, 366. ciisering 607. cassuc 57, 340. carte 57, 153. cêac 335. ciecea cêace 51, rz4, I88, ciefes 73, 369. 404" 270, 530. ceaf 7, 51, 72, 295 ' 296, 3I I, 344. cêafl 26I, 296. ceafor 72, 296, 31I. ceale 64, 31I. ceald, 49, 64, 72, 168, I76, 232, 299 , 3II, 426, 620. cealf 64, 72, 294 , 31I, 42o. cê_ap. I35, 335. ceapmn I35, 163, 31I, 536. cêapung 615. o 563. 51, 73, 17o, 18, [epan I36, 531. ieres (cires) 51, 9 I, 17 0. [erm 387. ierr 387. ,erran 67, 3 t r, 530. 7, 47, 124, 311. el 73. :*5,. 4-z o, 56. cildisc 43I, 632. cildlic 634. cea 278. cinan 49o. ceaster 5I, 72, 168, cinn 7, 96, 242, 259, 179, z83, 370. 285, 31I, 398, 403. cê]an 7, 129, 3I% 530, cipe I25» I64. 643. ciricbSe 6 8. cêlnes 609. cirice (circe) 223, 31I» cemban 6o, 3I% 530. cempa 60, 31o. cempestre 603. cên I25. cêne 31 o, 434. cennan 3Io, 53o. centisc 632. cêo 4o5. cêol 335- ceole 53, 404. ceoffan 66, 85, 91, 3IX, 500. 4o4. cIœeg 275. clœene 5, 134, 19I, 276, 285, 3IO, 434, 438, 553. clœenheort 641. cïnnes 6o 9. cl,nsian 86, 536, 659. clm 355. c] 133 , 3Ol, 335. clawu 266, 379. elêa 74, 75, 14o, 153, ceorian 536. 172, 66, 379. ceorl 85, 91, 31r, 335. eleofa 4Ol. cêosan 5, 7, 32, 44, 47, clêofan 135, x'. 493. X06, Iii, I35 , 137 , cliewen 350, 
3o [ndex clif 96, Ioi, 344. i col 5, lO6, 9-76 , 344- clifm 49o. c51 128, 225, 276, 31o, clifian 536. 426. climban 282, 292 , 310, cSlnes(s) 378. 498. COlt 106. clingan 498. copor III, 255, 31o. cliopian (cleopian) IOI. coppede 434, 624. cliopung 48, 1Ol, I71. cops 3o6. clipian IO1, 536. coren 5, 43 °. cliwen 35o. coin 43, lO6, 3IO, 343. clfid I31. cornhfis II, 617. clugge 4o4. cosp 306. clfit 13I , 335. coss 43, IO6, 259, 31o, clynian 526. 335- clynnan 526. costere 602. clyppan 112, x9i, 530. costian 536. clwen 6o0. costung 615. cnœepling 339, 607. colin 366. cnafa 256, 293. crabba 4Ol. oeapa 4Ol. cradol 57, 341. cnRwan 5, 52, 19.o, 161, croeft 54, 9-95, 31o, 335. 162, 264, 266» 517. crœeftig 431, 63o. cnedan 80, 505. croeftlîce 553. cnêo (cnêow) 5, 7, 5 crœet 345. 88, 89, 14o, 169, I7 crwan 12o, 264, 517. 232, -64, 265, 26 crwe 404. 285, 31o, 361, 363. crêda 125. cneoht 49, 86, I69, I8: crêopan I37, 278, 493. cnêoris(s) 378. crêopere 602. cnïdan 49 o. crîbb 96, 254, 292, 375. cnieht (cniht) 5, 86, crimman 498. I57, 326, 335. crincan 498. cniht.h.d 605. cringan 498. caaocmn Io8. cristen 431. cnoll 335. crohha 326. cnSsl 348. cropp 33 5. cnotta 43, IO6, 243, croppiht 63I. 256, 98, 3IO, 4Ol. cruma 4oi. cnucian Io8. cnyll 352. cnyssan 526. enyttan 43, 1 I2, 527. cnyttels 598. côc 3IO. coco lO6, 335. cocer 339. codd 335- cola 4ox. cofmcel 358, 606. -cund, 623. cunnan I I3, 542. cunnian 536. cuppe 291 , 31o, 4o4. cfislyppe (cfisloppe) 4o4. c] 5 o, I 13, 147, 166, 286, 3oi, 31 o, 426. coite 553. cwalu 225, 366, 562. cwealm 335. cwealmbœere 622. cweccan 534. cwelan 225, 503. cwellan "'52, 55, I86, 534, 643. cwêman, 122. cwên 5, 47, 122, I63, 263, 285, 31o, 389, 39o. cwene 8o, I56, 232, 4o4. cweorn 398. cwe,an 52, 54, 8o, I 19, 162, I86, 225, 226, 239, 24o, 63, 99, 3Ol, 3o2, 3o5, 476, 484, 5o5. cwicoeht 617. cwician lO 3. cwic(u) 42, Io3, 232 , 439. cwide 96, 225, 239, 386. cwidegiedd 6I 8. cwidelêas 633. cwielman 53 o, 643. cwi]a.n 530. cwucmn Io3. c(w)ucu Io3, I84, 266, 439. c(w)udu lO3, 266, 362. ccen 6oo. cycene 31o. cycgel 39. c.f 39o. cylen 112. cylu 436. cyme I I2, 386, 562. 
cyme 434. cymen 442. cynde 434. cyneboren 64o. cyned6m 597- cyneg6d 64o. eynelic 634. cynerrce 6 I8. aaru 366. 434. iêad I35, 239, 299, dimhfis617. 426. 'isc 96. dope dop]mncol dêor I37, 2c 279, 343, I deorc 85, I8 [ deorcung 6I 5. [ dêore I38. ] deorfan, 5o0. I dêorling I38, 6o7, [ derian 525. t diedan 530. Y oece 404. 419. ogga 7, Io6, 3% 4or. 5gor 419. ohtor 5, 7, 43, 45, 47, IO6, Io7, I56 , 158 , I86, 234 , 299 , 326, 415. .425. 553. 6, 8» 335, 597. .oto 597- 617. 64o. .6n I2I, I28, Id, 299 , 549. or Io6, 344. ora 4Ol. .raca 78, 180» 256 , 31o. 'rœefan I34, 530. 57, 299, 320, 135, 9.78, 335. 534. 129, 53 ° . renc 225, 387, 562. .rencan 6o, 289,  I I, _529, 643. .eogan 493. 493. 64I. gnes 6O9ç rêosan I37, 239, 494. repart 5o5. repe 386. 36. i driepan *6, 53I. 
drTfn IOI» I26» I33 , -93, 99, 49 °. drincan 7, 59, 96, I I I, 25, 289, 299, 3to, 498. drincere 6o2. drohta 595. drohtnian 595. dropa Io6, 56, 4oi. dropmoelum 5 57. dgo 595. dmncen druncengeorn 64 o. d t4z, 388. dgan 530. dge 434. dht 39 o. dwhten 88, 340, 563. htscipe 6 t. dwnc t t2. dwre 39, 386. dfice 404. dfan 99, 496. dugn 8, dugu 28, 86» dumb xzt, 59, 9» 99» 46. dung 4t . dnlendisc 64 o. dunn 46. *durran duon 36. 78,299, 398. dumwed 618. dst z 13, 86» 98» 343. dwoescn dwell 63 299» 534- dweorg 8» 8» 33. dwin 4. dwolian 536- dwolma ot. e 386. n dt 387. dp x¢. : dyrstlœecan 658. dysig Iii, 324. dysigian 536. d.stig 47,  t4. êa 7, 70, I72, 246, 329. êac t35, I87, 559, 560. êacen 3, 43t. êacian 3 t. êadig I35, 43 r, 443. êadignes 609. eafora 78, 4or. êage t35, I63, 7, 2I I, 217, 3o, 4o6 4o7. êagor 4t 9. eahta 5, 7, 2o, 49, 68, I68, t77, I7, 23I, 36, 447. eahtatêoa 447. eahtatene 447. eahtian 536. eahtopa 447. ed 5, 47, 64 65, t7o, x78 83, zt» 279, 303, 46» 443, 444, 6o. ealdlic 634. ealdor 340. ealdord5m 597- ealdormann 6  7. ealdsproec 6 t7. Ealdulfing 607. ealh 64, 337- eall , 7, 64, 68, 57. eallgSd 640. e(1)moest tS, 557- eall tela 57- eMlunga, -inga 4. eallwealdende 64o. ealneg (ealne weg) I , 67» ealsw tS» 56o. ealu 78» 276, 414. e 3 9. eappulfin 78. êar 7o, t39, 55, 39, 4t9. earc 66, 78. eard 397- eardian 536. êare 3I, I35, 38, 279, 4c7. earfol, 43 r. earg 46. earge 553. earm (sb.) 5, 7, 66, 78, 335. earm (adfi) 66, 46, 443 444, 6zo. earmbêag 6  7. eanne 553, 555. earn 335. earnian 536. e_art (.thou art) 66l earwmga .56» 3r9,6x8. êast x 35,446, 558. êastan 558. êasterne 66. êastnor] 557. êastron 0.5o. êal 557. êa]e 556. êatmêdan 53o.. êawunga 554. eax 68, 367. eax168 367. ebba 56, 9. êee 434 553. ecg 375. ecgheard 64o. ed- 57, 648. edbyrdan 648. edcierr 57. -ede 64. edgeong 57 r, 6. edgield 57 I. edgieldan 648. edgift 57L edgrSwung 57. edhiertan 648. edloecan 648. edloestan 648. edlêan 57L edniwe 57 . 
edniwunga 554. edor 90., x98. edroc 57 x. edsta]elian 648. edwierpan 648. edwit 57. Englaland 619. ef(e)n (emn)8o, Si,0.9 ' Engle 385. 293, 43% 639. englisc 6o, 0.8, efeneald 64o. efenloecan 68. 3 I2, 317, 632. engu 383 efes t o7. enlefan I  I. ent 387. efesian 536. efnan 56, 532. efstan 530. eft 56. eftcierran I4. dtcyme 67. eftfl6wan I4. ege 55, 30.% 386, 419 egenu 369. eg(e)sian 536, 659. egIan 3-9% 50.8, 530.. egle 434, 439. êhtan 47» xS, 63, 53o. èhtend 4t8. eorlisc 63. 25 8, -el 639. eornan Çoman) c_,8. ' 7.8, =95, 99, 45, elboga (elnboga) 87. eomostl[ce 553. 503. ele 5, 47, io7, 56, 86, êorod 3, tSI, 39. foeder(e)nmoeg 67" 386. eor]cund 60. 3. foederlêas 633. elebêam 68. eor]e 7, 49, 85, t69, fœederslaga 6x7. ellen 340. 96, 205, 26r, 278, f_œege434. ellenr6f 64o. 3o2, 4o4. elles 55, 557. eor]ffoest 6u7. foegen 3o, 43% 443, . 44.4, 639. ellorffis 640. eosol 92. *œeg(e)nian 23, 536, ellorsr] 67. êow (io% w) 36o, 46o, 643. elne 557. 46. fœeger 7» 54, 259, 295, -els 598. eowde 77. 430, 443, 639. embren 6oo. êower (ower) 46o, 464. 37z. emn 8r, 293. eowestre 5, 77, 69, 345- emnet 6o4. 264. 554. -en 599, 600, 6u5, 639. êowic (iowih, wih) 3 -end 60 . 46o, 46-9. ende 5 47» 60, 56, -er639. °-74, 35x, 354, 560.. -ere 6o. endebyrdes 557. erian 5z5. endelgf 68. -erne 60.6. endemes 557. -(e)sian 659. endian 536. esne 56, 354. en(d)leo)fan 447. esol 48, 92, t 98 395. Y 
 24 Index fret 48, 54, 78, I97,215, 295, 342, 345- foetels 22I, 277, 339, 598. fœe]m 7, 54, I55, 302, 340. fgettan 221. fîda 428. fals 64. falu 64. fana 343. fana 59, 4Ol. fandian 536. faran 48, 54, 55, 57, 58, 78, I28, 153 , 165, 197, 225, 29-6, 278, 475, 476 , 482, 484, 508. faru 366, 562. f@e 404. fêa 75, 266, 0-95. -feald 628. fealdan 64, 303, 5 I6, 628. feallan 64.65, I76, 233, 158, 59, 276, 295, 303, 475, 476, 484, 516. fealu 64, 436. fearh 66, 172, I78, 329, 337- fearn 343- fêawe 437. feax 68, 177, 327,343. fêdan 5, 129, 240, 530, 643. fèfor 293. fêgan 530. fela (teola) 48, 80, 93, 200, I 5, 399, 557. fdafeald 628. Fdan 129. îelasyrmig 640. felawyrdnes 6I 8. ftd 4I, 80, 276, 295, 303, 395, 397, 562. feldhs 617. fell 5, 18, 8% 343- fellen 625. feng 39, 317, 387. fêog(e)an 270, 537- feoh 86, 87, 139, I73, I82, 215, 231, 328, 329, 346, 399. feohstrang 64o. feoht 562. feohtan 68, 86, 99, lO6, 111, 169, I7O, 295, 298, 326, 5oo. feohtl.c 608. fêol (fiol)4I, 127, 329, 367. fêolan 84, 173, 329, 5Ol. fêond (fiond) 104, IO5, 14o, I74, I75, 269, 417, 6Ol. fêondscipe 61 I. feorh 7, 85, 149, 173, 182, 278, 328, 329, 395- feorr 85, 259, 426, 443, 444, 5 56, 558. feorran 58, 278, 288, 558. feorrcund 623. fêorifling 607. feotor 91. fêower 37, 295, 447- fêowerfeald 453. fêowerfête 434- fêowergield 11, 13, 617. fêowertêo]m 447- £êowertene 447- fêowertig 447- fêowertigo]m 447. fê°(we)rla 447. fer-- 649. f.ê 53o. en 525. ferse 85, 280. fetor (feter) 80, 92, 36 9. fê]a 4Ol. f@e 6, 357. fe]er 4I, 80, 295, 302, 369 . - fe]mrboere 6. fi¢ol 3Io. fiell 387. fiellan 47, 65, 17% 178, 530, 643. fierd 225, 39 o, 563. tierdlê@ 617. tierr 556. fierst 280, 387. fif 5, 41, 5o, 97, I47, 213, 237, 283, 295, 447- ffel 97- fîfta 447. fiftê@a 447. fîftiene 447- fiftiff 447. fîftigo]a 447. tilde 434. fihnen 600. finc 289. findan 59, 96, III, 239 , 295, 3oo, 488,498. tinger 96, .19, 289, 3  7, 340, 563. finiht 63. firen 368, 369. fir(e)num 557. fisc 5, 7, 19, 96, 231, 312, 335- fiscnol' 595. fisco] 395, 595. ri]mle 4o4. ri]rare 41. fl 405. flacor 43o. floesc I34, 9-95, 393, 4I 9. floescen 65. floeschama 617. fl-h 346» 428. flasce (flaxe) 57. flêa 402. " flêa(h) I35. flêam 225,335- flêan 70. 239, 329, 509 • fleax 68, 295, 327, 343- flêde 434- flêogan I I I, 137, I89, 295, 320» 323, 476, 493. 
Index flêoge 320, 404, 562. flêon 225, 239, 276, 329, 495. flêos I37. flêotan 493. flett 356. flicce 311,357. fliema 4o 3. flieman 530, 643. flies 393, 419. fliete 4o4. flrtan 49o. flitmoelum 3; 57. fl6can 519. flocc 3 t o. floccmoelum 557. fl6d 26, I28, 231 , 238 , 395. flSr 398. flota 4oi, 562. fl6wan 128, 264 5I 9. forbrecan 649. forbryttan 649. forcierran 649. forcwelmn 649. ford 397. fordœelan 649. fordêman 649. ford6n 649. fordrifan 649. fore 2I 7, 445, 446, 558, 559, 572. fore- 572 . forealdian 649. forebêacen 572. foreduru 572. foregangan 14. foregisl 572. foreh.lig 572. foremœere 572. forescêawian I4. forespreca 572. flugol 430. fore]anc 57.. flyge 386. I forfaran 649. flyht (fliht) 72 112, 157, I forf6n 649. 225, 326, »87, 563. [ forg.n 649. fnoed 345. forgiefan I4, 649. fnœes 345- forgiefennes 259. fda I28, 295. fôdor 260, 299, 3 8, 563. fola lO6, 288, 4Ol. folc 7, lO6, 276, 295 , 31o, 343, 562. folcisc 632. folcmoere 64 o. folctoga 617. folde 404. folgere 602. folgian lO5, 276, 295, 320, 536, 538- f6n 40, 47, 117, I8, I5, 139, 163, 165, I94, 239, 245, 326, 329, 475, 514 • for 559. for- 649. forma 558. forbêodan I4, 649. forbod I2, 563 . forgieldan 649. forgieman 649. foretan 72, 9, I24, 505. forgietol I. forglendran 532. forhabban 649. forhoefednes 12, 563. forherîgma 649. fo rhogîan 649. forht 426. forhffull 629. forhtlic 634. for hwon 557. for;can 649. forlœedan 649. forlêosan 239, 3o5,494, 649. foflor 12, 563. forlorennes 12, 29. forma 446, 447. formeltan 649. formest(a) 447. fomiman 649. forod 430, 639. forr-êdan 649. forsc 280, 335. forscrifan 649. forsendan 649. îorsêon 649. forsloe'an 533- forst IO6, 28o, 335. forswerian 649. for[, 558 . for ]œern (m) 56o. for]genge 434- for lon 560. for]weard 637. for l. 560. forweard 557- for,'¢orlan 649. forwyrcan 649. forwyrd , 563, 649. f6stor 040. ! f6storling 607. f6t 7, __.6, 41, 47,  29,  63, 194, 231, 232, 295, 298, 331, 408, 4o9, 562. f6tmoelum 557- fox 43, o6» 327, 335- fracodscipe 6i . tracul (-o]) 218 286, 43o. frœetwan 264. frmtwe 2o, 380. fram 295 , 425, 55% 573- fram- 573. framcyme 573- frarnl.d 573- framsi 573. framweard 573. frêa. 400, 4o. frec 425. freca 4oi. frêcne 434, 553- frêfran 221, 532. frem(e)de 434. fremman 6o, 2I, 254, 273, 282, 524. 526. 
fremsum 636. frêo (frio) Io4, 2269, 2278, 2295, 3°8, 434. fréo (sb.) 27 5. frêobearn 617. frêod6m 597. frêog(e)an 2270 , S37. frêols 322 5. frêomoeg I I. frêond (friond) 47, IO4, Io5, I4o, I74  175, 269, 9.85, 2295, 299, 416, 47, 6Ol. frêondlee 553. frêondscipe 61 . frêosan Io6, 135 , 137 , 29 5, 494. fretan 8% 5o5. frettol 43 t. frîcgan 507. frigea 27o. frig(e)dœeg 275. frignan 96, 322 I, 502. frinan 9 6, 3221. m 44. fri]georn 640. fri]sum 656. frSà 422 I, 426. Frôda 422 I. frSfor 29. I, 370. frogga 7, Io6, 256, 258, 3I 9, 4Ol. from 559. frum 422 5- fruma 40 r. frumbearn 618. fugelere 602. fugeln@ 595. fugelo] 5 9 5. fugol 7, xo8, 159, 2219 276, 295, 322o, 34o, 563. ffiht, 43- ffi127, I3I, 276 , 426. fulbêtan 650. fuld5n 650. fulg.u 6 50. fun (,.) s4s. fual (adj.) , 37 o8, Index I59, 242, 2259, 2276, 295, 49-6, 557, 6220. Cul(l)- 6 50. -full 6229. fulloestan 65o. fullberstan 65o. fullbrecan 6 50. fullendian 650. fullfremman 65o. fullfyllan 6 50. fullgrSwan 65o. fullian 536, 643. fulllungen 650. fulluht 2267, 39t. fultrSwian 650. fultum I4. fultumian IO, 14. fulwiht 39I. fulwihthtd 605. fundian 536. furh 36, I 15, 3228, 4I . fur]or I o8. fur]ra 44 5- fur] um 108, 5 5 7. fris I 13, 2286, 426. fylgan 220, 53 °. fylg(e)an 538. fylgestre 603. f-yllan xI2, 2259, 272, 76, 5228, 53o, 643. fyllu,-o 383, 563. fylstan 530. fl, 63.  î,r I3, 27t5, 2295. frboere fren 622 5. fyrest(a) 445,447. fyrhtan I2. fyrrnest(a) 446, 447. fyrn 4226, 5 57. fyrs 387. fyrstig 63o. fsan 14, 530- fst 139., 329, 39 o. y]mr-fête 2",37. f-yxen 43, I 2, 3°.7, 378, 599. gtd (g'oad) 315, 367. g.d (wan, 0 215, 265. gad(e)rian 57,9.2222,22223, 315. gaderung 223. goedeling 1o, 58, 55, 223, 339. goers 66, 228o, 3o6, 3< 5. goersgrêne 640. goest 419. goeten 6co, 622 5. gaffetung 57. gafol 2225, 563. galan 57, 315, 508. galend 6Ol. gamen 315, 349. gfi.n 142 , 5 5 °. gaudra 59. gang 33 5, 5622. gangan 59, 289, 515. gar 3r 5, 397. gara 40 I. grbêam 617. gst 7, I33, 298, 306, 315,335, 419. gAstcund 62 3. g.t 133, 134, 315, 41 I. ge 560. ge- 19., 574, 65I. gê (ge, gie) 22522, 2268, 460, 462. gêa 19.4. gêac 33 5- gêacessfire 619. geador 5 57. ge-œernan 651. ge-oe]ele I2, 74. ge-ê.gnian 65 . gealga 64, 9.88» 36, 4oi. gealla 9. 7 6, 4o I. gêanlœecan 658. gêapscipe 6I I. gêar 5, 51, I24, I72, I88, 9.68, 343. gêara 5 57- gearcian 536- geard 66, 722, 316, 335. gêardagas x I. gêardagum 557. 
gêarlic 634. gearn 66, 72, 343- gear@ancol 640. gearowyrdig I , I3. gearu 66, 2o-o,264,65, 316, 435, 436, 440, 443, 444. gearw.e 22o, "-64, 553- gearwlan 66, 264, 536. ge-scian 651. geat 5, 72, 78, I79, I83, 315, 316, 344. geatwe 38o. gebœedan 6 51. gebœeran 14, 6 5 I. geban(n) Iz, 419, 563. gebed 12, 563. gebedda 574. gebelgan 65x. gebêodan 65 I. gebeorc 343. gebeorgan 65r. geberan 65 I. gebêtan 65 I. gebierhtan 99, I84. gebir, dan 65 I. gebl6t 563. gebod 225, 344. gebrec 563. gebr@or (gebr@ru) 4I 5, 574- gebyrd 225, 39, 563, 574. gecêosan 65 I. gecnœewe 434. gecoren gecwême  22,434, 438. gecynd 39x. gecynde I z, 574, 62 . gedaeftan 53o. gedafenian 536. gedêav 437. gedêfe Iz, 434, 438, 553, 574- gedryhtu 39 I. gefg 4oz. gefaran 65I. gefêa 4o-. gefêg 393. gefeoht I, 563. gefêon 68, 87, 5o6. gefêra Ie, 25, 4oi, 574- gefêre 434. gefêrroeden 6Io. gefêrscipe 6  I. getîend 417- gefilde 4, 96, 357. geflit 344. gef6g (gef6h) 49,426, 47. gefrêdan 53o- gefrend 4I 7. gefrignan 65 r. gefylce 357, 574. gefyrn  2, 557. gegad(e)rian 6o. gegaderung 574. gegnum 5 57. gegnunga 554. gegrynd 393. geh.da 574. gehfttan I4, 65I. geheald 419- gehefigian 65 I. gehende 434, 553, 559- gehield 393. gehlmstan 53o. gehlêow 437- gehl6w 363. gehlyd 393. gehnœest 393. gehnst 419. gehola 4oi. gehrêow 363. gehwS. 47I. gehwoer 558. gehwoer 47I. gehwœeNres 557. gehwilc 47 I. gehycgan 65. gehygd 39I. gehyrstan 53o. gelêafa I35. gelêaffull 629. gelêafsum 636. 574, 634. gelice 5 53. gelefan 5,47, I36, I74, I88, 27, 53% 643, 65I. geligere (gelire) 322. gelimpan 282,498, 6 5 gemaecca 55, 5ï4. gemoene I2, 434, 438, 574- gemoenscipe 6 gemang 559. gemearcian 66. gemec«t 55. gemengan 3 I7. gemêtan 65I. gemdlian 536. gemierce 357- gemiltsung 6  5. gemt 574. gemynd 35, , gemyndgian 536. gemyndig I, 574. gemyne 438. genoeme 434. geneahhe 68 36. genêat e5. genesan 39 505. gen6g (genh) 33, 4zI, 46, 427, 557- genyht 393, 563. genyhtsum 636. gêo (gio., u) 268. geoc gmc, iuc) 7, 43, 5i 1I% II» 213 214, 32, 24q 68, 309, 3Io, 334- geog.u],,-@ (giogu],, -@) I I6, 218, 268, 286, 39 ° . geoguphAd 6o 5. gèol 255. geoloca 53, 92. geolu, -o 5, 53, 92, 316, 436, 6.o. ge5mor 5 ;, II, 68, 43t- ge6mrian z I. 536. geon xxo. 
geond 268, 559. i g eswinc 393. geondan 559- gesyntu, -o I12, 259 , geondsêon I4. 3o% 305, 613. geondencan I4. getenge 434. geong (giong, giung) getiene 357. St, I6, 268, 289, getimbre 357. 426, 443, 444, 620. getriewan (getriowan, geongling 607. getrêowan) 9o, 264, gèopan 493. georn 85, 9I, 49.6. georne 553. geomes 9.59. geomfull 629. gêosceaft 617. gêotan 135, 137, I63, 315, 316» 493. gêow 360. gerêcan 65 . gerœedan 6I o. gerêfa 4Ol. ger.esp 393. germnan 651. gerisan 49I. genîna 4oi. gesaca 40 r. gesoelig 630. gesoel](.u) 379.. 533. getrrewe (getriowe, ge- trêowe) 9o, I74, 264» 434. geafung 373. gê]maht I, 39 r, 563. ge]êodroeden 6 lO. geliedan I38, 530. geiodan (gel, êodan ) I38, 65 r. ffe]iode (ge]êode) I38, ;» 357. 4oi. 39I. ge]yldig 63o. g@yldum 557. gewoecan 534. gewoed¢ 357. gewealc 4 9. gesamman 59- gewealdes 557. gesceaft 12, 240 , 295 , gewêd 393- 39r, 563, 574. geweorc 574. gescentu 613. gesêaw 437. gesecgan 65 I. geset 344. gesêlmn gesibb 432. gesîbbsum 636. gesibling 6o 7. gesieh] 99, I84. gesiene 434, 438. gesinsciplic 634. gesî] 97, 86, 574. gesprec 344- gestrgan 65 I. gestrangian 536. gesund x2, 574. geseencan 53I, 643. gesweostor (gesweos- tru, .a) 415. gewerian 525. gewider x2, 41, 547. gewieldan 259, 530» 643. gew!nnan 65I. gewlss 4o, 3 t 6» 426. gew!t -"5. gewta 574- gewitan 49o. gewlencan 53 r. gewrit 344. gewuna 4o1» 574. gewyrht 39 I. edd 356. giefa 225. giefan 5, 7, 5I» 79., 9, 4» 68, I7o, r72» I8I, 188, 25, 262, 293, 294, 9.98, 316, 505. gieffmst 627. giefstS1 618. giefu 9I, 214,215, 9.17, 218, 9.59., 284, 316, 365» 366. gield 343, 562. gieldan 9I, I8I, 316, 499. giellan 91,259, 316,499. gielp 335. gielpan 91, 316, 499, 625 • giêltan 3oo. gieman 136 , 316, 53o. giemelêas 633. giemeliest 613. giemen(n) 599. erd 67, 9.7z» 374, 376. gernan 99, 316, 530. gierwan 67, 266, 36, 59, 533. giest (.guesl) 5, 7, 20, 51, 73, I70»I8I»2II 215, 231, 235 , 252 , 316:385, 387. #est (yest) 91, 9.68. gifre 433. 434. gift 96, 25, 240, 9.95, 36, 563. ftu 391. gmm 50, 82, 15 7. 490. gaman 536. giong a-iun git 460(746z.g)116. gitsere 602. grtsian 53 6, 659. giw 360. gladiam 57, 78. gloed 54, 223, 276, 315, 423, 424, 425, 443- gloedmôd 64I. gloem 387. gloes 54, 345. glêaw 76» 265, 437, 439. glêawferh] 64I glêawh y cgende "640. glêawnes 609. 
] :Z:ZZ, 4oi. graine 553. hafuc, -oc (heafac,-oc) gramheort 64I. gramm6d 64. habban 5, 7, 8, 54, 57, 48, 57, 78, I97, 93, 34. gr.pian I33, 9, 536. '83, :gz, "-93, 3o5, |hagol 5, 57, 4o, 563. grasian 307. 3z5, 474, 538. |hagosteald 618. ê, i, «, «, «o. l,. 444. ele 404. I6r, 426 6.o. grêdîg 63o. I( 397, 6o5. / h.Iboere gremman 5.6. • H .Iga grêne 5, 29, I94, 278, esmann 619. h.Ig'ian 2zI, 536. 285» 3t5, 434, 438. hgdor 43t. . h.lig 
330 ]ndex 324, 42I, 429, 43 I, 440, 443, 444. h.lor 419. h.lwende 434, 638. hm 133, 282, 335, 562. hAmlêas 633. hamor 59, 278, 325, 341,563. hAmstede 617. hAmweardes 557. hana 59, 231, 4Ol. hand 59, 215, 28, 299, 32, 331, 398, 562. handgeweorc 617. handlung I o, 615- hangian 239, 289, 536. h.r 426. hara. 5, 57, 238, 4Ol. h.rung 6I 5. h.s 426. hassuc 57- (heasu) 436. hAt I33, 298. h.tan I25, 133, 16I, 24o, 474, 51I, 512. hâte 553- hatian 57, 0.98, 536, 538. h.twende 638. hê (he) 95, 144, 163, 46I, 460.. hêafod 5, IO, I35 , 172, o-16, z2I, 293, 299, 325,347, 35o. hêafodling 6o 7. hêah 5, 47, I35, I36, I63, I74» I87, z21, 3z8, 3-9, 4e7, 428, 44°r 443, 557. hêahsynn 617. heald 562. healdan 5, 7, 49, I76, 253, 299, 516. hêalede 60.4. healf 64, 26% 294. healfcwie 64o. healfslîpende 64o. healfsoden 640. healh 337 hêalic 329. hêalich.d 605. heall 64, 367. healm 33 5. heals 64, 3o6, 335. healt 426. hêan 40.6, 53o. hëane 553. hêanes 30.9. hêap I35, 243, 29I. hê .pmoelum 5 57. heard 5, 7, 49, 66, I68, 218, 0.78, 299, 325, 426, 439, 620. hearde 553, 555. hearding 6o7. heardnes 6o 9. hearg 66, 397. hearm 66. hearmstafas 612. hea rpe -9 I, 4o 4. hearpere 6o2. hearpung 615. he@u 78. hêawan 76, I70., 264, 518. hebban 47, 55, I0.8, 231, 258, 0.72, 295, 297, 5 IO. hêdn 10.9. hefe 386. hefig 218, 293, 324. hef(i)gian 536. hege 55, 386. hêla 118, 329. helan 8o, 5o3. helian 526. hell 55, 254, 272, 375. hellebryne 619- hellewite 619. helm 8o, 276, 282, 335- helpan 5, 41, 43, 64, 80, 96, xo6, ,II, I5, 226, 276, 29I, 475, 476, 480., 484, 486, 499. elpend 4 I8. helustr 92. hemming 6o 7. hengen 599. hengest 221,339. henn 60, 254 , 272, 285» 374. hêo (hio) lO4, 462. hêo-doeg 557. heofon 92, 20.I, 20.0., 285, 0.88, 0.93, 338, 34I, 563. heofoncund 623. heofone 404. heofonisc Io, 632. heofonlic 1o, 634. heolfor 84. heolor 92. heol(o)stor 48, 92. heom 462. heonan (hionan) Io2, 558. heononweard 637. heora (hiora) lO2. heord 4, 85, 367. -heort 641. heortc@u 618. heorte 5, 49, 85, I69, 196, 205, 0.3I, 288, 325, 4o4. heor] 85. heoru 396. heorut,-or 48, 92, 341. heoruword 618. hêow (hiow) 9o. hêr 5, 125, I63, 558. here 5, 47, 55, I56, 274, 278, 35I, 353. herefolc 618. here-toga 225,239. hergian 536. herian 55, 250., 254, 27I, 525. hete 55, 386, 419. hetele Io. hetelic 634. hetelce 553- hetelancol 64 o. hetol 63 5. hettend 418, 538, 6ol. h[ (hi) 6, 461, 462. 
hider 96» 299, 558. hidercyme 617. hidergeond 558. hiderweard 637. hidmoelum 557. hidres 558. hi'e 461. _hieg -7o, 357. hiehst(a) 326, 329, 444. hi'eh](o) 6i 3- henan I36, 53o. hie@(o) 613. hiera (hira, heora) 46r. hieran 5, I36, 174, 188, 215, 2I 250. » 272» 273, 279, 88, 0-99 , 325, 530. hierdan 53o. hierde 5, 41, 47, 99, 2O4, 207, 274, 354. ierdebfie 618. hiere (hire) 461. Index hladan 54, 57, 78, 325, 508. hlœedel 54- hlœeder I34. hloefdige 4o4. hlœene 434. hloest 335- hlœexv 134, 419. hic.f_ 133,294, 325, 335. . hlflêast 613. hl.fmoesse 15o. hlfford i3, 133, o-67 276, 293. hl.forddôm 597- hl-fordscipe 61 I. hlagol 635- hlammœesse 15o. hl.w 133,419. hleahtor 68, 326, 340. hlêapan 5, I35, 25, 518. hnaeppian (hnappian) . 57, 78, 536- nnoesce I hnesce) 434, 439. ' hneappian 78. hnèaw 0.65, 437. hnecca 3 IO. hhnigan 325, 49o. nitan 49o. hnitol 43o. hnitu 412. hnot 425. hnutu IIX, 213, 285 , 30.5» 4% h6c 128. h6cede 6u4. h6d  28. hof lO6, u95, 34, 344. hSf I28, 335. hoferede 64. hogfoest 627. hlêapestre 6o 3. i hogu 366. hierstan 530. hlêapettan Io, 657. h6h 117. hiertan 53% 643. hlêotan 490. 'hol Io6, hierwan . - : 344, 425. 533.  hleo(w) 363. t hold 43, IO6, 303, 325, hiew (hiw) 90, 265, !hlêowan 533. I 426. 357. ]hlid 96, 325, 344. hiewet 6o4. I hliehhan 5, 7, 47, 69, I holde 553. holdroeden 6Io. _ .. 7 , 3_/ • [ 272, 326, 484, 51o. [holdscipe 611 hilaestrengo 619. [ hli'ep 387, 562. [holh o6, I49,'165, hilt 393, 419. [hlewan 533- [ 38, him 46. [ hlew](u) 372, 6 3. 39, 346. hind 96, 376. [ hlimman 498. /holpen 43 r. hôlunga 554. hindan 446, 558. / hlinîan 536. hindanweard 557- i hlot lO6, 325. h6n 117, 239, 245, 329, hindema 446. I hlSwan 264, 519. / 514. hopian lO6, 536. hinder 58. [hlfid 7, 13I, 299. |hoppettan 657. hîne (hiene) 461,460-.  hlfide 553. i hoppian 43. ho (hêo) 461. |lflfidswêge 557- [hordlo6, i58,244,22 ' hiora (heora, hîera) |hlfitor (hlttor) 3 I, t 279, 343- _ 462 h" "" 219, 255, 43I. [ hordere 602. ire (hmre) 462. thldan I32, 53o, 643. [horh 239, 337. his 46I, 462. |hlyn(n) 32. hom lO6, 343. hit 462. |hlynnan 526.  hornbzêre 622. hiwan 4Ol. |hlystan 530. hîwisc 632. /hlystend 6Ol. ! 343- | hSs 6I, 286. hiwrœeden 6Io. hnmpp 243 33. hrœe --66. 
hrœed 45. hrœef(e)n 7, 54, 219» 285, #93, 325 • hroe(w) I34, 419. hraor 57. hr(w) I33, 2S» 419. hrê 73» 72. hrêam 335. hrêa(w) 65, 437. hreddan 523, 57. hrêod 35,343. hrêodiht 63 . hrêoh 428. hrêosan 494- hrêow 65,379- hrêowan 493. hrêowsian 536, 659. hfi(o) 613. hm hmig hn 49o. hrî dan 498. hrîne 386. hdngan 3 o. hdnged(e) 64. hs 343. hssan sian) 6. hr6c  hrôf 7, 8, =78, 9, 96. hrôflêas 633. hr6pan 8, 519. hrôr 46. hse 4o4. hrtn 496. hcg , 74, 9, 35- he 386. hfi x3o, 66, 66. h gèes 557. h gdes 557. h meta 557- hund (dog) x, x 59, 3x, 46, 335- hund (ure 34, xii, 3I 38 4 , 46, 447- hundeahtatig 447. hundeahtatigo]m 447- hundendleofantig 447. h un de ndl eofant igo]& 447- hundfeald 628. hundnigontig 447. hundnigontigo]a 447. hundred 447. hundseofontig 447. hundseofontigoa 447. hundtêontig 447- hundtêontigo]a 447. hundtwelffig 447. hundtwelffigo]a 447- hungor 5, 7, rII, 159, 89, 317, 39.5, 395- hungrîg 630. hunig,-eg 5o, Io9, 159, I8, 29o. hunta 4 ° I. hunfigestre I% 603. hunto] I8, 395, 595. hfi nyta 557. hfis 4, 5, 7, 13I, x66, 306, 3o7, 39-5, 343, 562. hfisfmst 626. hfisîneel 358, 6o6. hfisul (hûsel, hfisl) x 13, 9-I9. hfisroeden(n) 378, 6Io. hfiswist 616. hw 7, 79, x4.4, I6, 231, 9.52, 263, 325, 469. hwoel 54, 33, 35,336. hwœer 52, I94, 558. hwoet o, 54, 9.I , 9-98 , 469. hwet (oed;.) 425 . hwoete 7, 134, 263, 298, 325, 354- hwœeten 69- 5. hwoethwugu 47 r. hwœetlïce 553. hwœetscipe 6I L hwœe]er 4I, 45, 218, 35, 470, 560. hwm](e)re 56o. hwamm 33 5- hwanon 558. hwearfian 536. hwelc 3I I, 470. hwelchwugu 47I. hwelp 39-5, 335. hwêne 557- hweogol 92. hweorfan 5o0. hweowol 264. hwettan 98, 527. hwider 558. hwierfan 53 r. hwil x26, 325, 367. hwîlî 469. hwle 560. hwilen 65. hwlende 67. hwil-tîdum 557. hwrlum 557. hwlwende 638. hwinan 490. hwistlere 602. hwit x26, 9-43, 260, 9-98, 325, 46. hwitan 53 I, hwone 59- hwonne 59. hwpan 519. hwyrft 387. hycgan I I2, 538. hd I32, 390. hdan I32, 530. hydels 598. hyf 132, I9o , 390. hyge 7, II9., 320, 386. hygefoest 67. hygelêast 613. hyht 387, 563. hyhtan 530. hyhtfull 629. hyldu, -o 43, I x , 383, 563. hyldrêden 6 o. hyll x I9., 259, 9.76, 352. hyngra 119-, 221, 59-8, 529. hype Ix:z, 386. 
hyrdel x hrling 607. hymen 112, 625- hyrnet(u) 378. hyrst 39 o. hyse 386. hyspan 53I. ic 3:, 3II, 458, 459, 462. idoeges 557- idel I26, 431,639. idelnes 6o9. ides 2 , 390. ectn i36 , 300, 531 , 534. iedisc 632. ieg 270, 376. ieldan 530, 643. ieldcîan 536. ielde 385. ielding 615- ieldu 65, I83,383, 563. ielfe 385. ielfetu 378. ierfe 5, 47, 67, I7o, 8I, 357. ierfeweard 618. !g}.(o) 6. mrmmg 67, 607. iema}u, -(o) 47, 67, 613. iernan (irnan, yrnan) 59, 66, 98, 9.8o» 498. ierre 47, 99, 17o, o4, 207, 279, 357 433, 434. ierremd 64I. îerringa o, 554. iersinn 536, 659. ier}ling 6o7. iel 556. ie]e I36, 434. iewan 533- ifig I6. fiht 63t. -ig 630. igil 3. -iht 63r. Index il ile 386. in 575- in- 575. inêdl 575. inbfiend 57 5- inc 460, 46e. inca 4o. -incel 606. incer 460, 464. incit 46e. incniht 575- incofa 575. incuman I4. infoer 57 5. infam 575. -ing 607, 6r 5- inhere 575- inlendisc 632. in(n) 558. innan 558, 559. innancund 623. innanweard 637. inne 446, 458. innemesta insegl 7 5- in-stoepe 557. in-stede 5 57. in}icce 575. iren I6. is 4I. is 7» 126, 164. 3o6, 343- -isc 632. isen 126. isengrœeg I r. is}es 557. iugu} II6. iung  16. -lAc 608. 15.can 51I, 512. lAcnian  I9, 536. loedan 5, 7, I34, 239, 276, 288, 299, 30o, 530, 643. lœeden 298. lœefan I34, 293, 53 o- loe.n 393, 419. loenan 53 o. loene 329, 434. lœenere Io, 602. lœeppa 57- loeran I34, 252, z79, 288, 53% 643. lœerestre 6o 3. loes (adv.) 5 56. lœesa 8o, 445. loesta) 387, 445- Iœestan I34, o.5% 55 o. loestend 6or. Ioet 57, 4z5,446, 69.0. loetlce 553- loetroede 434- loelan 530. [ loe}lo 613. hêwan 47, I2o, I6, 533. 15.f 367, 562. t lagu 7, 57, 32% 396. lira 343- lama 59- lamb 59, I54, 76, 28-% 292, 331 , 419, 420. land 5, 50, 59, 276, 343, 562. lang 5, 7, 47, 5 o, 59, 60, 54 z2I, 34, 276, 289, 317, 426, 443, 444, 620. lange 556. langian 536. langm&t 64I. lango} 340, 595. lanffsum 636. lfid a',-5, 367, 56*-. langung 615. -loecan, 658. lappa (lmppa) 57,256 lœeccan 55. IlS" I33, 215, 225, 367. lce t I9, 274, 3I,354.  lrêow 3- loeced5m 597. lArêowd5m 597. lœeian 1 I9. i rhfis I , 6I 7. 
334 l.rlêast, -liest 613. 335, 563. late 553- latian 98. l.ttêow 305, 360. 1@ 426. la]flan 57, 536. la}u 365, 366. l@wende 638. l.werce 264. lêac 135- lêad 135. lêaden 625. lêaf 135, 294, 343. Man (sb.) 135, 343- lêan (v.) 70, 239, 329, o9. lêanian 536. lêas 426. -lêas 613,633. lêasere 602. lêasettan 557. lêasgielp 617- lêasian 536, 643. lêasung 373, 615. lêc 387. leccan 534. lecgan 7, 47, 55, 156, 9-54, 259, 279., 73, 76, 319, 39-1, 527, 643. legen 430. leger 349- lemb 419. lendan 530. leng 252, 556- lengan 530. lengo 563. lengten (lencten) 318. leng}(u), (-o) 47, 63, 613. lêo 4o. 1êod 367. lêodan 493. Iêof 137, 173, 2o8, 9-o9, m18 235 , 76, 294, 426, 443, 444, 62o. lêofosta 1o. lèofwende 638. Index lêofwendum 557. lêogan I35, I37, 320, 493. Iêogere 602. lêoht (s3.)44, 137, 189, 326. lêoht («dj.) 49, 127, 175, 192. lêohtbœere 622. lêohtberende 64o. lêoma 329, 4oi. leomere 609.. leornian (liornian) 5, 7, 49, 98, 17o, 25"-, 276, 79. leornung (liornung) 216, 9.5, 371,373. lêo] 343. lesan 80, 239, 307, 505. lettan 59.7. le]er 80. libban 7, 42, 48, 96, fo2, I71, 292, 293 , 538. lic 31 I, 343, 569-. -lic 634. liccian 42, 9-43, 3Io. licettan 259 , 657. licgan 41, 96, Io, 161, 4o, 54, 319, 322, 1 484, 507. ician 536. licuma (lîchama) 325. lida 25, 4oi, 569.. leg 387. liehtan (la give IigM) 5, 44, 47, I38, 174, 192, 209, 2IO, 326, 530, 643. lehtan (to mae easier) 47, 127, I74, 192 • liesan 53o. liexan 531. lif 5, I6, 276, 294. lifer 42, 96, 293. lim 96, IoI 209-, 344, 562. lirnhl 640. lîmmœelum 557. . lin 343. lind 367. -ling 607. linnan 498. liode (lêode) 5, 44, I38, 175,385. lion (lêon) 29, 127, 133, 139, 74, 75, I92, • 3I, 246, 329, 492. list 96, 387. liJ 344-_ lipan 126,133, 9.9-5, 239, 491. lle 97, 164, 434. llend 225, 6Ol. li,incel 606. lilas (liss) 305, 376. foc IO6, 344, 562. lSc (15ca) 471. loca 4Ol. locc 243. 15cian 23, 9-43, 273 , 31o, 536. lof lO6, 45, 294, 562. lofian 293, 536. lofloeean 658. loflic 634. Iofl[ce 553. loppe 404. loppestre 6o3. losian 536. loswist 6 i 6. lot 344. lfican 131, 472, 496. lufestre 6o3. lufian 5, lO8, 218, 293, 536. lufsum 636. lufsumnes 609. luftAcen 618. luftieme 64o. lufu lO8, 276 , 366. lufwende 638. Iris 3, 131, 132, 411. lust 1Xl, 3 5.. lustbœere lgtan 496. lyffettan 657. yft 382. 
Index 335 lyge x I2, 320, 386. lygen 599- lyre 239, 386, 562. lystan 530. lt 556. ltel I32 , 255, 276, 43, 445, 6o7, 639. 1,TthwSn 557. ltle 556. ltling 339, 607. m 252, 556. macian IO, 57, 218» 273, 282, 299, 309, 31o, 536- mœe 556. mœecg (mecg) 55, 352. mœed 0.64, 266, 379, 38I. mœeden 54, I46, I62, 39.1, 35 o, 6oo. mœedroeden 6 IO. mœeg (v.) 3z4 • mœeg" I 19, I o_0, 16I, 336. moegden 5, 54, 58, I46, 162-, 218, 32 I, 3 5 °, 6o0. mœegdenh.d 605. moege (mAge) 404. mmgen 54, 32% 349. moegerffoest 627. mœegenlêas 633. moeg(e) 414. moegroelen 6 IO. mœeglhtd 605. mœeg](u) 372. moel I I9. mœenan 134, 530. mœeran 530, 643. mœere 119, 434, 620. mœerels 598. mœerlic 634. mœersian 536, 659. moer],(o) 613. moest 335. moest 556» 557- moest(a) 445. moestan 56, 53o. mœel 563. mœe]ere 602. moew 387. maffa 57- maga 320, 4Ol. magan 78 24o 481, 544- magorinc 6i 8. magu 57, 396. m.n 343- mangere 6o. manian 536- manig 59, 324, 42I, 429, 430. manigfld 453, 68. man(n) 5, 59, 60, 54, 59, 82, 285,562. nna 4- mannboere 622. man(n)den 61o. manscipe 6I I. ma@wœere 434. ma 252, 279, 445. martyr 66. masc (max) 57, 243. mattuc, -oc 57, 98, 340. mapelian IO. mAum (mm) 133, 219, 282» 34 ° , 563. mwan 5, I2o» 264» 82, 517 . mê (me) 95, M, x63, 25, 459, 4o2. meago1635- ment (sb.) 68,24o,3. meaht (v.) 68, 563. meta 326. meahte (v.) 68. mealt 64. mearc 66, 178, 367 • mrg 66, meh 66, 49, I7, 328, 329, 334, 357. me 66, 436. mec 213, 3II, 459, 462. mêce x x % 3  x,  54. mecg 55. mêd x5, i63, 367. medeme 434. medu (meodu) 48, 9, 396. medudrêam 618. meduma (medema) 446. meldian 536. meltan 8o, 276 , 298, 499. melu (meolu) 9, x69, 22% 276, 362. mene 386, 419. menen 599. mengan 6o, 289, 53o, 643. menigu,-o (mengu) 383, 563. men(n) 252. mennisc 60, 632. mennisclie 634. mennîscu 614. meolcan (melean) 5, 7, 49, 84, ,69, I82, 500. meol(u)c 4I I. meord 244, 367. meotod 9=. meowle 5% 77, I69, :64, 4o4. meox (mîox) 5, 49, 98, I7O, 327. mere 55,215, 386. merewif 618. metan 80, 93, 226, 505. mêtan rz9, 298, 531. mete 5, 55, 386. met(e)gian 536. metend 6ox. metod 9% 2I, 34I. mê[,e 44. micel 223, 26o, 43o, 445. micelhêMdede 624. miedmd 64I. micelu 614. micle 553. raid 559, 56% 576. raid- 576. 
midd 41, 96, 299, 432, 446. middelniht 617. midlunga 554. midspreea 576. mîdwist 576, 616. midwunian 14. midwunung 576. midwyrhta 576- mieht (miht) (sb.) 68, 69, 39 °. miehtig (mihtig) 69, 177, mieltan 65. Mierce 355- miercels 598. miere 4o4. mierran ¢79, 53 °" migan 49 o. milde 3oo, 434, 553. Index misrœed 577. mistig lO. miswendan 652. mitt 3o5. milan 239, 49I. m6d 128, 343. -m6d 641. mdcearig 64o. m6dfull 629. mycg II2, 259, 319, 352. mylen II2, 285. myne 386. mynecen(n) 599. mynet lO9. mynster Io9. myntan 53 o. myrge 434, 553. myr(i)gl go, mildheort 64I. 4o4. mildheortnes 6o9. _ m6n(an)doeg 619. noeg(e)l 54, u9, 276, mîlts (mils) 3o0, 376. m6n@ 1I, I, "223, 3o, 34 o, 563. mîltsian (milsian) 300, 3Ol, 414. noeglau 56. 536, 659. mot 335. noenge, n.nge linga 557. rein 5, 126, I64, 8¢, more 404. .45.9,__462 6 morgen lO6, Io7, 340, nœenig 471. mmsmn • 563. _ nœep 119, x62. mor] Io6, 343. nœetan 53 I. mint 82. miol(u)¢ (milc) 5, 48, mor]or Io6, 3 o«. IOI, I7 I, 184, 276, m8st, mOste (.) 24 °. 31o. mot 545-. mis- 577, 652. mthfis 017. misbêodan 65¢. molaire 7, 3Ol, 4o4. misboren 577. munan 543. miscwelan 652. round 367. misdôn 65¢. mundbora 596. misfadian 652. munt o9. misfsdung 577. munuc Io9, 285. misfaran 652. munuchd 6o5. misiêran 652. murcnian io8. misiôn 652. misgieman 652. misgrétan 652. mishîerm 65. mishworfen 577. mîsloera misl 77. mi 65. 
Index 3 3 7 ne 560. I nieht 69. nêadinga 554. nierwan 264, 266, 533. nêadlianga 554. t nierwet(t) 358, 6o4. nêah 5» 7, 47, 49, I23, nieten 216, 35o. I39, 172, I89, 22I, niewe (nwe) 5, 9 o, I74, 246, 328, 39-9, 428, . 64, 434, 620. 443, 558, 559. nift 96, 231,376. nêahmoeg 6  7. nigon 447. neaht 68, 23, 98, 4I . nigontê@a 447- nêaloecart 3z9,534,658. nigontiene 447. nêalic 39. nig@a 447. nealles 557. niht 68, 4I. nêan 558. nihtes 557. nêar 23, 3z9, 558» n!htlanges 557. 55% nman , 5, 48, nearu 66» 220, 436 o, o9, 2I 57, 553' 165' °3' r3' 215' nearwe -64, 553. I8, 9.2, 28% 286, nearwian 643. 288» 334, 488, 5o4. nêat 343- nio]an 446, 558. nêawist,-west 329, 6  6. niowe (nêowe) 9 o. nebb 9 , 356. mpan 490. nefa 8o, 23, 256, 85, -nis(s) 6o9. 40 x. » 343- nefne 560. ;er 96, 55 nemnan 60, 87» 530» ergang 617. 643. mrang 6I 5. nemne 56o. mrweard 637. nêode 557- 557. nêotan 225, 493. Ioi, 0..02. nerian Io, 55, 211,212, nSht 471. 214, 217, 218, 221, nshwoelmr 47I. 239, 0-52, :z54,_27I, nor] Io6, 3oi, 446, -73, 279, 527, 643. 558. neri(g)end 418. norpan 288,558. -ries(s) 609. nor]erne 626. nest 42, 80, 243, 343. nor](¢)weard 557» 637. netel 369. Nor]ymbre 385 . nett 55, 254 274, 285, nosu 5, 7, I06, 6I, 355, 356, 562. 3°7, 398. nêlan 62, 53 o. notu 22, 366, 56. nê]l 304. -no 595.^ niêd 136, 188, 39 o. nSwer 55 . nicdan 136, 53o. nSwiht (-wuht) niedes 557. 47I. niedinga 554. nSwr 47 r. niedling 607. [ n 13 I. ntehst(a) 123,326, 329' I numoI 635. 444 559. , nunmynster 61:8, 619. O.GR. Z nunnanmynster 6 i 9- nunne 1o 9. nym] 560. nytlic 634. nytt  2, 25,375, 432. nyttol 635. 6 133. -o 614. -od 639. of- 653. ofâscian 653. ofbêatan 653. ofclipian 653. ofcyrf 563. ofdoele 393. ofdne 557- ofearmian 653. ofen I o6» 6  » 9 z, 34o. ofer Io6, 293, 559, 578, 645- 6fer 340. ofer- 578. oferoet 578. oferête 434. oferbr 578. oferdrene 578. oferetolnes 6o9. oferfierru 383. oferhlfid. 578. oferhygd 39 x, 578. ofermoegen 578. ofermoete 578. ofermêttu, -o 305, 613- ofermicel 578- oferm6dig 578. oferslege 393» 49. oferslop 578. ofersprœee 578. ofersprrêce 434. oferswi ofcr]578 ' 530. oferweorc 578. of.¢r?veorpaa 4. of(e)stum 557. ofet 349. offêra 653. ot:fiel 653. offrian 95, 556. 
338 Index ofgm 653- ongietan xo, 654. orsorg xzI, 58o. ofgiefan 6 53. onetennes I . ortdre 580. ofmunan 653. ongmn Ix. or]anc xo, II, 580. ofsendan 653. onginnan «59 , 498. or]ances 557. ofsittan 653. onhieldan 530. orwêne ri,, 580. ofslœegennes 563. onhyrian 55. orweor] 580. ofslingan 653. oninnan 559. 5s- 61. ofsprœec 563. onlfican 654. 6sle 7, 5 o, 6I» 6I, ofsteppan 653. onsaean o. 307, 404. ofstician 653. onsœelan 654. o] 559- ofswinn 653. on scipwBan 557. ol-655. oftêon 653. 654. 595. oftyrf 53. onscunmn 538. beran 655. orîngan 653- onscynian 538.  4, 655. of[,ryscan 53. onsigan 654. ,cwelan 655. ofwundrian 653. onspannan 654. 5]er 5, 5 °, 6I, I47» 8, 5ga4o. onstigend 579. x, 93, 59, 86, 5ht xI7 47I. onstîng 579- 3og» 4z, 43, 447. 5hwoeler 47x. onsundrum 557. o]ffoestan 655. -ol 635, 639. ontendan 53o. offeallan 4. leecan 534. onnan 3, xgo, 654. @flêon 655. m xi. onufan 559. o. 6mig 63o. onuppan 559. 655. on 59, 559, 568, 579. onweg 5, 557. 655. on- 569, 579» 654. onwendan 654. 655. onoelele 579. onwindan 654. 6 55. onbsec 557. onwist 66. Ioedan 655. onbœecling 557. onwrêon 654. stillan 655. onbêodan 654. ian 65 swerian 655- onberan 654. Io6, 9ï; 43o» 639. ,]e 3o, 56o. onbindan 654. }nian 536, 643. Iwendan 655. onbring 579. or- 58o, 646. wer 558. onbryce 579. -or 639. 5wiht (-wuht) 33, 47. onbfitann557, 559. orcêapes 557. 6w]er 47. onbyrda 530. orcêas 580. oxa 5, 47 o6, lO7,  56» onen.wan 654. orcnwe 580. I58» 37, 4o, 56. ondrdan 5  » 5  3. ordd 58o. onefn 557. oreald 580. p.d 9- 6nettan 35. 5ret x4, 35. Pœe] 54, 9, 336. onfangennes  . 5retta 4or. Poei] an 5 5. onfealdan 654. 5rettan I4. palm 64. onftudan 654. orgiete 580. panne 404. onflœescnes 579- orgilde 580. p.wa (pêa z91. onforau 557. . orleahtre 580. pearroc 66» 4o. ongêgn(ongêongegn) orlege 393, 49. pening (penig)60, 32I, 559. ormœel:e 434, 580. 9I. ongêanfealdan I4. ormd 580. Peohtas 86. ongêauweaxià 637... orstwle 580. pere (peru) 96» 9, on(ge)mang559: orsce.ttinga 554- t 404 . 
I,dex 339 pic 96, 291, picen 625. pn I25, 164. pinsian 50, 82, 97, 157, 286, 29I. piosan (pisan) 4o4. p.mge 4o4. plse ¢91, 4o4. plega 4o 1. plegan 9 I. plegian (plœgian, pla- gîan) 538. plegol 43o. pleoh 87, 329, 346. plêon 87, 5o6. pliht 291,387. plSg 291, 33. pohha 326, 4Ol. pott 29I, 335. prçosth.d 605. pr.m.a 4oI. prlcmn 3Io. prfit 131, 91. prtscpe 61 pund o9, =9 pyffan , 295, 5 o. pyle   , pyndan 53o. pytt 11, 25% 29I, 298, 562. rt 133, 139, 402. racente 4o4. racu 57, 365,366. rtd 133, 367, 562. rœecan I34, 534. rœed 119, 562. rœedbora 596. raêdels ¢77, 598. roeden(n) 378. -rœedn(n) 61o. rêdestre 603. rœeding 6 . rêdsnotor 640. 3. rœefaaza Irefsan) • roefsan 295 rpling 6o7. t rihtan (ryhtan) 99, 530. rœeran I34, 239, 53o,rihte 553. 643.  rihtgefremed 640. rœesan 5 3 I. i rihthand 617- rœescan 56. t rîhfloecan 658. ramm 59.  rihfl[ce 298. ranc 426. i' rihtung 373. r.p 5, I33, 278, 29I, irihtwillende 64o. 335. rira I26, 78. rtpincel 6o6. rîma 8I, 4Ol. rêad 33, I35, 1.72, 235, rimcrœeft67. 278, 99, 426, 62o. rinan 96. rêafere 6o. rinnan 42, 498. rêafian 536, 643. ripe 434- rêaflc 6o8. rixian (rîcsian) 7, 311, rêafol 635. 536, 659. reccan 534- rSd 367. reccend 6Ol. rSdbora 596. reccendd6m 597. rSdehengen(n) 6r 9. reccere 602. rodor I, 222, 78, reced  16, 349. 34 I. rê¢els 598. rf 426. recen 430. rSt 426. recene .557. r5w 437. reg(e)n (rên) 8o, 63, rôwan 128, 264, 266, 519. 219, 278, 285, 32, rudu 366. 34o. regol (reogol)9, I99. rfih 328, 48. rêocan 137, I89, 493. rUm 131, 78, 82, 335, rêodan 493. 46, 56. reoht (rieht, ryht)86, rfin 367. 326. rfist x31. reord 367. ryge 386. rêotan 493. rygen 6s5. ryht 86. 56, 376. restan 56, =59, 98, rman I3, 53o, 643. 306, 530. rmet 604. rêtan 53 I. rn 5 3 °. rê]e 434- ryne 386, 56--.. rêwet 604. r-ne 357. ryl,a 4oi. ribb 96, 92, 356. rice (adf.) 434-_ ridan 7, 96» 126» 133, sacan 54, 57 5o8. 57, I64, 78, _475, sacc 57, 153- 476, 486, 49 o, 56. saclêas 633. ridend 6oi. 'sacu 54, 57, 3o9, 366. riecels 277. :, sda 4ox. sadol 57,276, 299, 3 °6, rignan 3:I. riht 86, 3I, 426. 34I. 
sœe 5, 34, 139» 66, 306, 388, 56. soecc 55, 375- sœecyning 6I ?. sd 425. soed 5, 9, 3, 563. soedbernde 640. soede 3 . sœedere 354 6o. soedn@ 595. soegan 53o» 643. soe1419. soeI 387. soelc 8. soel 5o, 643. soel 303» 6 3. sœene 434- soep 345. sœeter(n)doeg sœewet(t) 59, 358, 6o4. sa 366. sfil 83. salor .419. salu (seah)4, 436. sain- 8, 58. samboemed 58. samcucu 58. samen 557. samêne 58. s 58. smheo 8. samMwn $8 . samhwlc samloered sammœele 434, 58I  6 nan 536. smod 559, 6o. modsprœec 6 7. samdnes 58. ssode 58. sfinges 557. m-wîende saints 58. sdht 63L sgb 6 7. sgere 2. s 33, 343 426. Index s.rettan 65_7. sîrgin 536. s.rian 536. sârigm6d 64. sâwau 5,  zo, z64, 66, 517. swol 7, 33, 22I, 264, 368, 370. s:twolcund 623. scacan 5t, 57, 128, 508. scâdan 28» 5, I33,233» 5. scadu 5 I, 57- scafan 57, 5 °8. scalu. 57. scammn z4» 536. scanca 4oi. scand 24 3 367. scaa 4o. sc(e)acan 5I, 57, 508. scedan 5 I, ,I 3,512. sc(e)adu 51 264, 266, 3 I2, 380. scêaf  35. sceafan 57, 5o8. sceaft 7» 5I, 72, 295, 3I, 335. sceal 312. scealu 57. sc(e)amu (sceomu) 57, 366. scêap 5, 7, 5r» I24» 188» 9I, 312, 343. sceaxp 66, 7 z, 78, 9, 312, 426, 62o. scearpe 553. scêat 562. sceatt 7» 59» 298, _335: sceawmn 76» z31» 536. scêawung 6I 5. Scêfing 507. scenc 387. scencan scendan 530, 693. sceofl I x o» :96. scêoh 48. sceolan 116. sceolh 49, 84, t69, 428. sceop Iio. sceorfan 5o0. seeorpan 5oo. sc(e)ort Ixo, 312, 443. scêotan 1I% I35, 137, 312, 493. scêotend 6oi. scelmn 233, 254, 258, 3o 5o 56. scield 9, Sr, 312 395 56. scielden(n) 599. sciell 375- sciene 434 438. scieppan 47, 5I 73, 128, I81, 24o, 254, .58, 7, 312, 5Io. scmran 5I, 9I, Ia4, .I7.o, 312, 503. sclerlan 525. scierpan 53, 643. scîete 136. scildan 530. scilling 96, 312, 607. scinan I26, 133, 23I, 490. scnlc 608. scinn 3I . ' scinu 366. scip 96, loi, 29 , 312, 344. -scipe 61 t. scipere 6o2. scipincel 358, 6o6. soEr 46. seofettan 657. scofl I,.o, 367. sch (sc6h) 7, I28» x39, 32, 328, 337. scôhnœegl 617. sc61 312. scolu 366. stop I io. scort I o, 46. scotung 65. scroef 34- scrallettan 657. 
Index 4I scrêawa 4oi. screncan 531. screpan 505. scfifan 49o. scrincan 498. scringan 498. scrl, an 491. scrdd 13I, 312,413. scrdan 132, 53 o, 643. scucca 256, 4oi. scfan 13 I, x63, 166, 293, 294, 496. sculan 7, 51, 72, 1I% 168, 179, 183, 215, 276, 474, 476, 48I, 48:, 543. sculdor 3 I2. scunian lO9. scr I3I, 312. scurf IO8. scu(w)a 4Ol. scyfe 386. scyld 5, I lZ, 39 o. scyldfu11 629. scyldig (scildig) I I2, 312, 630. scyld(i)gîan 536. Scylding 607. scyrtan 53 o. scyrtra 112. scyte 386. scyttis¢ 632. sê 95. se 465. sealf 64, 367. sealfian IO, 64, 2I 8, 222, 293, 535. sealh 7, 64, I49, 172, 328, 337- sealt 7, 17, 64, 3c'6. sealu 64. sêam 335. sêamere 602. sêamestre 603. searu 66, 36z. searwum 557. sêa] 597- sêaw 363. seax 68» 343. $caxe 385. sêcan 47, 128, I29, 163, 215, 272, 273, 3o6, 3o9, 31I, 326, 534. secg 259, 274, 319, 351 , 352, 375. secg(e)an 7, 54, 55, I46, 16:2, 319, 32I, 538- secgend 6or. sera 93, 4 ° I. sêft 556. sêfte 62, I63, 283, 436, seofontêo]a 447. seofontiene 447. seofo]m 447. seohhe 404. seolfor (siolufr) 293. seoI.'ren 62 5- seolh 84, 3z8» 3z9, 337. sêon (son) (te sec) 5, 7, 47, 49, 52 , 68, 86, 87, 12o, I39, I4I, 148, I6I, 168, 17o, I73, 177, I93, 239, ."41, 246, 264, 306, 553" 36, 3z8, 3"-9, 506. seg(e)l 5, 80, :219, 276, I sêo]an 106, 137, 494. 563. sêowan (siowan) 533. seglan 532. segn 96. sêl 556. seld 77. seldan 8o. seldcJ, 640. seldlic 99. sele 386. selegiest 618. selen 599- self (seolf) 84, 463. selfwilles 557- sêlla (sêlra) 445. selLan 55, 254, 76, 534- sellend 6Ol. sellic 99. sêlra (sêlla) 28I. sêmend 48. sencan 531, 643. sendan 47, 6o, 156, 85, 288, z99, 5-8, 530. senep 8o. sengan 289, 3I, 53 °, 643. sêo (sio) Ie4, 4o5, 465. sêoc I37, I89, 3I% 4s6. ; seofon 7, 92, 169, 238, 288, 93, 447. ' seofonfea/d 628. seox 49, 86, I82. sess 240. sester 329 . setl 80, 219, 276, 277, 298, 3  9, 563. settan 55, 2  5, 54, 58, 272, 273, 298, 523, 524, 643- s]an 530. sextig 33. sibb 96, 254, 27 -, 292, 375. sfcan 4ço. sice 386. sicettan 657. sicol 48, Ioi. sicor 430, 639. side (silk) 125, 298. side (side) 6, 404. s[den 6z5. sidu 48, IO, 2o2, 396. siellan (syllan) 534. sien o-4I. sierwan 264, 266, 533- siex (six) 7, 86, 157, 327,.44.7,., siexta (six.a3 329, 444, 447. siex-, sixtêo]a 447. siex-, sîxtiene 447. siextig 447. siemîgo]m 447. 
34 = Index sire 96, 393, 419. 1 six 86. sign 49 o. sl$ (sl.h) 133, 329,405 . sige 96, 32o, 386, 419. 1 s]œecnes 6o 9. sîgefoest 627. sloepan II9, I25, I88, sigor 419. sigorêadig 640. sigle (si]e) 96. silfring 6o7. simbles 557. sim(b)lunga 554. sin 126, 464. sin- 583. sincan 96, 11 I, 249, 289, 498. sinceald 583. sindrêam 583. sinfulle 583. singale 553. singales 5 57. 232, 276, 291, 306, 513. slœeplêast 613- slœewJ 613. slaga '39, 4 °I, 421. sltpan 119. sl.pol 635. Slfi.w 265, 437- slêan 5, 54, 68» 69, 7o, I28, I39, I48, I7o, 172, 239» 246, 32% 328 , 329, 475, 476, 509. slecg 375- slege 239, 386, 562. singal(I)ice 259. slegen 442, 509. singan 7, 59'I96'3 II, slrdan 26, 299, 3o6, 49, 289, 7. 498. 49 o. singrêne 583. slide 386, 562. sixagrim 583. slrefe 136. sinhere 583. slieht 69, 387, 563. sînhiwan 583 . slim I26. sinnan 498. slincan 498. sinrîiht 583. slitan 49o sinscipe 583, 6II. slite 386. sinsorg 583. sli]e 434. sinu (sionu) 48, IOI, sliw 36o. o% 38o. slh 337. sioluc IOI. sIpan I31, 496. siolufr (siolfor) IOI. slyppe 4o4. son (sêon) 0'o s[min) smael 54, 276, 3o6, 5, 41, 39, 329, 492. 425, 62o. siowan (sêowan) 533. smêag(e)an 537. sittan 5, 41, 54, 96, smêocan 493- 119, 155, 188, 212, smeoru 92, 362. 213, 24o, 254, 298, sm.è]e 62, 434, 553. 3o6, 484, 5o7. smcere 553. si] (sb.) 97, 286, 454, smiec 3I, 387. 455. smierels 598. sil (ad,.) 446, 556, 557. smierwan 99, 264, 266, si]e (sigle) 5, 96, 164, 533- 322. smitan 126. sîlfian 536, 643. smi] 96. si]]mrx (si@]an) I5I, smî]]m 3oi, 4o4 . 3Ol, 560. smoce lO6, 243, 335. sm@e 6I, 553. smfigan 496. smylte 434- snaca 306» 4oi. snoed 225, 562. snoedmoelum 557. snoegl 54. sn.(w) 133, 241, 264, 265, 359" sn.hwt 64 o. snegl 8o. snell 8o, 426. snican 49 o. snide 25,239, 386, 562. sni]an 126, 225, 239, 476 , 491 • sniwan 24I» 9.64. snoru 238, 366. snot(t)or 2I 9, 25 5, 259, 298, 431, 639. snde 553. snyrian 5 5. snytru 383, 563. snyttrum 557. sfte 61, I47, I65, 83, 553, 556. sol 344. smi- 582. sna 5, lZX, 165, 306, 560. sopa 4oi. sorg 323, 367. sorgian 536, 643. sorglufu 617. sorgstafas 6I . sorh z62. sot 128, 306. sS 6i, 426. ss]e 553. s@es 5 57. s@word 6I 7. 4oi. spadu 3o3. spoetan 531. sp.ld 77. spanan 5o8. spannan 5 9, 85, 515. sparian 536- 77» 348. 
]ndex 343 spearwa 264, 278, 306, stagga 7, 256, 319. 4oi. stalu 225, 366, 562. spec (spic) 42. stammettan 658. specan 505. stn x33, 285, 334- spêd Iu9, 39o, 563. stnbrycg 617. spêdlce 5 53. standan 7, 59, 3 o6, 5 °8. spêdum 557- stuig 63 o. speld 420. stniht 63 I. spere 92, 29I» 392, 393» stnincel 606. 4x9, 562. stapul, -oi 48, 57, 78» spildan 530. 22I, 222, 341. spillan 530. 57. spinel 96» 369 • -ol 48, 78, 563. spinnan 96, Iii» =85, 5x6. 476» 498. stêap x35, 4s6. spiowan (spêowan) 533. stearc 426. spî(o)wian 533. stearcheort 641. spitu 396. stearclÎce 554- spiwan 23I » 264, 49 o. stede 2, 5 5, 29-5, 386. spSn 12I. stedefœest 67. spot 344. stedewist 616. spora xoS. stef(e)n 8I, 219, 93, spornan 108. 369. spornettan 657. stefnan 56. sp6wan 5 I9. .. stela 4o. sproee 29-5, 376, 562.. stelan 80» 93, xo6, 119, sproeclêas 633. 2o, 25, 26, 76, sproedan 134, 53 °. 503. sprecan 7, 48, 80, 93, stellan 534 225, 278, 288, 291, stemn 8, 293. 306, 3o, 505 • stenc 3I, 387, 56. spreeol 635. steng 317, 387, 562. sprengan 530. stêopfœeder x37. springan 317, 3 xS, 498. stêor 137. spryttan 527. spura o8. spur, an Io8, 5o2. spyrmn 55 . staca 4ox. stoef 54, 336, 6x2. stmfcrmft 617. stmfnan 56. stoegel 431. stoenen x34, 625. stœenig 63 o. stœeniht 63x. stmpe 386. stœeppan 55» 291, 5 l°" -staras 6IZ. stêoran 138. stêoresmann 619. steorfan 85, 78, 293, stiele 47, 7I, 329, 357. stielecg 64L stiell 387 . stiepel 136. stieran 13 8, 53 o. stierning 554- stig 323. stigan 9, 96, Ioi, 126, I33 , 231 , 23 , 262, 3o, 323,476, 49 o. stige 386. stigol 48, x oL stihtan 98. stillan 53o. stille 276, 434- stincan 498. stingan 317, 498. stl 46. std 5- - st61 I8, 335. storm o6, 335. stSw 265, 379. stwlic 634. streêlbora 596. strt I 19, I62, 98. strang 59, 60, 318, 426, 443, 444, 620. strange 553,_555. strangm6d 64t. strangnes 6o9. stréam x35, 25 °, 278, 3 °6 , 335. __ rao strêa(w) 5, 75, x7, 264, 265,363. streccan 31 x, 534. stregdan (strêdan), 8o, 146, 3, 5o2. 5oo. streng 7, 3 7, 387 • stêormman 61.9 strenge 434- steorra 5, 8, 6, 2o5, strengu -o 38:% 383, 78' 401" 563" "la) steorscêawere 6x8. strengt , (o) 22X, stepe (stœpe) 55. 89, 3 I8, 37 I, 372, steppan 55- 6x3. sticca 31o. streowam 77, 533- stice 386. strêowen 599- stîcels 598- t strîcan 49°" stician 48, I02, I06, stTidall 1:16, 49 o. 536. { strîde 386. 
344 Index strienan 3o. striewan 264. strfidan 496. stn2dung 615. studu 412. stulor  5, 4  9. stund 367. stundmoelum 557. stundum 557. stu]u 41. stycce 112, 3II» 357- styccemoelum 557- styrc (styric) 220. styrian 525- sU 27. sùcan 131,496. s gan 496. sugga 256, 319. sugtl I I I» 320. sulh, 7, III, II5, 166, 328, 41 I. sfilincel 358- sum 34, 471. -sum 636. sumes 557. sumor lO9, • 397. sumorlcan 658. sunbêam 6I 8. sund s49. sundor 557. sundorliepes 557. sundonnœelum 557. sunganges 5 5 7. sunnandoeg 619. sunnanniht 619. sunne I I I, 285, 404. sunu "7, III, 215, -I7, 218, 252 , :284, :285, 306, 33x» 395, 396. sfipan 131, 291, 496. sfir 5, 131. sfirêagede 624. stere 6o2. s i3, 306, 446, 558. sJan 558. sa]rne 626. ],weard 557. sw. 79, 144, 16I, 47I', 560. swœer I19. swête 129, 298 , 434, swoes 119. 438, 443, 444, 553- swoetan 53I, 643. swel, ian 59-6. SWœe 345" sw.ean 526. swR hwfi. sw. 471. sw, ca 4ol. swà hwoet swà 471. sw[can 49 o. sw. hwœe]er sw 471. swicdSm 597- swa hwelc sw. 471. swice 438. swamm 335. swifan 49o. sw.pan 133, 237, 29I, swift 426. 517. swiftnes(s) 378. swar i 19- swige 434. swa]m 54, 366. swigung 615. swealwe 4o4. swima 4Ol. swearm66, swimman 8, 59, 96, swebban 254 , 643. 249, 258, 259 , 266, swefan 505. 282, 498. sweflen 625. 25, 126. swêg 387. swmcan 289, 489. swêgan 53o. swindan 498. swegle 553. sv!ngan 249 , 498. swelc (swilc, swylc) sw!nsung 373. 3II, 47I, 560. swpe 4o4. swelgan 320, 323, 476, swiJ, 97, 147, I64, 46. 499. swile 553. swellan-80, 9.49 , 499. sw6gan 519. sweltan 7, 80, 225, 9.63, swolol, 595. 66, 499- sword 94- swencan 53I. sworettan 657. sweng 393, 419. sw6te 553. sweofot 604. swurd 5, 94, 185, o. sweolol' 595- swustor 5 2, 94, I59, Swêon 402. 9.oi. swêor 87, 173, 238 , swutol 94. 246, 329. swyle 386. swêora 4oi. swylt 25, 387. swêorban 6I 8. swyrd 94. sweorcan 500. swyster 94. sweord (swurd) 52, 85, s9can 534. 94, :t59, 343. s9fre 434. sweorfan 5oo. sl 39 o. sweostor 5, 7, 5", 9, sylian 59.6. 94, 250, 263, 3o6, syll 375. 415, 563. symblan 532. sweotol 92, 94, 430, syndrig 221. 639. synd.rige 553. sweo.tole 553. syngan 536. swenan 55, I28, 5IO. synn 112, I83, 259, 285, swertling 607. 375. 
t5. 133, 329, 4o5. t.c(e)n 133, 219, 285, 298,348. t.cnung 6I 5. tœecan 3 ! I, 534. toefl 9.93. toeg(e)l 54, 32o. tœehher 7o, 255, 3:9. toel I t 9. tœe]an 53o. toelend 6oI. toeppestre 6o 3. toesan 53 I. ttl i 19. talu 57, 276, 366. tam 298. tang 367. t.wian I2o. te- 656. têag 35, I87. têam 225. têar 70, 172, 255, 278, 98, 39. têargèotende 64o. tela (teola) 557- telga 4o. tellan 55, 64, 76, 98, 534- temman 526. temp(e)l 8, I9. tengan 53o. teolian (tiolian) IOI. têon 32,47, Io6, Ill, 135, I37, I38, I39, x 74, 225, 239, 328, 475, 476, 482, 484, 495- têond 4I 7. têonroeden 61 o. teo 92» 362. têola 447. tê@mag 615. ter-an 80, Io6, 503. ti- 656. ticcen 6oo. tîd 5, I6, 98, 39 o. .. tidlic 634. tdum 557. tien 231,232, 447. Index 345 -tig z38. tigele 56, I46, 322. tig]ian 32I. til (agi.) 425. til (2bretL) 559. tile 96, I46, 3z. tilian Ioi, 536. tima I:z6» 282, 562. tituber 98. timbraa 22I, 532. tiohhian (teohhian) 7, 98, 184, 326, 536- tiolung Ioi. tion (têon) 9, I27, 492. ti]ian 32I. Tiwesdoeg 6 t 9. t5 559, 584. t5- 584, 656. tS-oefenes 557. tôberstan 14, 656. tblfi.wan 656. tSbrecan 656. tSbrysau 656. t6ceorfan 656. t6clêofan 656. t6cayssan 656. tcumende 584. t6cyme 584. t5-dœeg(e) 557. t6doelan I4, 656. tSdSn r4. t 5drœefan 656. t-êacen 557. t-emnes 557, 559. t6feallan 656. tSfêran 656. t6fiellan 656. t6flSwan 656. tSforan 559- tSgoedere I5 58. tSgêanes (-gegnes, -gênes) 557, 559- tS-geflites 55 7- t-gîfes 557. t5h I 17, 328, 428. t6haccia.n 656. ' t6heald 584. i tShlystend 584. 't5 hwon 557. t t6hyht 584. t6-iecnes 584. t6-iernende 584. 161 98, 343- !to: 6, 4. tollere 6o.. t5lfican 656. t5-middes 55 7, 559. t6-morgen . _ 557. tSrtama. 584. tSniman 656. topp 43. tSrendan 656. torht 426. tom 335. tome 557. tôsamne 557. tSsc5fan 656. tSsittan 656. t6slffan 490. tSsnî]an 656. tS-sS,an 557. tôsprœee 584. tSstandan 656. t6stencan 53I. t6twoeman 656. t6tyhting 584. t61 5, 47, 6r, 6z, 163, x65, 232, 286, 98, 301, 408, 409. tllêas 633. t6weard (-weardes), 557, 559, 584, 637. 6weorpan 656. t6 xvissum 557. trœf 345- tg 4-6.  tredan 8% 93, I96,298, 505. trega. 40I. trêo(w) (/ree) 52,88,89, I69, I73, 64, 278, 298, 363, 562. trêow (fMth) 9 o, 73, "-6 5, 379- ' trêowen 69. 5. trêowfest 67. 
346 trèowr'den 6  o. trèow] (trew[) 6 trifot 93. trimes (trymese) trog (troh) 7, 98, 33- trum 45, 6o. trwîan 3 , trymman   =, 5=6. trym 6  3- tri  3o, 66, 449. tfidor 6o. tulge 556. tfin 3- tunge xi, II ZIT, 2x8, 589, z98, 37, 4o3, 404. tunglen 6z 5. tungol x t ,, 347, 348, 563 • tunolbre tungolcr«:ft (, t ûnincel 606. tfinscipe 6  . turf o8, z98. t fisc,, 3- tuwa 454. twft 5, x33, 447, 449- twC.gen 449, 4 twelf 5 z, 55. 447. twelfta 447- twelfwintre 43'9. twntig 44 7- tw6ntieald twnt igolut 447, two 537. twi- 585. twil»Ote 58 5. twit»ill 585. twl e feaht .15 twifêre 58 5. twif6te 58 5. twitingre 58 5- twig 96» :98, 34.1- twigilde 58 $. Index tihafode .85. tvihwèole 505. Uvirihte 585. twirède 585, twisroece 5o5. twiwa twiweg 585- . twiwintre 585- tt'Ywa 454. Ygen 44e. 'ï 3z6, 387. ataa 530. tyhten(n) 599. 5Ig 556. tyn 530. tnan 53% 643. "6 3. 560. Paccian 57, 536. anan 558. anc 59, 3o 335. ances 557. ancfl 69. ancian 7,3o»3xo,536" ancol 635. ancolm6d 64. ancsnotor 64o. awian 74, x 53, zo4. œec 345. r   9, 558. pêrinne  5. . ts ('.) HT, Ho. tte oH, 5do. (r/. .) 9, (ç«r«. r.)  , H, 460» el 426. earI 5 3. earlic z$9. aw ec   , 4o »eccan o» o% ]eg(e)n (]ên) 8o, 2x9, 32'» 34o, 563. legnian 32I. ]egnung 615- encan 5, 7, 40, 6o, II7, 65, 3, 45, z89, 3o, 3, 3I, 36, 534- enden 56o. ênin 3z. ennan 254, z58, 285, 56. Fêo 88, 89, 264. êod 137, 367. êodscipe 6I . :êof 5, 7, II37, 73, 3 °I, 335, 562. êo 38. )êoh I37, 346. Non (wv.) 530. êotan 493. êo(w) 65, 359, 36o, 437. }êowd6m 597. êowen(n) 599-  êowet (t) 3 58, 604. }êowhad 605. eowi (iowian) 89, 64. êowincel 6. êowling 607. ersoen 85, 8o, 3I, 5o._ ês 466. pîcce 96» 434» 553» 6zo. iccet(t) 604. îcgan x o, 5o7 56. ider 96, 558. idres 558. _ ie(u) 38, 37, 63. »iestre (iostre, êostre) 5, 138»  75, 454. est 383. ien 599. in 6» 46% 464. indan 498. " inen $99. ing 5, 96, 3o, 3x7, 543, 56. 
Index ' 347 rîrê],re 586. risciete 586. lriste 434. rfstloecan 658. ristnes 298. ritig 447- ritigo]a 447- ]riwa 45 4. prîwintre 434. rop 335. rosm 2I 9. lrSstle rote 4o4. r6wian 536. l, wêan 70, 39, 63, 329, 5o9 • lwêores 557. ]weorh 85, 63, 428. lweran 5o3. winan 49o. wi 4. yften 378. yle 386. yllic 47z. mel x3» 34o. n 530. ynoen 5, 4, 47, 3x» I57, 4% 289, 3ox, 3xx, 534. ynne I, 3t, 4, 285,433, 434.  rel 329. e 404. yiht 63I. rêotiene 447. ri (]rie) 231,447, 45I. 645. ri- 586. urh- 587. lridœeglic 586. »urhbeorht 587. ]ridœeled 586. 587- ]ridda 96, 54, 299, urhfêre 587. 447. mrhhglig 587. ]ri(e)feald 453, 586. 587. lrifête 586. 587. ]rifinoTe 434. »êdig ]riflêre 586. I4. ]rihêafdede 624. ' 587. }rilêafe 586. mrhwunîan 4. ms 283. I x x. nes(s) 378. ,urstig 63 o. • fisend I3I» I66, 3oi. rmgan 3oi, 498. rinihte 586. 47I. lrintau 498. 496. rio (]rêo) Io4. 4o, 59, 3ox. I75, 69. wêal 329 . ufan IO8, 446, 558. ufer(r)a xoS. ufor Io8. hta 36. fihte 43, x 3 I- file 404. un- 88. unœe]ele 588.  unâgiefen 588. ' unaudgietfull 588. untr 588. unbeald 588. unbealo 588. l unc 459, 462. uncer 459, 464. uncit 459.  unclne 588. uncrmft 588. uncyst 588. 
348 undoed 588. undêadlic 588. undêop 588. under I II 559, 589, 645. under- 589. underboee 557. underbemn 14. underburg 589. undercyning 589. underdiacon 589 . undcrlîng 589. underne@an 557, 559. unàerniman 4. undierne 588. unfœeger 588. nfri] 588. -ung 6I 5. ungêam 557. ungefyrn 557- ungemete 553. ungemetes 557. ungemetum 557. ungeome 588. ungel, anc 588. ungew.ealdes 557. ungew}ss 588. ungewtsses 557. ungield 588. unhoelo 588. unhïere 434. unlagu 588. unltr 588. tmlêof 588. unmoere 588. unnan 542. unriht 588. unrtsian 536. nsl.w 588. unsnyttrum 557. uns], 5.88. nsynmg 588, 6I. unsynnum 557. unswefn 588. unswête 588. unte]a 557. mtrêowsian 536. un]ronces 557. unweamum 557. Index unwênunga 554. unwillum 557. unwrîtere 588. p 29t, 59 o. fip- 590. pcund 590. fipcyme 59 o. fipende 59 o. fipflêring 59 o. rpgang 59 o. rphêah 59 o. fipheofon 59 o. rpieraxan 14. fiplendise 59 o. fiplyft 59 o. up(p) 558. uppan 558, 559. uppe 558- rproeran 14. rpriht 59o. pstige 59o. fipstrgend 59 o. fipweard 5 57. fipweg 59o. tire 459, 464. ris 5, 113, 147, 166, 9-81, 286, 459, 462. fiser 459, 464. fisic 218, 311, 459, 462. ùt 5, I31, 260, 558, 591. t- 591. tane 558. tcwealm 59 I. fitdrêf 59 I. fitdrifan 14. rte 446, 558. ùtfoer 59 r . fitfl5wan 14. fitgang 59r. fitgefeoht 591. ùtgemœere 59. rthere 591. fitlagu 59. fitlendisc 59I. fitlic 59. uton lO3, 266. I,- 655. fi]genge Io, 434, 655. fi]mœete 655. w. I33. wtc 426, 620. wacan 508. wacian 536. waciende 538. wacol 635. wacor 430, 639. wadan 57, 263, 508. wœecce 55, 404. wmcc(e)a 4Ol. woeccende 538. woec(c)er (waeor) 25. woecen 599- woed 345. woed 39 o. woedl 304. woedla 3o4. woeg (wall) 275" woeg (wave) II9, 320, 387,562. -- wœege 357. woegen (vœen) 54, 9. r 9, wœel 2345. wœelrêow (woelhrêow) 39-5 . wœepen 5, XI9, 263, 9 r, 348 563. wœepenbora 596. wœeps (wœefs) 3o6. wœer 425. wrerna (wrœenna) 280. wœernes 6o9. wœerscipe 61 I. wœesma 32 9. wmsp 3o6. wmstmbœere 614, 622. wmstum,-em,-m I9, 298, 39-9, 340, 563 • wœet 119, 49-6. wœetan 53t. wœeter 7, 54, x, 263, 9-98, 347, 349. " wmterdl 617. wmtersêocnes 6o 9. wg 1I 9. 
index wamb 292, 367. wan 425. wan- 592. wandrian 536. wange 407. wanhœell 592. wanhafa 592. wanhoga 592. wanhygd 59 s. wansœelig 592. wansceaft 617. wanscrdd 592. wanspêd 592. wanspêdig war(e)nian 536. warian 536. wamung 6I 5- wazu 366. vascan (waxan) 7, 57, I53,263, 32, 508. wâse 4o4. wât 119. wgwan 12o, 64, 517. wï95,I44, 252,459,462. wêa 4o2. wealcan 516. weald 303, 397. wealdan 64, «76, 476, 516. wealdend 412, 6o I. wealh 64, 172, 30.8, 329, 337. weall 64, wealt 426. wealwian 264, 536. weard 367. -weard 637. weargineel 606. wearm 66, 263, 426. weax 68. weaxan 5, 7, 47, 49,'68, 69, I68, 3o5, 327, 329, 476, 516. webb 55, 92, 356. webbestre 6o3. weccan 55, 31I, 534. wecg 7, 319, 352. wecgan 26. wêdan 530. wedd 356. weder 41, 8o, 263, 299, 349- wedlfi.c 6o8. wefan 8o, 93, 263, 293, 505. weft 563 . weg 48, 8o, 93, I45, 156, 186, 320, 323, 3"--4, 335, 56" wegan 12o, 235, 505- wel (wêl) 8o, 145, 5 56. wela 4Ol. welegian 536. wel(ge)hwœer 558. wemman 53 o. wên I22, 39 o, 562. wênaaa 47, I12, I63, 285, 530. wendan 6o, 259, 53o, 638. -wende 638. wending 615. wennan 526. wênung 373. wênunga 554- wêoh 49, 127, I92. weorc 7, 85, 94, 182, 78, 31o, 343, 56. weorcdoeg 6 i 7. weorold 52. weoroldcund 6°-3. weorpan 66, 85, 94, I06, III, 3, 19 I, 475, 484, 5O ° • weor] 85, 94, 343. weor]?an 66, 85. 94, 226, 231, 238, 39, 253, 263, 299, 3oi, 302, 474, 476, 488, 5oo, 637.. weorlian 53o. weor]flêas 633. weorud (werod) 13, 9, 349. weotmm 92. wêpan 29, 29, 59" 349 wer 4oE, 8o» 278, 35. xvêrgian 536. wer.hgd 6o 5. werlarl 27I , 525. werod 15t, 349. wesan 52, 54, 8o, 94, 194, 263, 267, 279, 3o6, 3o7, 474, 548, 616. wesole (wesl¢) 3o7. west 8o, 446, 557, 558. westan 288, 5 58. wêste 434. wêsten(n) 2, 335, 358, 6Oo. westerne 6e6. westlang 557. wêJl 3o4. wican 490. wicce 31 I, 4o4. wiccung 615. wice 4o4. w!cg 356. wmu lO 3. wid 126, 263, 426. widan 558. widcS] 64o. ide 553. widewe 19. wîdlian 3o4. widsoe 6  7- wieldan 53o. wielisc 47, 64, 632. wiell 38î. wielm 387. wielwan 64, 266. wiergen(n) 378, 599. wierman 67, 53 o. wierpan 53I. wierrest(a) 99, 445, 556. wiers 556. wiers 47, 99, ;9, 445- wierst(a) 445- wier 99, 434" wif 16, 26, 193, °-94, 343" wiâd 6o5. vsflie 634. 
350 wifman (wÏmman)  5 o, -93, 409, 6t 7. wgbœere w[gend 416» 418, 601. wîht to3» 39I. wihte 557. wilde 96, 263, 303, 433, 434, 44o. wilder, -dêor o.59. ,,villa 72, 276. wilIan 214, 474, 55'. willes 557. wilnian 536. wîlsum 636. wimman, 50, 409. wincian 536. wind 4I, 96. windan 263, -85, 498. Mue  15, 385, 386. winemoeg 6 t 8. win(e)stre 97, winnan 59, 498. winster 97, 286. winter 96 , sig, 263, 397, 563. winterlcan 658. wîodu 5. wiota ,oz. wiotan (wîetn) 540. wis I26» .24°, 426, 6o. wise 404. w[sian 536. wist 39o. -wist 6,6. wit 459, 46. wîta o2, 5, 56, 6. witan t, t 9, 3% 48, 96, 225, =32 , 240, 263, 267, 98, 476, 540. wite 274, 355, 357. witega s25, 40 witegestre 69. 3. wRel 608. wîtemsgemSt 69. wIte 6to.. '. ' witest5w 6t 8. wtgian 536. vftnian 536. witol 635. witt 356. w , 5 59, 645. w: oeftan 557, 559. w er 593, 645. w: per- 593. w ercwide 593. w:, erlêan 593. w œede 593. w persaca  o» 593. w ersœec 593.  erod 593. v W5n 4. wfor 557, 559. w] geond 559. w pinn 557, 559. ,v metan  4.  pneoan 557. ,ri sac o. iûtan 557 559. nlacu (wlœec) 439- wlc 7, u63» wleccan 534. wlencu»-o 383, 64. wlips (wlisp) 306. wlgt 4. Mite 6» 386. wlitig u63. wl6h 4 . wcor 370. w6d worpan 94- woruldcaxu 6, 7. wor] 94. wSs 6. wSbora 596. wracu 63, 3 t o, 366. wroec 376. wroecca 5 5. wroene 434. wroenna 28o. wroest 426. wroe]](u), (-o) 372, 613 wr@ 63, 426. wr@e 553. wr.]m6d 64t. wrpum 5 57. wrecan 5o 5. wrecca 55. wrecend 6or. wrêgan 530. wrenc 387. 530. ]an 526. [an 49o. :xl (wrixl) 98. :els 598. wrmKan 498. wrion wrêon I', . ( _ ) -7,492. writan I26, 63, 78, 49o. wrtere 6o2. wri),an 239 , 49I. wrixlan 327, 53. wSdnes 609. wr6htbora. 596. wh tt7, 38, 3"-9, wrShtlgc 608. 438. wrShtsta&s 6 t 2. wShgod 6  7- wrStan 5 t 9. wolcen e63, 348. wuce 4o4. wSma ,. wucu (wiocu) fo3,  59, worc 94. 84. word 7, o6» ztS, 253, wudiht 63t. 278, 299, 33t, 342, 52, to3, -99, 56. wordfu11 6: 9. 6  8. wordig 630. wuduwe to3, t59, 404. wordsnotor xt. wuht o3, 39- wornmelum 557. wuldor 3o3, 348. w°r°ld.(wgruld.) 5 z, 94- wuldrian 536. 
wulf 7, 37, Io8, I59, ! Wynn 1 I2, 37!;. 2II, I2, 213, 37,' wynnum 557. 26i, 295 » 296 , 3»5. i wynsum 636. wulfheort 64I. I wyrcan 43, io6, 1 I2, Wulfmoer 42I. wulle Io8, 24% 76, 404. wund I II 367, 426. wundian 536. wundor 3, 1II, 9, 263, 348. wundorfull 629. wundrian Io, 536. wundrum  57. wunian Io9, 536. wunung 6I 5. wurpan 94. wur] 94. wur])an 94, I85. wuton Io3 66. wylf 376. wyllen 112»  60. =20, 240, 263, 534. wyrd 25, 390, 562. wyrdstafas 612. wyrest (wyrst) 556. wyrhta  I., 4oI, 4 . wyrm I12, 282, 387, 562. wyrs 556. wyrt 112, 39o. wyrtrurna 259. w)';scan 5 I I4 286, 312, 531 • yce 404. yfel 112, I83, 215,216, 223, 293, 430, 445, 553» 639. yfelcund 623. yf(e)le 553, 5 56. yfeI(I)ïc 259. yfelsprêce 64 I. yferra 446. y¢es Io7. ym.b 55% 594. ymt- 5:94. ymbbindan 4. ymb(e) I2, 234, 594, 645. ymbfœer 594. ymbgang 594. ymbhoga 594. ymbhweoffan x4- ymbûtan 559- 5;mest 329. yppan xI2, 259, 53I- };st xi4, I67, 286, 390. 5;stig 630. 5tera 446. 5, I4, 376, 562.